The “by us yet living” and “to have been” indicate that it was at a time considerably previous to this writing that such great cruelty and extortions were in vogue. Yet it also shows how easily, with no such publicity as would be incurred by presentation before the County Court, great persecutions could be carried on by town magistracy, a possibility always existing under the ecclesiastical laws relative to Sunday observances.

John Bolles took his “Message to the General Court” to Boston for presentation, in 1754, making the journey of two hundred miles on horseback, in his seventy-seventh year. (See Part I., Chap. VII.)

In the previous year—October, 1753—close following the death of John Rogers, 2d, had occurred the death of Rev. Eliphalet Adams, after a pastorate of over forty years in New London. It has been seen that since the death of Governor Saltonstall no virulent persecution of the Rogerenes has occurred, and that the character and policy of Mr. Adams have been favorable to compromise and conciliation. But very soon after the death of Mr. Adams there appear signs of a grievance on the part of the Rogerenes of a character to call forth one of their old-time warnings. Proof of this appears in the “Hempstead Diary”:—

It is thirty-three years since Mr. Hempstead has had occasion to note such a noon meeting on the part of the Rogerenes. By what official move this warning has been induced does not appear. Evidently no violence was offered the Rogerenes. This meeting will be a sufficient check for some time upon whatever attempts are on foot to disturb them.

Two years later, J. Hempstead writes in his Diary: “1756, May 30. John Waterhouse and a company came to our meeting.”

There is evidently some call for another warning. The Congregational pulpit is, at this date, filled with temporary supply.

In this evident crisis, it is probable that none await the action of the Congregational church in their choice of a minister with more interest than do the Rogerenes. Upon the views and temper of Mr. Adam’s successor will largely depend the continuance or discontinuance of the generally pacific attitude on both sides, which has continued for so many years. In the Congregational church membership are town officials as well as those in still more influential positions.

It is not until 1757 that a new minister is installed over the Congregational church, in the person of Mr. Mather Byles, Jr., a talented and very resolute young man, twenty-three years of age.^[160]

This youth is of such character and persuasion as to resemble, in this particular community, a firebrand in the neighborhood of a quantity of gunpowder. (After the gunpowder has exploded and Mr. Byles determines to remain no longer in this vicinity, in taking leave of the Congregational church he says: “If I have not the Sabbath, what have I? ’Tis the sweetest enjoyment of my whole life.”)

This young man, whose “sweetest enjoyment” is the Puritan Sabbath so reprobated by the Rogerenes, naturally looks over the field to see how he can best distinguish himself as a zealous minister of the ruling order. He observes a large portion of this community taking sufficient pains to demonstrate to all beholders that they are pledged to follow no laws or customs, regarding religious affairs, other than those instituted by the Lord Jesus Christ and His inspired apostles, and that they are particularly called to bear witness against that so-called “holy day” first instituted by the emperor Constantine, which has, in an extreme form, been forced upon the people of New England as a necessary adjunct to the worship of God.

This zealous young minister appears to consider it his plain duty to stem this awful tide of anarchy as best he may, lest it become a torrent in New England that no man can stay. Thus he may distinguish himself in a pulpit once occupied by the famous Governor Saltonstall and succeed where even that dignitary failed. He will endeavor to bring such new odium and wrath upon this obstinate sect as shall effectually annihilate their Society.

Among the first efforts of Mr. Byles are sermons regarding the sanctity of the Sabbath, accompanied by other attempts to arouse his own people and the rest of the community (outside the Rogerene Society) to the duty and necessity of putting a stop to any desecration whatever of the “sacred” day.^[161]

The Rogerenes soon find themselves not only preached to and against, but seriously meddled with by the town authorities in ways for a long time neglected. It is now again as in the days of John Rogers, when he stated that “the priests stirred up the people and the mob” against his Society.

The Rogerene countermove is almost unknown to this generation of rulers; as for traditions concerning it, or the mild warnings of 1745 and 1754, perchance certain officials would be nothing loath to see if they could not, by the trial of a more vigorous policy, succeed better than did their predecessors in such contests, nor would such officials be likely to anticipate lack of general public sympathy in such an effort. It is as important to the Baptist church as to the Congregational that Sunday should be accounted a sacred day; let it be accounted otherwise, where would be attendants on “divine worship”? Surely the young people would go to places of amusement or of mischief, rather than to meeting-houses. The object lesson presented by these upright and deeply religious Rogerenes, whose youth are among the most exemplary and godly in the land, is naturally lost upon a people who cannot trust the Lord himself to furnish sufficient guidance for His church.

