Inception Must be Sought Far Back in History—Old Time Animosity Between the two Nations Chiefly Responsible—Formal Recognition of Corean Independence by Japan—The Riots of 1882 and Their Result—Return of the Corean Embassy from a Trip Around the World—Advance of American Ideas and Influence—Plots of the Progressionists—The Coup d'Etat and Its Fatal Results—Flight of the Conspirators to Japan and America—Decoying of Kim-ok-Kiun to Shanghai—Assassination of Kim—Rebellion in Northern Corea—Aid Asked From China—China Sends Troops—Violation of Treaty with Japan—Army from Japan Arrives—Japanese in the Capital—Scheme of Reform Proposed by Japan and Rejected by China—A Diplomatic Campaign.

In its broadest sense no war between nations can be ascribed to a single cause, defined by exact limits of time and place. A cause of war always suggests the question as to what has made it such; and so we find that for an intelligent understanding of the present war we have to go back, beyond the Corean rebellions of the early spring of 1894, and take in the whole range of the relations of China and Japan to Corea and to each other. An understanding of the history of the three nations is necessary to a proper understanding of the war.

The first formal recognition of Corean independence is found in the earliest treaty between Japan and Corea, that of 1876, by which the Coreans agreed to pay indemnity for an unwarranted attack which had been made upon a Japanese vessel, and to open several ports to Japanese traders. It was through this treaty that Corea was first introduced to the comity of nations. One of the professed objects of Japan during the war, has, therefore, been to establish the independence of Corea, which she has recognized in her treaties, against the Chinese claim of suzerainty. Sooner or later a war between Japan and China was inevitable. The hereditary animosities between the two nations have been aggravated by the marked differences which have arisen of late years between their civilizations; by the impatience under which Japan has struggled against an anomalous position among the powers, forced upon her by foreign treaties, while she has beheld her mediæval rival holding precedence and predominance; and by the jealousy and fanatic contempt with which the subjects of the “Son of Heaven” have watched the growing political aspirations of Japan, her conciliatory attitude towards foreigners, and her apostate abandonment of the manners and customs of oriental life.

For years, moreover, an excuse for a collision has been developing in the relations of the two states to Corea. In spite of the liberal sympathies of the Corean king himself, the ascendant force in the government has long been the Ming faction, to which family the queen belongs, which is pro-Chinese in its sympathies, foe to everything savoring of western liberal progress. Under the sway of this faction, which has monopolized the highest magistracies, government in Corea has been nothing more nor less than systematic plunder of the masses, for the benefit of a few privileged nobles. The admitted misgovernment of the country, which has always jeopardized the lives and property of aliens; the suzerain claims of China; the vast commercial interests of Japan in the peninsula and her large colonies; and finally the complicated treaty arrangements which have grown up between Tokio and Peking with regard to the “Hermit Kingdom”—these have long constituted a source of friction, in the knowledge of which the present conflict between the mandarins and the daimios is more readily understood. It is significant that while China has never formally given up her claim to lordship over Corea, she has refused to stand by her vassal on certain occasions, and has encouraged the latter to conduct negotiations on her own account. This was indeed the action of China in 1876, when the treaty with Japan was made, and the latter seized the opportunity to recognize the king of Corea as an independent sovereign prince. The immediate cause of the war is centered around the disputed question of the right of both parties to keep troops on Corean soil, a right which both have exercised more than once. It is the origin of this right and the complications that have arisen from it, that we must now trace with reference to the outbreak of the war.

Corea for ages has been the pupil of China, whence nearly everything that makes up civilization has been borrowed. Of patriotism in its highest sense, of pure love of country, of willingness to make sacrifices for native land, there have been little in the kingdom. Such things are new thoughts nourished by a few far-seeing patriots. But leavening the multitude of Confucian fanatics and time-servers of the men in power at Peking, there are also men who have drunk at other fountains of thought, entered new worlds of knowledge, and seen the light of modern science, of Christianity, and of western civilization in other lands. The numbers of enlightened men are increasing who believe in national progress, though to their demands there has ever been the defiance of vigilant conservation. Even within the two broadly defined parties, there are factional and family differences. Against the craft of the Ming clan the other noble families, Ni, So, Kim, Hong, and others, have been able to make headway only by adroit combination.

In 1875 the two noblemen Kim-ok-Kiun and So Kwang Pom secretly left Corea and went to Japan, being the first men of rank in recent times to travel in lands beyond China. On their return they sought the king and boldly told him what they had seen. Other noblemen followed their example, but the brother-in-law of the king, Pak Hong Hio, was the first who at risk of reputation and life openly advocated the adoption of western civilization. In 1882 Kim and So in earnest consideration of the opening of their country to modern ideas, endeavored to persuade Min Yong Ik to join them and also win over his powerful Ming relatives to a liberal policy. When this came to the ears of the Tai-wen Kun the young men were forthwith charged with intent to introduce Christianity, and the two liberals narrowly escaped being put to death by the old regent who had already shed the blood of thousands.

