Nov. 30. The Wind continuing out of the way, last night we held a Committee on board the Dutchess, and agreed to remove Mr. Carleton Vanbrugh from the Ship Duke; which Agreement is as follows:

Nov. 30. About ten this morning we both weigh’d, in order to go out on the other side of Grande, which I think is the fairest Outlet, tho they are both very large, bold and good. We went out E S E. the Wind at N E. and in two hours came to an Anchor again, it proving calm, and a Current against us.

Dec. 1. Yesterday at two in the Afternoon we weigh’d again, with a Breeze at N E. but at five a Gale came up at S S W. and blew very strong with Rain, insomuch that we were forc’d to bear away, and come to an Anchor close under the Island of Grande, in fourteen Fathom Water. It rain’d hard all night, but towards morning little Wind. About ten this morning we weigh’d Anchor, and steer’d away S W. At twelve it was calm, and we anchor’d again. Just before we anchor’d, we spy’d a small Vessel close under the Shore, near the West-end of Grande. We sent our Boat to examine her, and found it to be the same Brigantine our Boats were aboard of six days before, and from whence I had the Present. I gave the Master an Half-hour Glass, and other small things of little Value, for which he was very thankful.

Dec. 2. I wrote a long Letter to my Owners, which Captain Dover and Captain Courtney also underwrote, and gave it the Master of this Brigantine, who promis’d to forward it by the first Conveyance for Portugal; so that now I had sent by four Conveyances. At ten this morning we sail’d, Wind at W N W. row’d and tow’d till twelve, and came to an Anchor to the Southward of Grande, our Men continuing healthy.

Dec. 3. Yesterday in the afternoon we sail’d with a brisk Gale of Wind at E by N. At six a clock in the Evening, the S W Point of Grande bore W N W. distant five Leagues. The small Three-Hummock Island without Grande, which is seen as you go in both ways to it, bore N E 1/2 N. dist. 5 Ls. the Westermost Point of the Main bore W by S. dist. 9 Ls. from whence we departed for the Island of Juan Fernandez. The rest of these 24 hours a good Gale from E by N. to the E S E. This I observ’d when we came from Cape Frio to Grande, more than I have yet noted: About 13 Leagues to the Eastward of the Isle of Grande is a high round Rock, a good League without the Land, as it appear’d to us; within it is high mountainous Land, which we are inform’d is the Entrance to Rio-Janeiro: and as we came to the Westward, we open’d a sandy Bay with low sandy Land in the middle, and high Land on each side clear to the Points; it’s about 3 Leagues over, and deep. Next to this Bay, as we came to the Westward, open’d another low sandy Bay, not quite so deep, but above twice as wide. The Westermost Point is indifferent high, and full of Trees, which makes the Eastermost Point as we enter’d Grande; from whence it runs in West and Northerly about 4 Ls. There is no such Bay to the Eastward as Rio-Janeiro between that and Cape Frio. This is a certain Mark not to miss Grande, which might easily be done by a Stranger, the Latitude being near the same for 40 Leagues within Cape Frio; but Grande lies out near two Points farther Southerly, as you come to it from the Eastward, than any other Land between that and Cape Frio. We kept but an indifferent Account of the Ship’s Way from Cape Frio, being nothing but fluttering Weather; but the Portuguese Master told me it is not less than 34 Ls. We kept continual Soundings, and had always Ground from one League to ten off the Shore, from 20 to 50 Fathom Water: Very even and gradual Soundings, with soft blue clayish Sand, till we got the Length of Grande; then we had harder Ground, mix’d with small Stones and red Sand. The Shore runs hither nearest West.