Joseph Bolles (born 1701), eldest son of John Bolles, is a leader among the Rogerenes, standing shoulder to shoulder with his father and John Waterhouse. He is a talented man, holding, like his father, “the pen of a ready writer,” and is clerk of the Rogerene Society. John Bolles being now over eighty years of age, this son largely takes his place in the active work of the Society, on the New London side. Yet the grand old patriarch, still vigorous in mind, sits prominent in the councils, giving these active men and youth the benefit of his experience, wisdom and piety, combined with an enthusiasm as ardent as that of the youngest of them all.

The more the magistrates, inspired by Mr. Byles, re-enforce his sermons by strict and unusual measures, the more do the Rogerenes, following their olden policy in such emergencies, add to their Sunday labors in the endeavor to fully convince their opponents that they are not to be coerced in this matter.

Ere long, the Rogerenes are severely fined, and in lieu of payment of such fines, which never have been voluntarily paid, are imprisoned, sometimes twenty at a time, many of them being kept in durance for a period of seven months. Their goods and the best of their cattle and horses are seized, to be sold at auction and nothing returned. Those having no such seizable property, are imprisoned for non-payment of minister’s rates. In the midst of this strenuous attack, Mr. Byles preaches an elaborate sermon, to be published and circulated, in answer to what he calls the “Challenge” of the Rogerenes, viz., their reiterated requests that the besieging party will show them any Scriptural authority for the so-called religious observance of the first day of the week, or for any required “holy Sabbath” under the new dispensation. In this sermon he calls the Rogerenes “blind, deluded, obstinate,” which terms are quite as applicable to the church party, from the Rogerene point of view. The onset continues, with added determination on the attacking side and no show of weakening on that of the defense.

Since the pen is mightier than the sword, it may do good service in such a time of peril as threatens the very existence of this devoted sect. Joseph Bolles, sitting by his father’s side, sharpens his quill to a fine point,^[162] and the tremulous but earnest voice of the faithful patriarch not only aids the theme, but speaks words of comfort and of cheer; for is not this the cause of the Lord himself?

There is another, John Rogers (3d), who, like his father and grandfather before him, holds the pen of a ready writer. He was born in 1724, three years after the death of his illustrious grandfather. With the rapt attention, the retentive memory and the plastic mind of youth, he has received from his father’s lips accounts of the thrilling experiences of the past; as a young man, he has followed the teachings and emulated the deeds of his people. He, too, will sharpen a quill ere long.

[Particular attention is here called to the following reference to Mr. Byles, in the “Reply of Joseph Bolles.” See Appendix for full connection. “It is this sort of ministers that preach to the General Court to suppress or persecute them that walk by the apostle’s doctrine, for not observing this Sabbath which he” (Byles) “says the apostles ‘left to after discoveries.’” It is certain that the Rogerenes are under no difficulty in discerning from whence emanates the influence that has set this new persecution on foot and is continuing it to a crisis.]

The first efforts at repression proving ineffectual, severer measures are adopted by the attacking party. Yet there are several years more of patient endurance and forbearance on the part of the Rogerenes before they resolve to turn upon their foes the sole effectual means of defense at their command in times like these.

Among legal weapons available to the church party are four ecclesiastical laws, the strict application of which—as regards the Rogerenes, at least—have fallen into disuse, viz.: the law against Sunday labor, that against going from one’s house on Sunday except to and from authorized meetings, the law against unauthorized meetings and those holding or attending such meetings, and the law by which any one not attending meetings of the ruling order or the services of some authorized Society of which he is a member, in a regular meeting-house on Sunday, can be fined for every such absence.^[163] (Besides these are the large fines for baptizing and administering the Lord’s Supper on the part of unauthorized persons.)

It is optional with the town magistrates to present persons guilty of breaking any of the above laws before the next County Court or to deal with such “at their own discretion,” a discretion which in a number of instances has taken the form of lynch law, by giving the offenders over to a mischievous mob. It is not the policy at this time to present the Rogerenes before the County Court; not only would such publicity be liable to create outside sympathy with the Rogerenes, but the fines of this court for such offenses are limited to an inconsiderable amount, expressed in shillings, while the “discretion” of the town magistrates allows of serious fines, expressed in pounds, as well as imprisonment, stocks and stripes. The damaging effect of a friendly jury is also to be avoided. (But one reference to the Rogerenes is to be found on the records of the County Court during the more or less turbulent period between 1758 and 1766; this reference occurs in regard to the barring of the doors of the New London prison by the prisoners, for which the penalty is conspicuously slight.—See end of this Chapter.)