The men of the Ming faction held aloof from treaty negotiations with the United States until China gave the nod. When at last Li Hung Chang advised Corea to treat with Admiral Shufeldt, the Ming nobles obeyed and exhibited so much energy in the matter as to seem to foreigners to be the leaders of the party of progress. The old regent at once felt it his duty to overthrow both the Mings and the treaty. His opportunity came in July, 1882, the year of the treaties. When on account of the short rice crop the soldiers’ rations were cut down by the father of Min Yong Ik, the artful politician directed their revolt against this pro-Chinese family, and after destroying, as he imagined, the queen and the leading men of the Ming clan, he seized the government itself and for a few days enjoyed full power. When the news of the usurpation reached China and Japan there were in Tien-tsin three Corean nobles, Cho Yong Ha, Kim Yun Sik, and O-Yun Chung; and in Tokio Kim-ok-Kiun and So Kwang Pom. The former, notified by telegram from the Chinese consul at Nagasaki of the movements of the Japanese, obtained a Chinese military and naval force, and the ships of these two foreign nations met at Chemulpo. Before either the Chinese or Japanese troops were disembarked, the two groups of Corean noblemen had a conference, and after a long and warm discussion it was agreed to submit the question whether the Chinese should land and proceed to Seoul, to the king himself. Accordingly Kim-ok-Kiun in disguise penetrated to the capital, but only to find the royal person in possession of his old and chief enemy Tai-wen Kun, his friends driven away, and approach to the palace impossible. On learning the failure of Kim’s mission the Chinese force at once landed, marched to Seoul, abducted the regent, built forts to command the river against the Japanese, and established their camp inside the walls. This act of China gave her a new lien on Corea. The father of Min Yong Ik, Min Thai Ho, who had been supposed to have been mortally wounded, recovered and resumed office. Min YongYong Ik, who after fleeing to the mountains, shaved his head and in the disguise of a priest had fled to Japan, returned smiling after temporary defeat. The queen, for whom a palace maid had suffered vicarious death, re-entered the capital and palace, and the star of the Mings was again in the ascendant.

Two years later, in June, 1884, Min Yong Ik and So Kwang Pom, the first Coreans to go around the world, reached home followed by Kim-ok-Kiun and the Tokio students from Japan. After an enthusiastic reception of the returned envoys and the American officers of the Trenton in Seoul, the public opinion in favor of progress was greatly stimulated. Min Yong Ik was made vice-president of the Foreign Office and the others of the embassy were elevated in rank. The Chinese military instructors were dismissed by the king. A model farm sown with American seeds, and for which California live stock was ordered, Edison electric lights, American rifles and Gatling guns, Japanese artisans to establish potteries and other industries, gave indications of the new path of national progress upon which Corea had entered.

Min Yong Ik while abroad has passed for an enlightened man, susceptible to modern ideas and in favor of opening Corea to commerce. Yet falling under the influence of his clan he had been home but a few weeks when he came to open rupture with Hong Yong Sik. Resigning from the foreign office he assumed command of the palace guard battalion and restored Chinese drill masters, the military students from Japan being left to gain their support as subordinates in the proposed postal department. By autumn the late envoy to the United States had surrounded himself with Chinese and pro-Chinese conservatives, the progressive men had been hampered in their action, and the revenues for the promised enterprises and industries had been diverted to warlike preparations, that looked as if Corea, as a vassal, was to help China against France in the Tonquin complication.

The situation in Seoul became alarming. A state of hostility existed between the leaders of the two political parties, one of which had at their call a rabble of rapacious militia, eager to try their new tools upon their hereditary enemies, the Japanese, while the other knew full well the sterling quality of the little body of Japanese infantry. Fifteen hundred Chinese soldiers were still in the camp under General Yuen. In such a situation, the government being in the hands of their rivals and committed to the pro-Chinese policy, the liberals felt that their heads were likely to remain on their shoulders only so long as it pleased their enemies to bring no charge against them. In nations without representative institutions, revolutions and outbreaks must be expected when a change of policy is decided upon.

Let us see how the Corean liberals attempted, when beset and thwarted, to save their own lives and reverse the policy of the government. On October 25, one of the liberal leaders intimated to an American that “for the sake of Corea” about ten of the prominent conservatives “would have to be killed.” The idea was to remove their rivals by removing the heads of the same, seize the government, inaugurate new schemes of progress, open new ports, and otherwise commit Corea to the same course as that upon which Japan had entered. They supposed that the treaty powers would condone and approve their action, make further favorable treaties, and loan money for national improvement. Further, they claimed to have had the royal sanction. The autumn passed by and the moment seemed ripe for the plot. China, pressed by France, had withdrawn half her troops from Seoul, and Japan, with a view to strengthening her influence in the peninsula, had a few days before remitted $400,000 of the indemnity exacted for the riot of 1882. The time to strike a blow for Corean independence and to break the shackles of China forever seemed to have come.

On the evening of December 4, the foreign envoys and several high officers of the government were invited to a banquet to celebrate the inauguration of the postal service. When it was nearly over, an alarm of fire was given from the outside, according to arrangement of the conspirators, and Min Yong Ik, going out to look, was set upon by assassins, but instead of being killed as was intended, was only wounded. Thereupon the liberal leaders hastened to the palace, and assuring the king that he was in great danger, in his name sent to the Japanese minister for the Japanese legation guard. At the same time the conservative leaders were summoned, as they supposed by the king; as fast as they stepped out of their sedan chairs at the palace gates, they were relieved of their heads. Meanwhile the Japanese infantry commanded the inner gates of the palace, and during the next day the new ministers of government, the liberals whose names have already become familiar to us, prepared edicts to be issued by the king reforming ancient abuses and customs, and instituting new and radical measures of national policy. The city was in a state of commotion, but despite the surging crowd no actual outbreak occurred.