The Island Grande is remarkable high Land, with a small Notch, and a Tip standing up on one side in the middle of the highest Land, easy to be seen if clear; and there’s a small Island to the Southward without it, which rises in three little Hummocks; the nearest Hummock to the Island Grande is the least. As we came in and out, we saw it, and it appears alike on both sides: there is also a remarkable round white Rock that lies on the Larboard side nearest to Grande, between it and the Main at the Entrance going in. On the Starboard side there are several Islands, and the Main is much like Islands, till you get well in. The best way, when you open the Coves that are inhabited on the Starboard side going in, is to get a Pilot to carry you to the watering Cove within Grande; otherwise send in a Boat to the fresh-water Cove, which lies round the inner Westermost Point of the Island, and near a League in: the Passage is between small Islands, but room enough and bold; it’s the second Cove under the first high Mount and round, behind the first Point you see when you are in between the two Islands. This is the Cove where we water’d. There are two other Coves very good, with some Shoal-Banks between them, but no Shoal-Ground before we come to this Cove. We sounded all the Passage in, and seldom found less than ten Fathom Water, but had not time to know or sound the rest of the Coves. The Town bears N E. about 3 Ls. dist. from this Cove. The Island of Grande is near about 9 Ls. long high Land, and so is the Main within it. All you see near the Water-side is thick covered with Wood. The Island abounds with Monkeys and other wild Beasts, has plenty of good Timber, Fire-wood, and excellent Water, with Oranges and Lemons, and Guavas growing wild in the Woods. The Necessaries we got from the Town were Rum, Sugar, and Tobacco, which they sell very dear, tho not good to smoke, ’tis so very strong. We had also Fowls and Hogs, but the latter are scarce; Beef and Mutton are cheap, but no great quantity to be had; Indian Corn, Bonanoes, Plantanes, Guavas, Lemons, Oranges, and Pine-Apples they abound with; but have no Bread except Cassado (the same sort as is eaten in our West-Indies) which they call Farana depau, i.e. Bread of Wood. They have no kind of Salleting. We had fine pleasant Weather most of the time we were here, but hot like an Oven, the Sun being right over us. The Winds we did not much observe, because they were little and veerable; but commonly between the North and the East.

We clear’d an ordinary Portuguese here, call’d Emanuel de Santo, and shipt another, whose Name was Emanuel Gonsalves.

I had Newhoff’s[99] Account of Brazile on board, and by all the Enquiry and Observation I could make, found his Description of the Country, its Product and Animals, to be just; particularly of that Monster call’d Liboya, or the Roebuck-Serpent, which I enquir’d after, thinking it incredible till the Portuguese Governour told me there are some of them 30 foot long, as big as a Barrel, and devour a Roebuck at once, from whence they had their name. I was also told that one of these Serpents was kill’d near this place a little before our Arrival. Tygers are very plenty here on the Continent, but not so ravenous as those in India.

The Product of Brazile is well known to be Red Wood, Sugars, Gold, Tobacco, Whale-Oil, Snuff, and several sorts of Drugs. The Portuguese build their best Ships here: The Country is now become very populous, and the People delight much in Arms, especially about the Gold Mines, where those of all sorts resort, but mostly Negroes and Molattoes. ’Tis Account of Brazile. but four years since they would be under no Government, but now they have submitted: some Men of Repute here told me the Mines increase very fast, and that Gold is got much easier at these Mines than in any other Country.

This is all I can affirm from my own Observation concerning this Country, which was discover’d first by the famous Americus Vespucius, Anno 1500. when he call’d it Santa Cruz; but the Portuguese afterwards nam’d it Brazile, from the red Wood of that name which grows here. It’s situate in the Torrid Zone, and extends from the Equinoctial to the Lat. of 28 South. The Extent from East to West is uncertain, therefore I can determine nothing concerning it. The Portuguese divide it into fourteen Districts or Captainships, six of which, being the Northern part, were subdu’d by the Dutch about the Year 1637. and a Peace concluded, allowing it to be call’d Dutch Brazile, which extended from North to South about 180 Leagues: And since it is not usual for the Dutch to lose their Settlements abroad, it mayn’t be amiss to give a brief Account how they were outed of this profitable Country. In 1643 the Face of the Dutch Affairs there began to alter for the worse, the Magazines of their West-India Company were exhausted by several Expeditions against Angola, &c. and receiving no Supplies from Holland as usual, the great Council at the Receife, their Capital in Brazile, was forc’d to make use of what was due to the Company, for paying the Garisons and Civil Officers, and by consequence to force their conquer’d Debtors the Portuguese to prompt Payment. This oblig’d the Debtors to borrow Mony at 3 or 4 per Cnt. per Month, which impoverished them so in a little time, that they were neither able to pay Principal nor Interest. The Portuguese immers’d themselves in Debt to the Company, because of their hopes that the Fleets coming from Portugal would quickly subdue the Dutch, and pay off all scores. Besides, there happen’d a great Mortality among the Portuguese Negroes, which they purchas’d from the Dutch at 300 Pieces of Eight per head. This compleated their Ruin; which, together with their Hatred to the Dutch on account of Religion, made them resolve on a general Revolt.