While this persecution, the most virulent that has ever been visited upon the Rogerenes as a Society, is nearing a crisis, occurs the death of Ebenezer Bolles, June 24, 1762, at the age of fifty-four, through contact with “poisonous wood.”^[164] An obituary notice, in the next issue of the Connecticut Gazette, attests to the wealth, integrity, hospitality and general worthiness of this New London merchant, and also states that no physician or medicines were allowed in his sickness,^[165] he “belonging to the Society of Rogerenes.”

The account of this death, as of that of John Rogers in 1721, is important; since it affords proof, more than forty years after the latter event, that this Society are as unswerving as ever in their adherence to Scriptural methods. How much reason has John Bolles, now in his 86th year, to discard this faith, even in the day of his great bereavement? He has still twelve children in health and vigor, between the ages of 60 and 20, eight of whom are destined to live to the following ages: 94, 91, 85, 84, 83, 82, 78, 75, and the other four beyond middle life. In the Rogers and other leading Rogerene families there appears a like flourishing condition.

After more than five year’s continuance of aggravations instituted and continued under the leadership of Mr. Byles, which have finally reached a stage past endurance, the Rogerenes, on both sides of the river, are gathering in council about a common campfire, to consider the move that must be made, a countermove beside which the entrance of John Rogers and his wheelbarrow into the meeting-house in 1694 shall pale to insignificance.^[166] The plan concluded upon bears the stamp of such veterans in the cause as John Bolles and John Waterhouse, as well as of keen young wits besides. They will give their enemies all the attendance upon meetings in “lawful assemblies” on their part, that these enemies will be likely to invite for some time to come; they will enter into those assemblies, and, if necessary, there will they testify against this “holy Sabbath,” for the non-observance of which they are again so bitterly persecuted, and against such other features of the worship of their enemies as are opposed to the teachings of the New Testament. So long as the ecclesiastical laws which forced their sect into existence are executed against them, so long will they enter into those assemblies thus to testify. The unscriptural features against which they will testify are easily set forth, and to these the testimony shall be strictly confined, with no mention of themselves or their wrongs. For whatever comes of this testimony, made in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ in accordance with His teachings, and after the example of His apostles, they are prepared, even though it be martyrdom. The first attempt shall be of a tacit nature; if that avail as a warning, well and good; they will not disturb the meetings unless compelled to such extremity.

Mild indeed seems that first countermove (1685) when Capt. James Rogers, by the commotion which his “testimony” called forth in the meeting-house caused “some women to swound,” in comparison with that of the Sunday, June 10, 1764, when a procession of Rogerenes from Quaker Hill, re-enforced by friends from Groton, and including men, women, and children, wends its solemn and portentous way into the town, to enter into the midst of their persecutors.

Upon reaching the meeting-house, a number quietly enter, others remain outside. The men who enter keep on their hats, in token of dissent to the doctrines of this church. If some of these hats chance to be broad-brimmed, so much the better. Wonderingly and fearfully must the larger part of the congregation behold this entrance and the quick-rising ire on the faces of such church members as are most responsible for its occurrence. As for Mr. Byles, his sensations may be imagined. He is in the midst of his usual long prayer^[167] containing copious information to the Creator of the Universe, together with thanks and commendation to the same Almighty Power, for many circumstances which have been brought about by men in direct disobedience to His revealed Word; also petitions for the forgiveness of the sins of this congregation, some of the most serious of which—as persecution of their neighbors—they fully intend to commit over and over again. In all probability some portion of this prayer is aimed directly at the Rogerenes, in regard to keeping “holy” the Sabbath day.

Some commotion, caused by the entrance of the Rogerenes, compels Mr. Byles to open his eyes before this long prayer is at an end. When he does open them, he beholds these men with their hats on and these women engaged in knitting, or some small sewing, in token that they, too, are Rogerenes.

