118 The author of the following Villancico is named Escriva.
119 These glosses, which certainly belong to the fifteenth century, prove the still higher antiquity of the glossed romances. As a proof of this, we may quote the commencement of a gloss of the Rosa fresca, (see p. 74), though it is not one of the most successful productions of this class.
120 The device of an enamoured knight in the true Spanish style: WITHOUT THEE I AM WITHOUT GOD, AND WITHOUT MYSELF, was thus glossed.
Sin vos, y sin Dios y mi.
121 An accurate idea of all the romances of this class may be derived from the Historia de los Vandos de los Zegris y Abencerrages, Caballeros Moros de Granada, a work well known to those who are acquainted with Spanish literature. It has been several times printed. The edition which I have now before me (Lisboa 1616,) seems to be one of the latest. On the title page the author styles himself, Ginez Perez de Hita, and on that page also appear the words, Aora nuevamente sacado de un libro Arabigo. The German critic Blankenburgh, is of opinion, that there is no more reason for supposing this work to be a translation from the Arabic, than that Don Quixote was derived from a similar source. But the word sacado on the title page, by no means indicates that it is a translation. The author has evidently derived much of his information, such for instance, as the genealogical register of the families, from Moorish sources. He has probably availed himself of an Arabic work to write a half true and half fabulous history of Granada, and to intersperse it with favourite romances. There is a counterfeit edition of this work, entitled, Historia de las guerras civiles de Granada, Paris, 1660. From the French words on the margin, it is obvious that the book must have been used in Paris in the seventeenth century, for learning the Spanish language.
122 It will be sufficient to transcribe here one of these pastoral romances, which presents a fair specimen of the better part of the rest.
123 The following is written in a style which was, at a later period, much admired in France, and frequently imitated in Germany while Hagedorn and Gleim flourished:—
124 See the notices of Nicolas Antonio, Sarmiento, Velasquez, and others.
125 It is entitled Romancero general, en que se contienen todos los romances, que andan impresos, aora nuevamente añadido y enmendado, Madrid, 1604, a quarto volume, containing about seventy sheets. The preface is subscribed by the bookseller, who seems to have compiled this work himself. The todos on the title page must not be literally understood. Not one of the romances contained in the old Cancionero de Romances, (see note page 53) appear in this Romancero general, which is, in other respects, extremely copious. But the Spanish booksellers began at an early period to give boasting titles to their publications.
126 More copious information, together with bibliographic notices respecting the pastoral dialogue of Mingo Rebulgo, are given by Velasquez and Dieze, page 162.
127 Sarmiento, page 235, quotes this specimen of Juan de la Enzina’s Disparates:—
128 Nicolas Antonio, Sarmiento, and Velasquez, give accounts of Juan de la Enzina. Some of his romances and songs, which however, possess no remarkable merit, are also contained in the Cancionero general and the Cancionero de romances. One of his compositions, styled an echo, or a song, in which the rhyme is repeated in the following word, with the effect of an echo, is inserted in the Cancionero general, as being something peculiar. The old collection, entitled, Cancionero de todas las obras de Juan del Enzina, certainly contains poems far superior to any already mentioned, though perhaps they do not rise above the poetry of his age. Velasquez quotes an edition published in 1516, which Dieze regards as a curiosity. Indeed one of the greatest literary curiosities in existence, is an old folio edition, (probably the first) of the Cancionero of Juan de la Enzina, printed at Seville, in gothic characters, in the year 1501, by two Germans named Pegnitzer and Herbst, at the expense of two merchants. The copy to which I have referred, which is probably the only one in Germany, is also mentioned in Dieze’s supplement to Velasquez; it belongs to the Ducal library at Wolfenbüttel. Notwithstanding the gothic characters, the print is so clear and neat, that in this respect alone it is highly interesting to bibliographists. Juan de la Enzina’s songs occupy the greater part of the volume. One of them, namely—an Apology for Women, (Contra los que dicen mal de Mugeres) is remarkable for poetic truth and pleasing versification. In this Apology for the fair sex, the author, among other things, says:
His imitations of Virgil’s eclogues have the same metrical form as many of his other poems. The first eclogue commences with the following graceful strophe:—
His sacred and profane pastoral dramas are merely eclogues in a style similar to the above, only that they are written in the dialogue form, and with remarkable lightness. The last, which is of the profane class, commences thus:—
129 In the edition of 1599, which I have consulted, the work is entitled Celestina, tragicomedia de Calisto y Melibea. The first letter of each of the introductory stanzas, being put together, form the following words:—El bachiler Fernando de Rojas acabò la comedia de Calisto y Melibea, e fue nacido en la puebla de Montalvan.