The Dutch at the same time were engag’d in a War with Spain at home, and Count Maurice,[100] who was Governour of Dutch Brazile, was recall’d just in the height of the Plot. The Dutch had several Discoveries of it, and an account of Portuguese Commissions, importing that this Revolt was undertaken for the Honour of God, the Propagation of the Roman Faith, the Service of the King, and common Liberty. They complain’d of this to the Portuguese Government in Brazile, who told them they would cultivate a good Correspondence with them, according to the Orders of the King their Master; and wrote so to the Dutch Council, yet still carry’d on the Conspiracy, till at last the Rebellion broke out. The Dutch renew’d their Complaints, but the Portuguese Government deny’d their having any hand in it, till in 1645 they openly invaded the Dutch, on pretence at first of appeasing the Revolts of the Portuguese in the Dutch Provinces, according to the Tenour of the Peace; but afterwards when they had got footing, they alledg’d the Dutch had murder’d many of the Portuguese in cool Blood; and then carry’d on the War till 1660, when the Dutch were forc’d to abandon Brazile in the following Conditions: That the Crown of Portugal should pay the States Eight hundred thousand Pounds in Mony or Goods, and that the Places taken on each side in the East-Indies should remain to the present Possessors; and that a free Trade should be allow’d the Dutch in Portugal, and at their Settlements in Africa and Brazile, without paying any more Custom than the Portuguese. But other Agreements have been since made between the two States, and the Portuguese remain in full possession of this fine Country, without allowing the Dutch to trade to it. This they fancy makes them sufficient amends for the Loss of their large Conquests in India, taken from them by the Dutch East-India Company; the Portuguese being now the least Traders thither, after enjoying the whole East-India Trade for above one hundred Years.

Newhoff, who gave the best Account of Brazile at that time, assigns the following Causes for so easy a Reconquest of it by the Portuguese: 1. The Dutch took no care to have sufficient Colonies of their own Natives, nor to keep strong Garisons in the Country. 2. They left the Portuguese in possession of all their Sugar-Mills and Plantations, which hinder’d the Dutch from getting any considerable Footing in the open Country. 3. The Plantations and Sugar-Mills that fell into their hands by Forfeiture or otherwise, they sold at such excessive Rates, and laid such Taxes on the Product, that the Dutch did not care to purchase them. 4. The States of Holland, instead of reinforcing the Garisons of Brazile, according to Prince Maurice’s Advice, reduc’d them lower, notwithstanding all the Remonstrances of the Company to the contrary; for they were so intent upon their Conquests in the East-Indies, that they seem’d willing to be rid of Brazile, which is now a vast and populous Country, and employs a great number of large Ships yearly from Portugal, who carry home an immense Treasure of Gold, besides all other Commodities of that Country.

Whilst Prince Maurice was in Brazile, the Dutch fitted Ships thence for Chili, which arriv’d there: but wanted a sufficient Force to withstand the Spaniard, while they could be recruited, or gain an Interest amongst the Natives, which they might have easily done, could they have settled, because at that time the Spaniards had not conquer’d the Indians of Chili; so the Dutch being too weak, were forc’d to return without effecting any thing. I shall conclude this Head with a brief Account of the Natives of Brazile from Newhoff, whose Authority, as I have said already, I found upon Inquiry to be very good. They are divided into several Nations, and speak different Languages. They are generally of a middling Size, well-limb’d, and their Women not ill-featur’d. They are not born black, but become so by the Heat of the Sun. They have black Eyes, black curl’d Hair, and have their Noses made flat when young. They come soon to Maturity, yet generally live to a great Age, without much Sickness; and many Europeans live here to above a hundred Years old, which is ascrib’d to the Goodness of the Climate. The Portuguese cut off such multitudes of ’em, that they perfectly hate that Nation, but were civil enough to the Dutch because they treated them kindly. Such as live next the Europeans, wear Shirts of Linen or Callico, and the chief of ’em affect our Apparel; but those within Land go for the most part naked, covering their Privities slightly with Leaves or Grass fasten’d about them with a string, and the Men exceed the Women in Modesty. Their Hutts are built of Stakes, and cover’d with Palm-tree Leaves. Their Dishes and Cups are made of Calabasses, being the Shells of a sort of Pompions. Their chief Furniture is Hammocks of Cotton made like Network, and these they fasten to sticks, and use them for Beds; and when they travel, tie them to Trees. The Wives follow their Husbands to War and elsewhere, and carry their Luggage in a Basket, with a Child hung about them in a piece of Callico, a Parrot or an Ape in one hand, and leading a Dog by a string in the other; while the idle Lubber carries nothing but his Arms, which are Bows and Arrows, Darts or Wooden Clubs. They know nothing of Arithmetick, but count their Years by laying by a Chesnut in the Season. Those who inhabit the inland Parts know scarce any thing of Religion; yet they have a sort of Priests, or rather Conjurers, who pretend to foretel what’s to come. They have a Notion of a Supreme Being more excellent than the rest; some reckon this to be Thunder, and others Ursa Minor, or some Constellation. They fancy that after Death their Souls are transplanted into Devils, or enjoy all sorts of Pleasures in lovely Fields beyond the Mountains, if they have kill’d and eat many of their Enemies; but those that never did any thing of moment, they say are to be tormented by Devils. These People are much afraid of Apparitions and Spirits, and make Offerings to pacify ’em. Some of ’em are mightily addicted to Sorcery, to revenge themselves upon their Enemies; and they have others who pretend to cure those that are so bewitch’d. The Castilians converted some of ’em, but the Dutch Ministers were more successful, till they were hinder’d by the Revolt of the Portuguese. The Brazilian Women are very fruitful, have easy Labour, retire to the Woods where they bring forth alone, and return after washing themselves and their Child; the Husbands lying a bed the first 24 hours, and being treated as if they had endur’d the Pains.[101]