How long certain officials, and other church members, restrain themselves is uncertain, even if they restrain themselves at all from vengeance dire; but before the prayer is regularly ended, the Rogerenes are fallen upon and driven out of the meeting-house with great violence and fury, while those in waiting outside are attacked with like rage, prominent church members and officials kicking and beating unresisting men, women and children and driving them to prison.

This treatment but deepens the determination of the Rogerenes. It is evident that merely keeping on their hats and doing a little knitting or sewing will not answer for an emergency like this. It must be no fault of theirs if this effort in the Master’s cause shall fail. They now enter the assembly of their persecutors to declare, by word of mouth and with no lack of distinctness, against the false doctrines of this persecuting church. This testimony will they add to the silent mode of disapproval until these enemies desist from their unendurable attempts at coercion, and from these furious beatings, kickings, drivings, imprisonments, etc.

The party who renewed this almost forgotten contest, under the leadership of Mr. Byles and his friends, with the intention of making the position of the Rogerenes untenable, having brought affairs to this crisis, are resolved to conquer. They proceed in the line of violence which they have inaugurated, and in their rage even demand of these devoted people that—to escape torture—they recant their testimony against the doctrines and practices of this church. Their testimony being of a purely Scriptural character, how can they recant, even if they would, except by denying the truth of those declarations from the New Testament which they have proclaimed in the presence of their persecutors? The zeal of the Rogerenes is only redoubled. It is now a question whether they will obey men rather than God, for fear of what men may do to them. Yet, in their strict fidelity to the teachings of Christ, they make no resistance to the redoubled efforts of their enemies. Though their old men are scourged to the verge of death and their women insulted; though their brethren are suspended by the thumbs to be mercilessly whipped on the bare skin; though warm tar is poured on their heads; though men and women are driven through the streets more brutally than any cattle, to be thrown into the river; though they are given over to mobs of heartless children and youth to be whipped with thorny sticks and otherwise abused, not the smallest or weakest of their persecutors need fear the slightest violence in return.

With every attempt at a fresh testimony, the brutality of their enemies is increased and the terms of imprisonment doubled, until the prison is filled to suffocation and some of those within venture to bar the doors against the incarceration of fresh victims. It being impossible to further punish the offenders already in prison, other than through presentation to the County Court, those who have barred the door are presented at that court, probably on their own confession, by reason of which there is one court record, relating to this otherwise lawless contest of a year and a half in duration, which is to the following effect:—

The sentence of the court is a fine of 40s. each and costs of prosecution, £2 each, which indicates more sympathy than severity on the part of this court.

[Since the early and the latter scenes of this long contest are shown to have been marked by unflinching endurance, unswerving courage and strategic measures on the part of the defence, it may be judged that during the entire period of unrelenting endeavors to continue to a successful issue the policy instigated by Mr. Byles, the assailants of the Rogerenes were encouraged by no signs of weakening on the part of the sufferers, while much discouraged by the disgrace attached to their church and the disapprobation of not a few of its own members, on account of the unprecedentedly severe policy that had brought on this countermove and the startlingly barbarous punishments for the same.]

After nearly two year’s continuance of such heroic measures, under leadership of Mr. Byles and his friends, the Rogerenes, while many of their heads of families are in prison, institute a new kind of tactics, striking more directly at the very root of the matter, viz., at Mr. Byles. The plan is to have some of their people besiege Mr. Byles, at every conceivable opportunity, with attempts to converse with him in regard to the teachings of the New Testament, and to reason with him concerning the cruelties practised upon the Rogerenes. They are also to go to the meeting-house on Sunday and sit directly in his sight, and they are to linger in the neighborhood of his house or the meeting-house, where he may know of their vicinity and expect them to walk with him and talk to him “of the things of God,” whenever he ventures outside.

Victory is now near at hand. Mr. Byles is driven nearly frantic. His tormentors are thrown into prison for declining to give bonds or to pay fines for attempts to approach this gentleman and converse with him. In this serio-comic crisis, parties of Rogerenes enter the meeting-house on Sunday and sit where Mr. Byles cannot fail to observe their grave, earnest and otherwise expressive faces, telling volumes at a glance, of inexpressible sufferings and losses, endured through tedious months and wasting years, of children left fatherless and motherless at home or wandering the streets tearful and hungry, and of many a bitter thing well known to Mr. Byles. But, most eloquent of all to him and most impressive, is the fixed determination in their faces to continue in his sight at every opportunity. Even a cat may look at a king without fear of consequences, and so do the Rogerenes look at Mr. Byles. Here is something that has been left out of the law books.