On the morning of the 6th the cry was raised “death to the Japanese,” and then began a wild revelry of outrage, butchery, and incendiarism, in which the newly-trained militia were conspicuous. The white foreigners in Seoul, nine in number, of whom three were ladies, had gathered at the American legation, which under Lieutenant Bernadon’s directions was put in a state of defense. In it twenty-two Japanese also found refuge.

That afternoon the Chinese troops, six hundred strong, commanded by General Yuen and backed by three thousand Coreans, moved upon the palace to drive out the Japanese. With superb discipline and skill Captain Murakami and his little band drove off their assailants, and through the narrow streets reached the legation at 8:00 P.M. after forty-eight hours’ absence. The score of soldiers left behind, aided by the hundred or so of civilians who had gathered within, had successfully defended the enclosure from the mob. Provisions being exhausted, the Japanese with admirable coolness, discipline, and success began the march to the sea on the afternoon of the next day. Despite hostile soldiery with rifles and cannon, armed men firing from roof and wall, barred city gates, and a mob following them to the Han river, they crossed with their wounded and reached Chemulpo on the morning of the 8th. There they were fed by the sailors of the men-of-war, while a Japanese steamer carried the news to Nagasaki.

The short-lived liberal government came to an end after an existence of less than forty-eight hours. Hong Yong Sik, refusing to leave the king, was taken with him to the Chinese camp and there beheaded. The other conspirators fled to Japan, whence they were demanded by the Corean ministerial council, which demand was by the Japanese promptly refused. The torture and trial of twelve persons implicated in the affair was concluded January 27, 1885, and eleven were executed in the usual barbarous manner. Their bodies were chopped in pieces and the flesh and bones distributed in fragments through the streets of the city and the different provinces. The refugees ultimately reached America, except Kim-ok-Kiun who settled in Japan.

Count Inouye of Japan and Kim Hong Chip of Corea on January 9; and Inouye and Li Hung Chang, of China, on May 7 concluded conventions by which the troubles were settled. The chief points in the diplomacy were the payment of indemnity by Corea to Japan, and a joint agreement between China and Japan to withdraw their troops. Both camps were emptied on the 20th, and on the 21st of May the troops left Chemulpo for their respective countries. October 5 the Tai-wen Kun, now sixty-eight years old, but fresh as a man of forty and able as ever to be a disturbing element, returned from China and re-entered Seoul under a guard of Chinese warriors and many thousands of Coreans.

The affair was in its origin an anti-Chinese uprising of radical progressives, but in its ending an anti-Japanese demonstration. About three hundred lives were lost by battle and murder. The conduct of the American minister, General Foote, during this trying occasion, was most admirable, and the legation, which sheltered all the foreigners and many Japanese, was kept open and the American flag was never lowered.

Even in these troublous times a way was opened for the entrance of western science and reformed Christianity. Dr. Henry N. Allen, a missionary physician from Ohio, was called upon to attend Min Yong Ik and the wounded Chinese soldiers. The superiority of modern methods being at once manifest, the government became interested, and the dwelling occupied by Hong Yong Sik, who had been beheaded, was set aside as a hospital under Dr. Allen’s charge. From that time forward several missionaries from American churches have entered active work in Corea, and three American young men engaged by the Corean government as teachers have begun to devise an educational system for the kingdom. There are now native Christian churches in Seoul, a hospital, schools, orphanages, and a college. Americans were chosen as advisers and assistants of the nation. Three military officers to organize her army, naval officers to inaugurate a navy, commissioners of customs, and a counsellor in the foreign office were among these.

Renouncing the idea of the suzerainty of China over Corea, the king and government sent embassies to Japan, Europe, and the United States, to establish permanent legations. This movement was opposed by the Chinese, and especially by the Minister Yuen in an active, impudent, and even villainous manner. Yuen, who led the Chinese troops during the riot of December, 1884, and who escorted the Tai-wen Kun to Corea, is believed to have plotted to dethrone the king and set up another son of the old regent as a pro-Chinese partisan on the throne. Expecting to make use of the Corean military, whom he had drilled in person, his plot was exposed by Min Yong Ik. To checkmate any design of China, to prevent the departure of the envoys, or to convert her nominal authority into assertions of sovereignty or suzerainty, the Honorable Hugh N. Densmore, our minister, by the orders of the United States government, invited the embassy to take passage from Chemulpo in the United States Steamship Omaha, which was done. In charge of Dr. H.N. Allen, Pak Chung Yang, a noble of the second rank, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the king of Corea, arrived in Washington and had audience of President Cleveland in January, 1888.

When Kim-ok-Kiun, the leader of the insurrection of 1884, fled to Japan, he was welcomed by the Japanese and received as a protege of the emperor. Repeated demands were made by Corea upon the mikado to surrender him, and the demands were as repeatedly refused. In the spring of 1894 he was lured by means of a dummy draft on a non-existing bank in China, to Shanghai, where on March 28, at the Japanese hotel, and in the absence of his Japanese attendant, he was foully murdered by his pretended friend, Hong Tjyong On, a tool of the Ming faction. This man had been in the employ of the Ming faction of the Corean government with the mission of the assassination entrusted to him, and if the crime was not committed by order of the king of Corea, as was popularly believed, it was surely by order of the queen, who has been strong in her influence. The murderer was arrested; but instead of being tried by the Chinese was handed over to a Corean official, who, with the assassin and the corpse, was sent to Corea. There in spite of the protestations of foreign representatives, the body of Kim was horribly mutilated, parts of it being sent to the different provinces, while the murderer was rewarded with high official honor.