130 The following specimens may be cited. Callistus is discoursing with his servant, concerning his passion for Melibœa.
Ca. Mayor es mi fuego, y menor la piedad de quien agora digo.—Sem. No me engaño que loco està aste mi amo.—Ca. Que estàs murmurando Sempronio?—Sem. No digo nada.—Ca. Di lo que dizes: no temas.—Sem. Digo que como pueda ser mayor el fuego que atormenta un bivo, que el que quemó tal ciudad y tanta multitud de gente?—Ca. Como? yo telo dire: mayor es la llama que dura ochenta años que la que en un dia passa; y mayor la que quema un anima, que la que quemó cien mil cuerpos. Como de la aparencia a la existencia, como de lo vivo a lo pintado; como de la sombra a lo real: tanta differencia ay del fuego que dizes al que me quema. Por cierto si el del purgatorio es tal, mas querria que mi espiritu fuesse con los de los brutos animales, que por medio de aquel yr a la gloria de los santos.—Sem. Algo es lo que digo, a mas ha de yr este hecho: no basta loco, sino hereje.—Ca. No te digo que hables alto quando hablares? Que dizes?—Sem. Digo que nunca Dios quiera tal: que es especie de herejia lo que agora dixiste.—Ca. Porque?—Sem. Porque lo que dizes contradize la Christiana religion.—Ca. Que a mi?—Sem. Tu no eres Christiano?—Ca. Yo Melibieo soy, e a Melibea adoro, e en Melibea creo, e a Melibea amo.
131 About the same period, the dramatic prose dialogue of Italy was formed in a similar style, but with more histrionic refinement. See vol. ii. of my history of Italian Literature.
132 The dramatic romance of Callistus and Melibœa, has been translated into several languages as a book of moral instruction. There is an old German translation which appeared at Nurnberg in 1520, entitled the Hurenspiegel. The German philologist, Caspar Barth, translated it into Latin under the title of Pornoboscodidascalus, and styles it, Liber plane divinus. It was published at Frankfort on the Oder, in 1624.
133 One may become acquainted with these old Spanish chronicles with more facility than formerly; for during the last thirty years the greater part of them have been re-printed. A folio edition of the copious chronicle of Peres de Guzman was printed at Valencia, in the year 1779, with an elegance which proves the patriotic zeal of the editors: the chronicle of Ayala was printed at Madrid in the same year. Literature is indebted for this revival of the fathers of Spanish History, to the efforts of the Historical Academy of Madrid.
134 It is not many years since this history was first published from the manuscript. It is intitled, Cronica de Don Pedro Niño Conde de Buelna, por Gutierre Diez de Games, su Aferes. La publica D. Eugenio de Llaguno Amirola, &c. Madrid, 1782, in quarto.
135 He gives the following description of the national character of the French, which derives additional attraction from its antiquated language:—
Los Franceses son noble nacion de gente: son sabios é muy entendidos, é discretos en todas las cosas que pertenescen á buena crianza en cortesia é gentileza. Son muy gentiles en sus traeres, é guarnidos ricamente: traense mucho á lo propio: son francos é dadivosos: aman facer placer á todas las gentes: honran mucho los estrangeros: saben loar, é loan mucho los buenos fechos: non son maliciosos: dan pasada á los enojos: non caloñan á ome de voz nin fecho, salvo si los vá alli mucho de sus honras: son muy corteses é graciosos en su fablar: son muy alegres, toman placer de buena mente, é buscanle. Asi ellos como ellas son muy enamorados, é precianso dello.