Ere long, the able-bodied men and women not in prison may attend to business and family duties, while a few old people, principally women, go on Sunday to sit in the meeting-house, or stand outside before and after meeting. Also on week days they sit or stand in the vicinity of Mr. Byle’s house, until he will not venture out, if but one such person is near. Nor will he go to the church on Sunday, even if there are but two or three Rogerene women outside, until some official drives them away and escorts him to the meeting-house. The bell is sometimes kept tolling a full hour, until it is time the long service should be well under way, before the minister makes his appearance; he has been waiting for some one to drive these women away.

For the whole time—more than two months—that the men who have attempted to converse with Mr. Byles are kept in prison, these faithful women keep the watch on Mr. Byles. When the men are at length released, they renew their endeavors to talk with Mr. Byles. It is now not long before Mr. Byles has had more than enough opportunity to distinguish himself in an endeavor to extinguish the Rogerenes. He is determined not only to leave New London but to desert the Congregational ministry and denomination, and lays all the blame of his failure to conquer these people upon lack of execution of the ecclesiastical laws!!!^[168] His determination is sudden, so far as the knowledge of his parishioners is concerned, and his exit speedy in the extreme. (For particulars regarding his resignation, see extract from “Debate, etc.,” in Appendix.)

The Rogerenes may now rest on their laurels. With Mr. Byles out of the way, we hear no more of harsh measures being employed against this sect. They may now attend their own meetings upon Sunday instead of those of their opponents, never neglecting, however, to give sufficient evidence that this is to them a holiday and not a “holy day.”

John Bolles lived to praise God that He had granted His servants strength to continue faithful to the end and given them so signal a victory. This devout and heroic Christian was called to his reward in his ninetieth year, January 7, 1767.

In another decade, is heard the trumpet call of the Revolution. It is more than probable that a people of such courage and love of liberty have some difficulty at this time in keeping their sentiments within scriptural limits, and still more difficulty in holding back their youth from the fray. Not a few grandsons of John Rogers, 2d, and John Bolles, as well as other Rogerene youth, break away. One of them crosses the Delaware with Washington, and another is in the body-guard of the great general. The young volunteers of this blood and training fight bravely on land and sea. Some of them die on the field and some in loathsome prison ships.^[169] Outside of the John Rogers descent, many are the descendants of James Rogers, 1st, that join the Continental army and navy. Yet, for the most part, the Rogerene youth hold firmly to the doctrine of non-resistance as set forth in the New Testament. Many of them are among the first to note the inconsistency between the sentence in the Declaration of Independence regarding the equal rights of all men and the clause in the Constitution countenancing slavery. As for the torch of religious liberty which this sect held aloft in the darkness, through many a weary contest,—a few years more, and the flame that it has helped to kindle leaps high, in the dim dawn of that day whose sun shall yet flood the heavens.

[For further elucidation of the events set forth in this chapter, there is presented in the Appendix an extract from the pamphlet published about 1759 by Joseph Bolles, describing some of the opening events of this persecution under the leadership of Mr. Byles, also several extracts from the pamphlet written by John Rogers, 3d, giving particulars of the merciless punishments inflicted upon those who took part in the countermove of 1764-66. This pamphlet is entitled “A Looking Glass for the Presbyterians of New London.” The limits of this chapter have allowed of very brief presentation of those cruelties, expressed in general terms. Still other extracts from the pamphlet by John Rogers, 3d, may be found in the “History of New London”; but only a perusal of the whole work could give an adequate idea of the barbarous cruelties practised upon the Rogerenes in this contest, during the whole of which not one of the victims was charged with returning a single blow or making any resistance to the attacks of the lynching parties. There is also presented in the Appendix, in connection with this chapter, quotations from a pamphlet which appeared shortly after the resignation of Mr. Byles, under the auspices of the Congregational church, entitled A Debate between Rev. Mr. Byles and the Brethren, which portion relates to Mr. Byle’s determination to leave that church and ministry, and shows his aversion to the Rogerenes who were his victors. It will be seen that from the three above-mentioned sources has been drawn the information contained in this chapter.]