This murder of a Corean by another Corean in a port under Chinese jurisdiction, though coupled with the subsequent brutalities at Seoul, could not be made a subject of diplomatic remonstrance; but it served in Japan to rouse the deepest public indignation and intense disgust. The Japanese government was not only outraged by the assassination of Kim, but by the conduct of Yu, the Corean minister at Tokio. Two brothers named Ken, at the time of Kim’s murder, attempted to bring the same fate upon Boku Eiko, Kim’s fellow conspirator. Their plot having been discovered, they fled to Yu for protection. For three days he refused to give them up, but finally surrendered them and took a hasty and undignified departure from the country. The Japanese foreign office, having in vain sought an explanation of the motives of the king of Corea in connection with Kim’s assassination, and of the precipitate and undiplomatic flight of the Corean representative, was glad to seize the first opportunity which arose before long, when other events occurred which gave Japan occasion to act.

For some time past the peninsular kingdom has been in a disturbed condition, owing to the spread of rebellious confederacies among the people. There was now quite a general uprising of Coreans, caused by their want of sympathy with the government, and focussed by their indignation at the horrible fate of Kim. In May, a formidable peasant uprising occurred in northern Corea, caused mainly by the official extortion practiced by tax-gatherers, but having in it elements of remonstrance against the assassination of Kim. The government troops were defeated May 16 at Reisan; and on May 31 Zenshu fell into the hands of the insurgents. Later Chung Jui was captured, and Seoul, the capital, was in a state of great commotion. The discovery of a plot to blow up the government building during the annual official meeting of the king and his ministers caused immense excitement. The plot was confessed by one of the conspirators, and warrants were issued for the arrest of one thousand persons implicated or suspected.

In alarm the government appealed to China for assistance, and early in June an armed Chinese force numbering about two thousand was dispatched, from Chefoo to Asan, a port lying a little southwest of Seoul, where it encamped.

In the treaty of Tien-tsin, both Japan and China agreed to withdraw their troops from the peninsula, neither power to send soldiers thither again, without giving to the other power preliminary notice of the intended action. In the present struggle, Japan has declared from the beginning that she intended to carry her action into Corea no further than the treaty of 1885 allowed, and the necessity for restoring order and stability required her to do. When these troops were sent, the stipulated notification to Japan it is declared, was delayed until after their departure. Actuated by distrust of Chinese motives, and looking to the protection of her commercial interests and the safety of the Japanese residents and traders in Corea, the authorities at Tokio quickly followed by landing a force of six thousand troops on the western coast. A strong force was soon stationed in Seoul, for the protection of the Japanese legation, and the approaches to the capital were securely occupied.

Then began the diplomatic campaign, Japan seizing the opportunity offered to insist on a final understanding with both China and the Corean government, regarding the matters which had long been the source of friction, and a constant menace to tranquility in the peninsula. On June 28 a communication passed between Mr. Otori, the Japanese minister, and the Corean foreign office, regarding the tributary relations between Corea and China. To this the Corean government returned an evasive reply. July 3, Mr. Otori laid before the Corean government in a courteously worded note, the draft of a scheme of reforms which Japan proposed, as a remedy for the disorders of the country, under the following five general heads:

1. The civil government in the capital and in the provinces to be thoroughly reformed, and the departments arranged on a new basis under proper responsible heads.

2. The resources of the country to be developed, mines opened, railways constructed, etc.

3. The laws of the country to be radically reformed.

4. The military establishments to be reorganized under competent instructors, so as to render the country secure alike from internal disorder and external attack.

5. Education to be thoroughly reformed on modern lines.

Mr. Otori asked for the appointment of a commission to discuss details, and on July 10, unfolded before the three commissioners, in twenty-five proposals, the details of the contemplated reforms. They were of such a character as to weaken greatly the influence of the queen and the dominant Ming party. Personages of too great influence were to be removed; the foreign customs establishment to be abolished; all foreign advisers to be dispensed with; the resources of the country to be developed; railways, telegraphs and a mint to be established; the legal and judicial systems to be radically reformed, and a school system to be adopted, beginning with primary schools and culminating in universities, with provisions for sending pupils abroad.

These reforms were declared to be as essential to the true welfare of Corea and China, as to the interests of Japan. It being impossible, however, for the Coreans to effect them themselves, Japan proposed joint action on the part of herself and China with a view to the desired object. This proposal however, China curtly refused even to discuss, so long as any Japanese troops remained in Corea. She assured Japan that the peasant rebellion had been quieted, which was true in a sense, for the insurgents, after the landing of the Chinese regulars, had temporarily stayed their onward progress; but the cause of the trouble still remained. From the moment of this deadlock we may date the unofficial beginning of the war. The formal declaration was not made until about two weeks later.