The Tapoyars, who inhabit the inland Country on the West, are the most barbarous of the Natives, taller and stronger than the rest, and indeed than most Europeans. They wear little Sticks thro their Cheeks and Under-Lips, are Maneaters, and use poison’d Darts and Arrows. They change their Habitations according to the Season, and live chiefly by Hunting and Fishing. Their Kings and Great Men are distinguish’d by the manner of shaving their Crowns, and their long Nails. Their Priests are Sorcerers, make them believe that the Devils appear to ’em in form of Insects, and perform their diabolical Worship in the night, when the Women make a dismal howling, which is their chief Devotion. They allow Polygamy, yet punish Adultery by Death; and when young Women are marriageable, but courted by no body, their Mothers carry ’em to their Princes, who deflower ’em; and this they reckon a great Honour. Some of these People were much civiliz’d by the Dutch, and very serviceable Account of the River Amazons. to them, but still kept under Subjection to their own Kings. For the extraordinary Animals, Plants, &c. of Brazile, I refer to Newhoff; being sensible that the Descriptions of such things are not my Province, but I thought it convenient to give this Hint for the Diversion of such Readers as may relish it better than a Mariner’s bare Journal.

The River of the Amazons being the Northern Boundary of Brazile, I shall describe it here.

According to most Geographers it rises in the Mountains of Peru, and is compos’d at first of two Rivers, one of which begins about Lat. 9. S. and the other about 15. The Sansons call the latter Xauxa or Maranhon, which communicates its Name to the other. ’Twas call’d Amazons, not because of any Nation of Virago’s, who as some fancy are govern’d by a Queen, and have no Commerce with our Sex; but at certain times, when they make an Appointment with the Males of neighbouring Nations, and if they prove with Child, keep the Daughters and send away the Sons, as the Greeks fabled of their Amazons. But the true Reason of the Name is, that the Spaniards, who first discover’d it, were told of such a terrible barbarous Nation of Women by some of the Natives, on purpose to frighten them, and that they did actually on several places of this River find their Women as fierce and warlike as the Men; it being their Custom to follow their Husbands, &c. to War, on purpose to animate them, and to share in their Fate, as we find was antiently practis’d by the Women of Gaul, Germany, and Britain.

But to return to the Course of the River. The Sansons[102] give us a Map of it from the Discoveries of Texeira, who sail’d up and down the same in 1637, 1638, and 1639. The River, he says, begins at the foot of a Chain of Mountains nam’d Cordelera, about 8 or 10 Ls. East of Quito in Peru. It runs first from West to East, turns afterwards South; and then after many Windings and Turnings holds its main Course East, till it falls into the Atlantick Sea. Its Fountains and Mouth are very near under the Equator, and the main of its Stream is in the 4th and 5th deg. of S. Lat. The Rivers which fall into it on the North side, rise about one or two deg. N. Lat. and those on the South side, some of them begin in 10, some in 15, and others in the 21 ft of S. Lat. Its Channel from Junta de los Reyos about 60 deg. from its Head, till it is join’d by the River Maranhon, is from one to two Leagues in breadth. From thence, say the Sansons, ’tis from 3 to 4, but grows larger as it advances towards the Atlantick, into which it falls by a Mouth from 50 to 60 Leagues broad, betwixt Cape Nort on the Coast of Guaiana, and Cape Zaparara on the Coast of Brazile. Its Depth from Junta de los Reyos to Maranhon is from 5 to 10 fathom, from thence to Rio Negro from 12 to 20, and from thence to the Sea from 30 to 50, and sometimes a great deal more. ’Tis always of a good depth near the Shore, and has no Sand-Banks till it come towards the Sea. Its running in a continu’d Descent from West to East, makes the sailing down it very easy; and the East Winds, which last most part of the day, are very commodious for those who sail up this River. From the Fountain to its Mouth ’tis 8 or 900 Leagues in a direct Line, but the Windings and Turnings make it about 1200. Some compute it at 1800, and others 1276; but then they derive its Source from the Lake Lauricocha near Guanuco in Peru about Lat. 10. Authors differ whether this River or La Plata be the greatest, which I shall not take upon me to determine. The Rivers which run into it on the right and left, have their Courses from 100 to 600 Leagues in length, and their Banks are well inhabited by multitudes of People of different Nations, not so barbarous as those of Brazile, nor so polite as the Natives of Peru. They live chiefly upon Fish, Fruit, Corn and Roots; are all Idolaters, but pay no great Respect to their Idols, nor perform any publick Worship to them, except when they go upon Expeditions.