In the new century, ecclesiastical persecutions are scarcely more than a tradition, save to the aged men and women still living who took part in their youth in the great countermove, the sufferings attendant upon which are now, even to them, as a nightmare dream. The laws that nerved to heroic protest a people resolved to obey no dictation of man in regard to the worship of God lie dead upon the statute book—although as yet not buried. The Rogerenes are taking all needful rest on Sunday, the day set apart for their meetings. Many of those on the New London side mingle as interested listeners in the various orthodox congregations. They walk where they please on Sunday, and are no longer molested. The merciless intolerance that brought this sect into existence being no longer itself tolerated, the chief mission of the Rogerenes is well nigh accomplished. The children may soon enter into that full Christian liberty, in the cause of which their fathers suffered and withstood, during the dark era of ecclesiastical despotism in New England.

After the last veterans in this cause have been gathered to their rest, the past is more and more crowded out by the busy present. Most of the male descendants of the New London Rogerenes remove to other parts. Many of them are among the hardiest and most enterprising of the western pioneers. From homes in New York and Pennsylvania they move farther and farther west, until no State but has a strain from Bolles and Quaker Hill. Descendants who remain in New London, lacking a leader of their own sect in this generation, join in a friendly manner with other denominations, affiliating most readily with the Baptists and being least associated with the still dominant church. In Groton, however, despite some emigration, is still to be found an unbroken band of Rogerenes, and a remnant upon Quaker Hill continues in fellowship with those of Groton.

As the region occupied by John Rogers, John Bolles and their neighborhood of followers received the name of Quaker Hill, so that district in Groton occupied chiefly by Rogerenes received the name of Quakertown.

We find no written account or authenticated tradition regarding the beginnings of Quakertown, save that here was the home of the Groton leader, John Waterhouse. Given a man of this stamp as resident for half a century, and we have abundant cause for the founding in this place of a community of Rogerenes as compact as that at Quaker Hill.

Quakertown occupies a district about two miles square in the southeastern part of the present town of Ledyard. It was formerly a part of Groton. Among the early Rogerenes of this vicinity was John Culver. Besides gifts of land from his father, John Culver had received a gift of land from Major John Pynchon of Springfield, Mass., in recognition of the “care, pains and service” of his father (John Culver, Sr.) in the division of Mr. Pynchon’s lands (Groton Records) formerly owned in partnership with James Rogers. John Culver, Jr., did not, however, depend upon farming, being a “panel maker” by trade. As has been seen, John Culver and his family removed to New Jersey about 1735, there to found a Rogerene settlement. (See Chapter XII.) His daughter Esther, however, remained in Groton, as the wife of John Waterhouse.

Among other early Groton residents was Samuel Whipple from Providence, both of whose grandfathers were nonconformists who had removed to Rhode Island to escape persecution in Massachusetts. About 1712 this enterprising man purchased a large amount of land (said to be 1,000 acres) about eight miles from the present Quakertown locality, in or near the present village of Poquetannoc. Upon a stream belonging to this property, he built iron-works and a saw-mill. It is said that the product of the iron-works was of a superior quality, and that anchors and iron portions of some of the ships built in New London were made at these works.^[170] Samuel Whipple’s son Zacharia married a daughter (Elizabeth) of John Rogers, 2d; a grandson (Noah) of his son Samuel married a granddaughter (Hope Whipple) of the same leader, and a daughter (Anne) of his son Daniel married a grandson (William Rogers) of the same; while a daughter (Content) of his son Zachariah married Timothy Waterhouse, son of John Waterhouse. Yet it was not until early in the nineteenth century that descendants of Samuel Whipple in the male line became residents of Quakertown.^[171] That the early affiliations of the Whipple family with the Rogerenes had fitted their descendants for close union with the native residents of the place is indicated by the prominent position accorded the Whipples in this community.

Other families of Groton and its neighborhood affiliated and intermarried with Rogerenes early in the nineteenth century. William Crouch of Groton married a daughter of John Bolles. This couple are ancestors of many of the later day Rogerenes of Quakertown. Two sons and two grandsons of Timothy Watrous married daughters of Alexander Rogers of Quaker Hill (one of the younger sons of John, 2d). Although there was a proportion of Rogers and Bolles lineage in this community at an early date, there was not one of the Rogers or Bolles name. Later, a son of Alexander Rogers, 2d, married in Quakertown and settled there; but this is not a representative name in that locality, while Watrous, Whipple and Crouch are to be distinctly classed as such.