Japan Decides to Reform Corea without China’s Aid—Corean Palace Guards Fire on the Japanese Escort of Minister Otori—Momentous Result of the Skirmish—Announcement of Corean Independence—Tai-wen Kun as Prime Minister—The First Collision at Sea—Sinking of the Kow-shing—Fighting Around Asan—Defeat of the Chinese—Li Hung Chang Declares that the War Will Be Fought to the Bitter End—Japan’s Formal Declaration of War—China’s Response—The Conflict Begun.

Failing to secure China’s co-operation, Mr. Otori told the officials at Seoul that the government was now determined of her own accord to see the needed reforms carried out. The Corean government still showing no disposition to acquiesce in his proposals, the Japanese minister determined to have a personal interview with the king, of whose sympathy with the policy of the Ming party, there was some doubt. The minister had regarded the reply of the Corean government to his demands as insolent, and knowing that its substance had been made known to the Corean officers, he felt an apprehension of violence toward himself and the members of the legation. He therefore insisted on being accompanied by a strong escort of Japanese on the occasion of any further visits to the palace.

On the morning of July 23, attended by this escort of Japanese guards, and accompanied by the father of the king, Mr. Otori set out from the legation for the purpose of having another interview with the Corean monarch. As the minister with his fully armed escort approached the palace, they were fired upon by troops in the service of the Ming ministry, some of whom were stationed within the palace walls. The fire was promptly returned by the Japanese, and a sharp skirmish ensued which lasted twenty minutes. One Japanese cavalryman and two foot-soldiers were wounded; while the Corean loss was seventeen killed and seventy wounded. When quiet was restored, the Japanese were in possession of the palace. The result of the fight was momentous—the complete overthrow of the Ming, or pro-Chinese faction in the Corean government.

On the same day the Corean king formally announced his independence of China. One of his first acts was to request an interview with Mr. Otori, and before the interview had ended that day the Japanese ministers saw the Tai-wen Kun, father of the king, and formerly regent during the latter’s minority, formally installed as prime minister and instructed to introduce administrative reforms such as Japan had proposed. A written pledge was signed by the king, guaranteeing that the remedying of social and political abuses should begin as soon as the proper machinery could be put in operation; the old counsellors of the king were replaced by men believed to be in sympathy with progressive principles. Japan on her part made herself responsible for the execution of these pledges. The part taken by the king in the reforms is somewhat uncertain. One of the most eminent authorities on Corean affairs has declared that the king himself cannot be looked upon as a potent factor in the struggle; that he is a weak, amiable, nervous man, whose only importance consists in the fact that he is a king and in the sanction that his presence, and authority, and seal may be considered to lend to the party with which he sides. He has not been on good terms with his father, and when the Japanese placed the latter in charge there was considerable uncertainty as to the results that would follow.

The same day that this skirmish at the palace occurred between Corean and Japanese troops, a report was sent out which might have involved Great Britain in the eastern war. It was alleged that ill-treatment had been offered by the Japanese troops to the British consul-general at Seoul, Mr. Gardner and his wife. The assertion was that the Japanese troops forbade their passing the line of sentries which had been drawn around an encampment, and that unnecessary force had been used to accomplish this. The falsity of the charges, or the fact that they were very much overdrawn, was proved upon the first investigation, no regulations being in force except those natural and proper in such times.

The situation in Corea developed very slowly. The ways of the east are not as the ways of the west, and one of the most deeply-rooted and highly-prized instincts which oriental diplomatists have inherited from a long line of their ancestors is a profound belief in the merits of procrastination.

The first important collision at sea occurred in Prince Jerome gulf, about forty miles off Chemulpo, on July 25, one week before the formal declaration of war. Up to the night of July 19, the highest authorities at Tien-tsin did not anticipate war, but as a matter of watchful policy the war-office chartered the British steamers Irene, Fei Ching, and Kow-shing, belonging to the Indo-Chinese Steam Navigation company, and a number of Chinese merchant steamers, for the transportation of troops. The object was to transport the second division from Taku to Asan, to reinforce the Chinese army in that Corean city. The Irene was the first to leave Taku, July 21, with one thousand one hundred and fifty troops, with one of the owners and his wife on board; the other two vessels were to leave on the 22nd and 23rd.

The Kow-shing was an iron vessel, schooner-rigged, of one thousand three hundred and fifty tons, built at Barrow and belonging to the port of London. She sailed from Taku July 23, with no cargo, but with one thousand two hundred Chinese troops on board. All went well with the transport until the second morning, July 25, when about nine o’clock the vessel was sighted by a Japanese man-of-war, the Naniwa Kan. The Naniwa was accompanied by two other men-of-war, one of which was the Matsusima, on board of which was the Japanese admiral. The Kow-shing was ordered by signal, “Stop where you are or take the consequences.” She promptly anchored. Then the Naniwa steamed up and sent a boarding party to the Kow-shing.

The officers in command made a strict scrutiny of the ship’s papers, and after some hesitation as to his course of action, peremptorily ordered the Kow-shing to follow. This caused great excitement amongst the troops, who said to the English officers of the ship, “We refuse to become prisoners and would rather die here. If you move the ship, except to return to China, we will kill you.” The Japanese having returned to their own vessel, the European officers on the Kow-shing argued with the Chinese to convince them that it would be wiser to surrender, thus saving the life of all and the ship itself. These arguments had no effect on the Chinese, and the Kow-shing then signalled to the Naniwa to send another boat.