Texeira[103] and his Fellow-Discoverers say, that most of those Countries enjoy a temperate Air, tho in the middle of the Torrid Zone. This is probably owing to the multitude of Rivers with which they are water’d, the East Winds which continue most of the day, the equal Length of the Days and Nights, the great numbers of Forests, and the annual Inundations of the Rivers, which fructify this Country, as that of the Nile does Egypt. Their Trees, Fields, and Flowers are verdant all the Year, and the Goodness of the Air prevents their being infested so much with Serpents and other dangerous Insects as Brazile and Peru. In the Forests they have Store of excellent Honey, accounted very medicinal. They have Balm good against all Wounds. Their Fruit, Corn, and Roots, are not only in greater plenty, but much Account of the River Amazons. better than any where else in America. They have vast number of Fish of all sorts in the Rivers and Lakes; and among others, Sea-Cows, which feed on the Banks, and Tortoises of a large Size and delicate Taste. Their Woods abound with Venison, and afford Materials for building the largest Ships. They have many Trees of five or six fathom round in the Trunk, and inexhaustible Stores of Ebony and Brazile Wood, Cocoa, Tobacco, Sugar-Canes, Cotton, a Scarlet Dye call’d Rocon, besides Gold and Silver in their Mines and the Sand of their Rivers.

The Nations who inhabit about this and the other Rivers that run into it, are reckon’d by Sanson and others 150, and their Villages so thick in many places, that most of ’em are within Call of one another. Among those People, the Homagues who live towards the Head of this great River, are mostly noted for their Manufactures of Cotton; the Corosipares for their Earthen Ware; the Surines who live betwixt Lat. 5 and 10. and Long. 314 and 316, for their Joyners Work; the Topinambes who live in a great Island of this River, about Lat. 4. and Longit. 320. for their Strength. Their Arms in general are Darts and Javelins, Bows and Arrows, with Targets of Cane or Fish-Skins. They make war upon one another to purchase Slaves for their Drudgery, but otherwise they treat them kindly enough.

Among the Rivers that fall into it on the North side, the Napo, Agaric, Putomaye, Jenupape, Coropatube, and others, have Gold in their Sands. Below Coropatube there are Mines of several sorts in the Mountains. In those of Yagnare there are Mines of Gold; in Picora there are Mines of Silver; on the River Paragoche there are precious Stones of several sorts; and Mines of Sulphur, &c. near other Rivers. Those of Putomaye and Caketa are large Rivers: the latter is divided into two Branches; one falls into the Amazons River, by the name of Rio Negro, which is the largest on the North side; and the other, call’d Rio Grande, falls into the Oronoko. The chief Rivers that fall into it on the South side, are Maranhon, Amarumaye, Tapy, Catua, Cusignate, Madere or Cayane, and many other large ones.

The Sansons add, that on this River, about 200 Leagues from the Sea, there is a Bosphorus or Strait of one mile broad; that the Tide comes up hither, so that it may serve as a Key to all the Trade of those Countries: But the Portuguese being already possess’d of Para on the side of Brazile, Corupa and Estero on the side of Guaiana, and Cogemina an Island at the mouth of it; they may, by fortifying the Island of the Sun, or some other place in its chief Outlet, be Masters of all the Trade.