As for other families who joined the founders of Quakertown or became associated with their descendants, it is safe to say that men and women who, on account of strict adherence to apostolic teachings, relinquished all hope of worldly pleasures and successes, to join the devoted people of this isolated district, were of a most religious and conscientious character.

Generally speaking, the New London descendants in the nineteenth century are a not uncompromising leaven, scattered far and wide among many people and congregations whose religious traditions and predilections are, unlike their own, of an ecclesiastical type. Every radical leaven of a truly Christian character is destined to have beneficial uses, for which reason it cannot so much be regretted that the fate of the New London community was to be broken up and widely disseminated.

While the New London Rogerenes were, through the mollifying influences of a liberal public opinion, as well as by a wide emigration and lack of a leader fitted to the emergency, slowly but surely blending with the world around them, quite a different policy was crystallizing upon the Groton side. That the Rogerene sect should continue and remain a separate people was undoubtedly the intention of John Rogers, John Rogers, 2d, John Bolles and their immediate followers; aye, a separate people until that day, should such day ever arrive, when there should be a general acceptance of the law of love instituted by Christ, in place of the old law of force and retaliation. Yet not only had these early leaders more than enough upon them in their desperate struggle for religious liberty, but they could not sufficiently foresee conditions ahead of their times, in order to establish their sect for a different era.

It was by the instinct of self-preservation combined with conscious inability to secure any adequate outside footing in the new state of affairs, that the small but compact band at Quakertown, beholding with dismay and disapproval the breaking up of the main body on the New London side, resolved to prevent such a disbanding of their own Society, by carefully bringing up their children in the faith and as carefully avoiding contact with other denominations. It was a heroic purpose, the more so because such a policy of isolation was so evidently perilous to the race. Not so evident was the fact that such exclusiveness must eventually destroy the sect which they so earnestly desired to preserve. Such, as has been seen, was not the policy of that founder whose flock were “scattered throughout New England,” and some of the most efficient of whose co-workers were drawn from the midst of an antagonistic denomination; neither was it the policy of him who carried his Petition not only to the General Court of Connecticut, but to that of Massachusetts. Yet it was no ordinary man who carried out the policy above outlined, with a straightforward purpose and vigorous leadership, in the person of elder Zephania Watrous, a grandson of John Waterhouse.

John Waterhouse was living in 1773, at which date he was eighty-three years of age.^[172] Considerably previous to that time he must have been succeeded by some younger man.

Elder Timothy Watrous, the Groton leader, who next appears to view, was a son of John Waterhouse, born in 1740. He is said to have been an able preacher and a man of the highest degree of probity.

Supposing John Waterhouse to have been in active service to his seventy-fifth year, Timothy could have succeeded him at the age of twenty-four, at which age the latter took part in the great countermove of 1764-66. His experience in this conflict is given in his own words:—

This extract is from a book entitled “The Battle Axe,” written by the above Timothy, Sr., and his sons Timothy and Zacharia. Timothy, Jr., succeeded his father as leader and preacher in this Society. Zacharia was a schoolmaster of considerable note, and at one time taught school at “the head of the river.” He invented the coffee mill so generally in use, which important invention, his widow, being ignorant of its worth, sold for forty dollars. Having discovered some copper ore in the vicinity of his house, he smelted it and made a kettle. After a vain search to find a printer willing to publish “The Battle Axe,” he made a printing-press, by means of which, after his death, his brother Timothy published the book. Thus “The Battle Axe,” even aside from its subject-matter, was a book of no ordinary description. At a later date it was reprinted by the ordinary means. Copies of the first edition are now exceedingly rare, and held at a high price. There is a copy of this edition in the Smithsonian Institute. We present an extract from the body of this work in the Appendix, but no adequate knowledge of the book can be obtained from so limited a space. Men who could venture to decry war in the very height of public exaltation over the success of the struggle for independence were too far ahead of their age, in this regard, to attract other than unfriendly attention.^[173]

The first proof discovered, that the Rogerenes have conscientious scruples in regard to paying the military fine,^[174] is a printed Petition issued by Alexander Rogers, one of the younger sons of John, 2d, of Quaker Hill, a thorough Rogerene, and, as has been seen, closely allied with those of Quakertown. This Petition is dated 1810, at which time Alexander Rogers was eighty-two years of age; his children, however, were comparatively young. The fine was for not allowing his son to enter the train-band. (This Petition will be found in Appendix.) It proves that, even at so late a date as this, the authorities were seizing Rogerene property in the same way as of old, taking in this instance for a fine of a few shillings the only cow in the possession of the family, and making no return. As of old, no attempt is made to sue for the amount taken over and above the legal fine, but this Petition is printed and probably well circulated in protest.^[175]

Soon after the death of Timothy Watrous, Sr., and that of his son Zachariah, occurred the death of Timothy, Jr., in 1814. The latter was succeeded in leadership of the Society by his youngest brother, Zephania, then about thirty years of age.