Captain Von Hannecken explained the situation to the Japanese boarding officer, pointing out that there had been no declaration of war, that the Kow-shing was a British ship under the British flag, and that owing to the position taken by the Chinese it was physically impossible for the officers of the vessels to obey the Naniwa’s order. He claimed that the flag should be respected, and that the ship should be escorted back to the Chinese coast. The boarding party then returned to the Naniwa, which thereupon signalled “Quit the ship as soon as possible.” The Kow-shing officers replied that it was impossible to quit the ship, owing to the threats of the Chinese. The Naniwa threw an answering pennant, and steamed quickly into position, broadside on, at a distance of about two hundred yards. Mr. Tamplin, the chief officer of the Kow-shing, tells a graphic story of the scene that followed.

“The Chinese were greatly excited, and kept drawing their fingers across their throats in order to show us what we might expect. The British officers, and Captain Von Hannecken, were anxiously gathered on the bridge, and the bodyguards were at the bottom of the ladder watching us like cats. Two executioners fully armed were told off to follow the captain and myself, and they dogged us everywhere with drawn scepters. About one o’clock the Naniwa opened fire, first discharging a torpedo at the Kow-shing, which did not strike her. The man-of-war then fired a broadside of five heavy guns, and continued firing both heavy and machine guns from deck and tops until the Kow-shing sank about an hour later. The Kow-shing was first struck right amidships, and the sound of the crashing and splintering was almost deafening. To add to the danger, the Chinese rushed to the other side, causing the ship to heel over more than ever. As soon as the Kow-shing was struck the soldiers made a rush. I rushed from the bridge, got a life-belt, and jumped overboard forward. While in the wheel house selecting a life-belt I passed another European, but I had no time to see who it was. It was a regular sauve qui peut. Mr. Wake, our third officer, said it was no use for him to take to the water, as he could not swim, and he went down with the ship.

“After jumping into the water I came foul of the chain, down which the Chinese were swarming. As I came to the surface the boiler exploded with terrific noise. I looked up and saw Captain Von Hannecken striking out vigorously. Captain Galsworthy, the master of the vessel, was also close by, his face perfectly black from the explosion. All of us went in the direction of the island of Shotai-ul, which was about a mile and a half to the northeast, swimming through the swarm of dead and dying Chinamen. Bullets began to strike the water on every side, and turning to see whence they came, I saw that the Chinese herding around the only part of the Kow-shing that was then out of water, were firing at us. I was slightly hit on the shoulder, and in order to protect my head covered it with the life-belt until I got clear of the sinking vessel. When I succeeded in doing this, and got away from the swarms of Chinamen, I swam straight for the Naniwa. I had been in the water nearly an hour when I was picked up by one of the Naniwa’s boats. While in the water I passed two Chinese warriors clinging to a sheep which was swimming vigorously. As soon as I was on board the Naniwa’s boat, I told the officer in which direction the captain had gone, and he said that he had already sent another boat to pick him up. By this time only the Kow-shing’s masts were visible. The water was however covered with Chinese, and there were two lifeboats from the Kow-shing crowded with soldiers. The Japanese officer informed me that he had been ordered by signal from the Naniwa to sink these boats. I remonstrated, but he fired two volleys from the cutter, turned back, and steamed for the Naniwa. No attempt was made to rescue the Chinese. The Naniwa steamed about until eight o’clock in the evening, but did not pick up any other Europeans.”

The Irene, which had been the first vessel to leave Taku, herself had a narrow escape from an attack. She sighted a war vessel at eleven o’clock on the night of July 23, but by at once putting out all her lights was enabled to escape, and reached Asan early the next morning. The Chinese cruisers Chih Yuen and Kwang Kai, and the training ship Wei Yuen were at anchor. The troops were at once disembarked, and about nine o’clock the same morning the Irene left for Chefoo, arriving at four o’clock the afternoon of the 25th. Being under orders to proceed to Chemulpo to bring back refugees, she sailed at noon the next day in company with the British ship Archer. When some distance from Chefoo, the Irene was hailed by the Fei Ching, and informed that the troop ship Kow-shing had been sunk by Japanese war vessels. It was decided to take the Irene into Wei-hai-wei and confer with Admiral Ting as to the advisability of her going to Chemulpo; he advised her return to Chefoo.

The same morning, July 26, the cruiser Chih Yuen arrived at Wei-hai-wei from Asan, and reported that shortly after leaving that port, the new Japanese cruiser Yoshino fired on her and her consort, the Kwang Kai, unexpectedly, and a shell, piercing the bow turret, exploded, killing the entire crew serving one gun, and disabling the turret. As soon as the Chih Yuen got a little sea-room, her steering-gear having been disabled, she maneuvered and fought with her stern gun, one shell from which swept away the entire bridge of her opponent. A second shell striking the same place, the Japanese ceased firing and hoisted a white flag over a Chinese ensign, but Captain Hong, of the Chih Yuen, having his bow guns and his steering gear disabled, and other Japanese coming up, decided to make for Wei-hai-wei and report to the admiral. The first lieutenant of the Chih Yuen was speaking through the tube, directing the men, when a shot struck him and he fell dead. Twelve of the crew were killed and thirty wounded. The Japanese vessel suffering somewhat less.