William Davis[104] a Londoner, who liv’d in this Country some time, gives us this further Account of it, and of the Inhabitants about this River. They have Store of excellent Wild-Fowl in their Woods, and among others, Parrots as many as we have Pidgeons in England, and as good Meat. Their Rivers and Lakes abound with Fish, but such as catch them must be upon their guard against Crocodiles, Alligators, and Water-Serpents. The Country is subject to frequent and violent Storms of Rain, Thunder, and Lightning, which commonly hold 16 or 18 hours; and the Inhabitants are terribly pester’d with Muskettoes. There are abundance of petty Kings, who live upon their particular Rivers, on which they decide their Quarrels with Canoes, and the Conqueror eats up the Conquer’d; so that one King’s Belly proves another’s Sepulcher. The Regalia by which they are distinguish’d, is a Crown of Parrots Feathers, a Chain of Lion’s Teeth or Claws about their Necks or Middles, and a Wooden Sword in their hands. Both Sexes go quite naked, and wear their Hair long; but the Men pluck theirs off on the Crown. He says ’tis a question whether the Womens Hair or Breasts be longest. The Men thrust pieces of Cane thro the Foreskin of their Pudenda, their Ears and Under-Lips, and hang Glass-Beads at the Gristle of their Noses, which bob to and fro when they speak. They are thievish, and such good Archers, that they kill Fish in the water with their Arrows. They eat what they catch without Bread or Salt. They know not the Use of Mony, but barter one thing for another, and will give twenty Shillings worth of Provisions, &c. for a Glass-Bead or a Jews-Harp.

I come next to the Discovery of this River. When Gonsales Pizarro, Brother to Francis that conquer’d Peru, was Governour of the North Provinces of that Country, he came to a great River where he saw the Natives bring Gold in their Canoes to exchange with the Spaniards. This put him upon a compleat Discovery of that River from its Fountains to its Mouth. In order to this, he sent out Capt. Francisco de Orellana[105] in 1540. with a Pinnace and Men: Some say Account of the River Amazons. he went also himself, and sail’d down the River Xauxa or Maranhon 43 days, but wanting Provisions, commanded Orellana to go in quest of some down the River, and to return as soon as he could; but Orellana being carry’d down 200 Leagues thro a desert Country, the Stream was so rapid, that he found it impracticable to return, and therefore sail’d on till he came to that which is properly call’d the River of the Amazons. He had spent all his Provisions, and eat the very Leather on board; so that seven of his Men died of Want. In January that Year, after sailing 200 Leagues further, he came to a Town on the Bank of the River, where the People were afraid of him, but at last furnish’d him with Provisions; and here he built a large Brigantine. He set out again the 2d of Febr. and 30 Leagues further was almost cast away by the violent Stream of a River which run into that of the Amazons on the right side. He sail’d above 200 Leagues further, and was invited ashore in the Province of Aparia, where he discours’d several of their Caciques, who forewarn’d him of his Danger by the Amazons. He staid here 35 days, built a new Brigantine, and repair’d the other. He sail’d again in April thro a desert Country, where he liv’d upon Herbs and toasted Indian Wheat. On the 12th of May he arriv’d at the populous Country of Machiparo, where he was attack’d by many Canoes full of Natives arm’d with long Shields, Bows and Arrows; but fought his way thro them till he came to a Town where he took Provisions by Force, after two hours fight with some thousands of the Natives whom he put to flight, and had 18 of his Men wounded, but all recover’d. He put off again, and was pursu’d two days by 8000 Indians in 130 Canoes, till he was past the Frontiers of that Country. Then he landed at another Town 340 Leagues from Aparia, which being abandon’d by the Natives, he rested there three days, and took in Provisions. Two Leagues from hence he came to the mouth of a great River with three Islands, for which he call’d it Trinity River. The adjacent Country seem’d very fruitful, but so many Canoes came out to attack him, that he was forc’d to keep the middle of the Stream. Next day he came to a little Town, where he took Provisions again by force, and found abundance of curious earthen Ware finely painted, and several Idols of monstrous shapes and sizes. He also saw some Gold and Silver, and was told by the Inhabitants that there was abundance of both in the Country. He sail’d on 100 Leagues further, till he came to the Land of Pagnana, where the People were civil, and readily furnish’d him with what he wanted.