By this time, the Quakertown Society had become so large that there was need of better accommodations for their meetings than could be afforded in an ordinary house. In 1815 the Quakertown meeting-house was built, that picturesque and not inartistic house of many gables, the first floor of which was for the occupation of the elder and his family, while the unpartitioned second story was for Rogerene meetings.

Materials and labor for the building of this meeting-house were furnished by members of the Society. The timber is said to have been supplied from a forest felled by the September gale of 1815, and sawed in a saw-mill owned by Rogerenes. The same gale had unroofed the old Watrous (John Waterhouse) dwelling which stood near the site of the meeting-house.^[176]

The Quakertown people had a schoolhouse of their own as well as a meeting-house, and thus fully controlled the training of their youth and preserved them from outside influence. About the middle of the century, a regular meeting-house was built. The old meeting-house was turned entirely into a dwelling. The newer meeting-house resembles a schoolhouse.

Zephania Watrous was the last of the prominent leaders in this community. He was not only gifted as a religious teacher, but possessed much mechanical genius. By an ingenious device, water from a large spring was conducted into the cellar of the meeting-house and made to run the spinning-wheels in the living-room above, where were made linen thread and fine table linen, in handsome patterns. A daughter of this preacher (a sweet old lady, still living in this house in 1900) stated that she used often in her youth to spin sixty knots of thread a day.

It is alleged in Quakertown that Rogerenes were the first to decry slavery. This claim is not without foundation. Some of the Quakers censured this practice as early as 1750, although many of them held slaves for a considerable time after that date. Slavery was not publicly denounced in their Society until 1760. It was before 1730 that John Bolles came to the conclusion that slavery was not in accordance with the teachings of the New Testament. Copies of the papers by which he freed his slaves, bearing the above date, may be seen among the New London town records. His resolve to keep no more slaves and his reasons for it are among the traditions cherished by his descendants. Attention has previously been called to the evident aversion on the part of James Rogers and his son John to the practice of keeping slaves in life bondage. There is no indication that John Rogers, Sr., ever kept a slave, and many indications to the contrary. His son John, however, kept slaves to some extent, some of whom at least he freed for “faithful service” (New London Records). Two able-bodied “servants,” are found in his inventory.^[177] His son James mentions a servant, “Rose,” in his will of 1754. His son John, however, never kept a slave, and his family were greatly opposed to that practice, by force of early teaching. With the exceptions here noted, no proof appears of the keeping of slaves among the early Rogerenes, although many of them were in circumstances to indulge in that practice, which was prevalent in their neighborhood. The date at which slavery was denounced by the Rogerene Society does not appear.

It is certain that the Rogerenes of Quakertown were not only among the first to declare against the brutality of war and the sanction it received from ministers and church members, but among the foremost in the denunciation of slavery. Nor were there those lacking on the New London side to join hands with their Groton friends on these grounds. The churches of New London, in common with others, would not listen to any meddling with slavery, partisanship on which question would surely have divided those churches. The Rogerenes saw no justifiable evasion, for Christians, of the rule to love God and your fellowmen, to serve God and not Mammon, and to leave the consequences with Him who gave the command.

At the period of the antislavery agitation, some of the descendants of John Rogers and John Bolles on the New London side (no longer called by the name of Rogerenes), and other sympathizers with those of Quakertown, attended meetings in the upper chamber of the house of many gables, and joined with them in antislavery and other Rogerene sentiments, declarations and endeavors. Among these visitors was William Bolles,^[178] the enterprising book publisher of New London (Part I., Chapter VII.), who had become an attendant upon the services of the Baptist church of New London; but who withdrew from such attendance after discovery that the minister and leading members of that church expected those opposed to slavery to maintain silence upon that subject. He published a paper in this cause, in 1838, called The Ultimatum, with the following heading:—