The Kow-shing affair caused a complete change in the attitude of the Chinese government and in the foreign mind. The viceroy, Li Hung Chang, declared in an interview that if war was once provoked, China would fight to the bitter end. Japan was attacked in the European press for having sent a British ship to the bottom, even though it were loaded with Chinese soldiers, inasmuch as war had not been declared. The Japanese government at once instructed the minister in London to apologize to Great Britain for firing on the British flag, which was floating over the Kow-shing, and it was talked in every quarter that a heavy indemnity would be required from Japan. As further details became known, however, European and American sentiment began to shift. A British consular court of inquiry called to investigate the matter, decided that inasmuch as the two nations were virtually in a state of war at the time, though no formal declaration had been made, the Japanese commander was justified in his action on the ground that the Kow-shing was violating neutrality. The demand for an indemnity was practically abandoned on account of a clause contained in the ship’s charter to the effect that in the event of an outbreak of hostilities between China and Japan, the Kow-shing should be considered Chinese property. The case was therefore ended, so far as the action of nations outside of China and Japan was concerned. Less than two hundred were saved, out of nearly twelve hundred souls who were on board the vessel. French, German, and Italian gunboats which were cruising near, brought to Chefoo the few Chinese survivors, and several of the European officers were saved by the Japanese. Captain Von Hannecken was rescued by a fisherman’s boat, and made his way back to China.

Immediately following the date of these sea battles, hard fighting began at and around Asan, where the body of Chinese troops was intrenched. Early on the morning of July 29 the Chinese troops, who had left their fortifications at Asan, were attacked by General Oshima, the commander of Japanese armies in Corea, at Seikwan. The Japanese gained a decisive victory. After a hard fought battle in which one hundred Chinese were killed and five hundred wounded, out of twenty-eight hundred troops engaged, while the Japanese lost less than one hundred, the Chinese were forced back towards Asan, their entrenchment at Chan Hon having been captured. During the night the Chinese evacuated Asan, abandoning large quantities of ammunition and some guns, and fled in the direction of Koshu. When the Japanese reached Asan early in the morning of the 30th they found the trenches deserted. Many flags, four cannon, and a quantity of other munitions of war were captured, and the victorious troops took possession of the enemy’s headquarters.

Elated by the results of the actions which had occurred, Japan was now hurrying troops into the field. Thousands of soldiers were shipped in transports and stationed in Chemulpo, in Seoul, along the Great Northern road in Fusan, and finally around Asan, sixty miles south of Chemulpo, out of which the Chinese had just been driven. Three attempts at mediation had been made with a desire to avert war by diplomatic interference, first by Russia, then by England, and lastly by England supported by all the powers, but Japan was ready and anxious to prove her prowess over her ancient enemy, and to show to western nations the strength that she had acquired; while there were ample and strong reasons which appeared to the Japanese worthy ones why they should wage war upon China. They asserted that the best interests of civilization and humanity demanded this action and the time had come to begin. Belligerent acts had multiplied and formal action became necessary, without further delay. August 3 was the important date which marked the formal beginning of warlike operations.

The announcements to the world that an oriental war was actually to be waged, were in every way characteristic of the people and the habits of the two belligerent nations. Each one took pains to declare its power and the age of the reigning dynasty. Japan however took its greatest pride, very evidently, in the advance of its civilization, and the introduction of western methods in diplomacy as well as elsewhere. China, on the other hand, was more verbose, and at the same time very scornful of the fighting strength of the ancient rival. Each of course took pains to justify her own actions and cast all the odium of the war on the other.

Japan’s formal declaration of war appeared in the “Official Gazette,” and in substance was as follows:

“We, by the grace of heaven, Emperor of Japan, seated on a throne occupied by the same dynasty from time immemorial, do hereby make proclamation to all our loyal and brave subjects as follows: We hereby declare war against China, and we command each and all of our competent authorities, in obedience to our wish, and with a view to the attainment of the national aim, to carry on hostilities by sea and land against China, with all the means at their disposal, consistently with the law of nations.

“Over twenty years have now elapsed since our accession to the throne. During this time we have consistently pursued a policy of peace, being deeply impressed with a sense of the undesirability of being in strained relations with other nations, and have always directed our officials diligently to endeavor to promote friendship with all the treaty powers. Fortunately our intercourse with the nations has continued to increase in intimacy.

“We were therefore unprepared for such a conspicuous want of amity and of good faith, as has been manifested by China in her conduct towards this country in connection with the Corean affairs. Corea is an independent state. She was first introduced into the family of nations by the advice and under the guidance of Japan. It has however, been China’s habit to designate Corea as her dependency, and both openly and secretly to interfere with her domestic affairs. At the time of the recent civil insurrection in Corea, China dispatched troops thither, alleging that her purpose was to afford succor to her dependent state. We, in virtue of the treaty concluded with Corea in 1882, and looking to possible emergencies, caused a military force to be sent to that country, wishing to procure for Corea freedom from the calamity of perpetual disturbance, and thereby to maintain the peace of the east in general. Japan invited China’s co-operation for the accomplishment of that object; but China, advancing various pretexts, declined Japan’s proposal.

“Thereupon Japan advised Corea to reform her administration, so that order might be preserved at home, and so that the country might be able to discharge the responsibilities and duties of an independent state abroad. Corea has already consented to undertake the task, but China has insidiously endeavored to circumvent and thwart Japan’s purpose. She has further procrastinated and endeavored to make warlike preparations, both on land and at sea. When these preparations were completed, she not only sent large re-enforcements to Corea with a view to the attainment of her ambitious designs, but even carried her arbitrariness and insolence to the extent of opening fire upon our ships in Corean waters.