On Whitsunday he pass’d by a great Town divided into many Quarters, with a Canal from each to the River. Here he was attack’d by Canoes, but soon repuls’d them with his Fire-Arms. He afterwards landed, and took Provisions at several Towns. He met with the Mouth of a River, the Water as black as Ink, and the Stream so rapid, that for 20 Leagues it did not mix with that of the Amazons. He saw several small Towns in his Passage, enter’d one by force, which had a Wall of Timber, and took abundance of Fish there. He pursu’d his Voyage by many great Towns and well-inhabited Provinces, by which time the River was grown so wide, that they could not see the one side from the other. Here he took an Indian, by whose Information he suppos’d this to be the proper Country of the Amazons. He sail’d on by many other Towns, and landed at one, where he found none but Women. He took abundance of Fish there, and resolv’d to have staid for some time; but the Men coming home in the Evening, they attack’d him, so that he ship’d off, and continu’d his Voyage. He saw several great Towns with pav’d Roads between Rows of Fruit-Trees into the Country, and landed for Provisions. The Inhabitants oppos’d him; but their Leader being kill’d, they fled and left him at liberty to carry off Provisions. From hence he sail’d to an Island for Rest, and was inform’d by a Female he had taken Prisoner, that there were Men like themselves in that Country, and some white Women, whom he conceiv’d to be Spaniards: she told him they were entertain’d by a Cacique. After several days sail, he came to another great Town, near which the Indian told him those Whites did live. He kept on his Course, and after four days came to another Town, where the Natives were civil, furnish’d him with Provisions; and here he saw abundance of Cotton Cloth, and a Place of Worship hung with Weapons and two Mitres resembling those of a Bishop. He went to a Wood on the other side in order to rest, but was soon dislodg’d by the Natives. He saw several large Towns on both sides the River, but did not touch at them. Some days after they came to a Town where he got Provisions. After doubling a Point, he saw other large Towns, where the People stood ready on the Banks to oppose him. He offer’d ’em Toys in order to please them, but in vain. He continu’d his Voyage, and on the Banks saw several Bodies of People.

He stood into them, and landing his Men, the Natives fought with great Resolution, ten or twelve being white Women of an extraordinary Size, with long Hair and all naked but their Pudenda, who seem’d to be their Commanders. They were arm’d with Bows and Arrows; and seven of ’em being kill’d, the rest fled. Orellana had several Men wounded; and finding that multitudes of the Natives were marching against him, he sail’d off, reckoning that he had now made 1400 Leagues during his Voyage, but still did not know how far he was from the Sea. He afterwards came to another Town, where he met with the like Opposition: several of his Men were wounded, and his Chaplain lost an Eye. Here he observ’d several Woods of Oak and Cork-Trees: He call’d this Province by the name of St. John’s, because he came to it on that Saint’s Day. He sail’d on till he met with some Islands, where he was attack’d by 200 Canoes with 30 or 40 Men in each, abundance of Drums, Trumpets, and Pipes, &c. but he kept them off with his Fire-Arms. These Islands appear’d to be high, fruitful, and pleasant, and the largest of ’em about 50 Leagues long; but he could take in no Provisions, because the Canoes continually pursu’d him.

When he came to the next Province, he perceiv’d many large Towns on the Larboard side of the River: Multitudes of Natives came in their Canoes to gaze on him, and his Indian Prisoner inform’d him that these Countries abounded with Gold and Silver. Orellana was here oblig’d to barricade his Boats to cover his Men, because one of ’em was kill’d by a poison’d Arrow. As he sail’d on, he came to inhabited Islands, and perfectly discern’d the Tide. Here he was attack’d by multitudes of Canoes, and lost some more Men by poison’d Arrows. There were many Towns on the Starboard side of the River, and he found other inhabited Islands, where he got Provisions, but was attack’d and beat off when he landed on the Continent, till he came near the mouth of the River, where the People readily furnish’d him. He sail’d 200 Leagues among the Islands, where he found the Tide strong, and at last in August that Year found a Passage to the Sea of about 50 Ls. wide, where the Tide rises five or six fathom, and the fresh Water runs 20 Leagues into the Sea; Esquire Harcourt,[106] in his Voyage to Guiana, says 30 Ls. and that the fresh Water there is very good. He was mightily distress’d for want of Rigging and Provisions till he came to the Island of Cubagua, from whence he went to Spain to give the King an Account of his Discovery. The Manuscripts taken by Capt. Withrington[107] say that Orellana was about a Year and half upon this River.

When he reported his Discoveries, the King of Spain sent him back with a Fleet and 600 Men to take possession of this River in 1544, some say 1549, but the Project came to nothing: for the Captain himself, after he had sail’d up 100 Ls. died with 57 of his Men by the Unhealthiness of the Air; and some of them sail’d 60 Ls. higher, where they were friendly entertain’d by the Natives, but being too few to pursue the Discovery, they return’d to the Island Margarita, where they found Orellana’s Lady, says Heerera, who told them that her Husband died of Grief for the Loss of so many of his Men by Sickness and the Attacks of the Indians. And thus they return’d re infecta: so that Orellana receiv’d no other Advantage for his Danger and Expence, but the Honour of the first Discovery, and having the River call’d by his name in some Authors. Ovalle says that he lost half his Men at the Canaries and Cape Verd, and his Fleet was reduc’d to two large Boats before he came back to the River; so that he was too weak to attempt a further Discovery.