“China’s plain object is to make it uncertain where the responsibility resides for preserving peace and order in Corea, and not only to weaken the position of that state in the family of nations—a position obtained for Corea through Japanese efforts—but also to obscure the significance of the treaties recognizing and confirming that position. Such conduct on the part of China is not only a direct injury to the rights and interests of this empire, but also a menace to the permanent peace and tranquility of the Orient. Judging from her action, it must be concluded that China from the beginning has been bent upon sacrificing peace to the attainment of her sinister objects. In this situation, ardent as our wish is to promote the prestige of the country abroad by strictly peaceful methods, we find it impossible to avoid a formal declaration of war against China. It is our earnest wish that by the loyalty and valor of our faithful subjects, peace may soon be permanently restored, and the glory of the empire be augmented and completed.”

China promptly accepted the issue thus formally raised, and published a declaration in substance as follows:

“Corea has been our tributary for the last two hundred odd years. She has given us tribute all of this time, which is a matter known to the world. For the last dozen years or so Corea has been troubled by repeated insurrections; and we in sympathy with our small tributary have as repeatedly sent succor to her aid, eventually placing a resident in her capital to protect Corea’s interests. In the fourth moon (May) of this year, another rebellion was begun in Corea, and the king repeatedly asked again for aid from us to put down the rebellion. We then ordered Li Hung Chang to send troops to Corea, and they having barely reached Asan, the rebels immediately scattered, but the 'Wojen' (the ancient epithet for the Japanese expressive of contemptcontempt translated ‘pigmies’ or more strictly according to usage ‘vermin’), without any cause whatever sent their troops to Corea and entered Seoul, the capital of Corea, re-enforcing them constantly until they have exceeded ten thousand men.

“In the meantime the Japanese forced the Corean king to change his system of government, showing a disposition in every way of bullying Coreans. It was found a difficult matter to reason with the ‘Wojen.’ Although we have been in the habit of assisting our tributaries, we have never interfered with their internal government. Japan’s treaty with Corea was as one country with another. There is no law for sending large armies to bully a country in this way and to tell it to change its system of government. Various powers are united in condemning the conduct of the Japanese, and can give no reasonable name to the army she now has in Corea. Nor has Japan been amenable to reason, nor will she listen to an exhortation to withdraw her troops and confer amicably upon what should be done in Corea. On the contrary, Japan has shown herself belligerent without regard to appearances, and has been increasing her forces there. Her conduct alarmed the people of Corea as well as our merchants there, and so we sent more troops over to protect them. Judge of our surprise then, when half way to Corea a number of the ‘Wojen’ ships suddenly appeared, and taking advantage of our unpreparedness opened fire on our transports at a spot on the sea coast near Asan, and damaged them, thus causing us to suffer from their treacherous conduct which could not be foretold by us.

“As Japan has violated the treaties and not observed the international laws, and is now running rampant with her false and treacherous actions, beginning hostilities herself, and laying herself open to condemnation by the various powers at large, we, therefore, desire to make it known to the world that we have always followed the paths of philanthropy and perfect justice throughout the whole complications, while the ‘Wojen’ and others have broken all the laws of nations and treaties which it passed our patience to bear with. Hence we command Li Hung Chang to give strict orders to our various armies to hasten with all speed to root the ‘Wojen’ out of their lairs. He is to send successive armies of valiant men to Corea, in order to have the Coreans freed from bondage. We also command Manchoo generals, viceroys, and governors of the maritime provinces, as well as the commanders in chief of the various armies to prepare for war and to make every effort to fire on the ‘Wojen’ ships if they come into our ports, and utterly destroy them. We exhort our generals to refrain from the least laxity in obeying our commands, in order to avoid severe punishment at our hands. Let all know this edict as if addressed to themselves individually.”

Immediately following China’s declaration of war, the Chinese Imperial Foreign Office addressed an important circular letter to the ministers of the various European countries, and of the United States, to be forwarded to their respective governments. The message began abruptly with the announcement that some time ago a rebellion broke out in the district of Chung in Corea, and the king of that country sent a written application for Chinese assistance through Li Hung Chang, Viceroy of the North.

“Our Imperial Majesty,” the message continued, “considering that on previous occasions rebellion in Corea had been suppressed by our assistance, dispatched troops, which did not however enter Seoul, but went direct to the scene, with a view to exterminating the rebellion. At the first rumor of their approach the rebels dispersed, and our army, having brought merciful relief to the distressed people, meditated a victorious retirement. To our astonishment Japan also dispatched troops to Corea, pretending that it was for the purpose of assisting to quell the rebellion, but their real object being to occupy Seoul, which they did, posting themselves at all the important passes. They continued to re-enforce themselves, until the number of their troops rose to upwards of ten thousand, when they demanded that Corea should repudiate her allegiance to China, and declare herself independent. Japan further drew up many rules and regulations for the alteration of the Corean government, which they required the king to conform to in every detail. That Corea has been a dependency of China from time immemorial is known to all the world, and therefore when your different respective governments established treaties with that nation, such treaties were approved and recorded by ourselves. For Japan to ignore this in so high handed a manner, is an offense against the dignity and authority of China, and a grave breach of the pre-existing harmonious relations.”