The Manuscripts taken by Capt. Withrington say the second Person who attempted it was Leus de Melo a Portuguese, by order of his Sovereign King John III. to whom the Country from the mouth of this River to that of La Plata belong’d, according to the Partition agreed on betwixt the Portuguese and the Spaniards. He had ten Ships and 800 Men, but lost eight of his Ships at the mouth of the River; so that he went to the Island Margarita, from whence his Men were dispers’d all over the Indies. Two or three Captains from the Kingdom of New Granada attempted it afterwards by Land, but without Success.

In 1560. those of Peru try’d it another way. The Viceroy sent Pesdro de Orsua, a Native of Navarre, with 700 Men to the Head of this River, where he built Pinnaces and Canoes; and having furnish’d himself with Provisions, and taken 2000 Indians with many Horses on board, he imbark’d on the

River Xauxa or Maranhon. He sail’d till he came to a plain Country, where he began to build a Town: but his Men not being us’d to such Labour, and fatigu’d by the hot and rainy Seasons, they murmur’d, tho they had Provisions enough, and a great prospect of finding Store of Gold. The Mutineers were headed by Lopez de Agira a Biscayner, who had been an old Mutineer in Peru; and being join’d by Ferdinand de Guzman a Spanish Soldier, and one Saldueno who was enamour’d on Orsua’s beautiful Lady, they murder’d him when asleep, with all his Friends and chief Officers. Then they proclaim’d Guzman their King, but 20 days after he was also murder’d by Lopez, who assum’d the Title to himself. Being a Fellow of mean Birth, he murder’d all the Gentlemen in company, lest any of them should rival him; and having form’d a Guard of Ruffians about him, he became so jealous of his new Dignity, and was so conscious of what he deserv’d, that when any of the Men talk’d together, he concluded they were plotting against him, and sent his Ruffians to murder them. Abundance of the rest and the Women falling sick, he barbarously left them to the mercy of the Natives, and sail’d to the Island Margarita with 230 Men. He was “well entertain’d by the Governour, who took him to be one of the King’s Officers; but this ungrateful Villain did speedily murder him and his Friends, ravag’d the Island, forc’d some Soldiers to go along with him, and pretended to conquer the Indies; but was defeated, taken and hang’d by the Governour of New Granada. The Wretch murder’d his own Daughter that she might not be insulted by his Enemies, and then attempted to murder himself, but was prevented. Thus concluded that fatal Expedition.

The Sansons say the next Attempt was by those of Cusco in 1566. but it came to nothing; for their Leaders fell out and fought with one another, which made the rest a Prey to the Natives: or that only Maldonado one of their Captains and two Priests escap’d to carry home the News.

Two of the Generals of Para and Governours of Maranhon were the next that renew’d the Attempt by the King’s Command, but met with so many cross Accidents that they could not effect it.

In 1606. two Jesuits set out from Quito, thinking to reduce the Country on this River by their Preaching: but one of them was kill’d by the Natives, and the other narrowly escap’d, says Ovalle.

The next Discovery was by Capt. John de Palacios. Authors differ as to the time; but most agree ’twas in 1635. He set out from Quito with a few arm’d Men and Franciscan Fryars, sail’d down the River till he came to Annete, where he was kill’d in 1636. and most of his Companions return’d, except two Monks and five or six Soldiers, who sail’d down in a little Vessel as far as Para the Capital of Brazile; where they acquainted Texeira the Portuguese Governour with their Discovery: who upon their Information sent 47 Canoes with 70 Spaniards and 1200 Indians to sail up the River under Texeira the Sailor. He set out in October 1637. and met with several Difficulties, which occasion’d many of the Indians to forsake him; but he went on, and sent a Captain with eight Canoes to make Discoveries before him. This Captain arriv’d June 24. 1638. at a Spanish Town built at the Conflux of the Rivers Huerari and Amazons, and dispatch’d a Canoe to acquaint Texeira with it. This encourag’d him to proceed till he came to the Mouth of the River Chevelus, where it falls into the Amazons, and there he left part of his Men under a Captain, and the rest at Junta de los Rios under another; while himself with a few went forward to Quito. The other Captain arriv’d there some time before, and both were well receiv’d by the Spaniards, to whom they reported their Discovery in September 1638. The Men he left behind were well entertain’d by the Natives at first, but quarrelling with them afterwards, suffer’d much for want of Provisions, and had little but what they took by force.

Upon the News of this Discovery, the Count de Chinchon Viceroy of Peru sent Orders from Lima to furnish Texeira with all Necessaries for his Return down the River, and appointed Father d’Acugna, Rector of the College of Cuenca, and another Jesuit, to attend him and carry the News to Spain. They set out in February 1639. and arriv’d at Para in December following; from whence d’Acugna went to Spain, and publish’d his Account of this River in 1640.