136 That this biographical chronicle was written between the years 1453 and 1460, is proved in the preface to the latest edition, which is entitled, Cronica de Don Alvaro de Luna, &c. La publica con varios apendices Don Josef Miguel de Flores, Secretario perpetuo de la real Academia de la Historia. Madrid, 1784, 4to.
137 The following is one of his declamatory passages: it is certainly more suited to a philippic than to a biographic work, but it is sufficiently oratorical for the age in which it was produced:—
Oh traycion! oh traycion! oh traycion! Maldito sea el ser tuyo: maldito sea el poder tuyo: é maldito el tu obrar, que á tanto se estiende, é tantas fuerzas alcanza. Oh enemiga de toda bondad, é adversaria de toda virtud, é contraria de todos bienes! Por tì han seìdo destruidos Reynos: por tí han seìdo asoladas grandes é nobles, é populosas cibdades: é por tì son cometidas en Emperadores, é Reyes, é Principes, é altos señores, crueles, bravas é miserables muertes. Quien pudiera pensar? Quien pudiera creer? O qu’al juicio pudiera abastar á considerar, que un tanto señor, é de tan alto ser, un tan grand, á tan familiar amigo de virtudes, como era el inclito Maestre de Sanctiago é insigne Condestable de la gran Castilla, viniesse al passo que agora aqui contaremos?
138 Entre los otros frutos abundosos que la España en otro tiempo de sì solia dar, fallo yo que el mas precioso de aquellos fué criar é nudrir en si varones muy virtuosos notables é dispuestos para enseñorear, sabios para regir, duros é fuertes para guerrear. De los quales unos fueron subidos á la cumbre imperial, otros á la relumbrante catedra del saber. E muchos otros merescieron por victoria corona del triunfo resplandesciente.
139 E tentando entrar la presente obra donde pues tú, Verdad, eres una de las principales virtudes que en aqueste nuestro muy buen Maestre siempre fecistes morada, á tí solo llamo é invoco que adiestres la mi mano, alumbres el mi ingenio, abundes la mi memoria, porque yo pueda confirmar é sellar la comenzada obra con el tu precioso nombre.
140 The author thus relates how in his youth Don Alvaro de Luna, by the irresistible grace of his manners had gained the love of the king, who was then also very young, and the favour of the fair sex:—
Ca si Rey salia á danzar, non queria que otro caballero ninguno, nin grande nin Rico ome danzase con él, salvo Don Alvaro de Luna, nin queria con otro cantar, nin facer cosa, salvo con Don Alvaro, nin se apartaba con otro á aver sus consejos é fablas secretas tanto como con él. De la otra parte que todas las dueñas é doncellas lo favorescian mucho. Don Alvaro era mas mirado é preciado entre todos aquellos que en las fiestas se ayuntaron. E despues quando el Rey se retraìa á su cámara á burlar ó aver placer, Don Alvaro burlaba tan cortés é graciosamente, que el Rey é todos los otros que con él eran avian muy grand placer. E si fablaban en fechos de caballeria, aunque Don Alvaro era mozo, él fablaba en ellos, assi bien é atentamente que todos se maravillaban. E aquel fué desde niño su mayor estudio, entender en los fechos de armas é de caballeria, é darse á ellos, é saber en ellos mas facer que decir.
141 The library of the university of Göttingen contains a copy of this scarce book, printed in gothic characters, but the title page is wanting. It commences with the title of the table of contents: Comiença la tabla de los claros varones, ordenada por Fernando del Pulgar, &c. The biographical sketches are followed by a collection of letters; and the whole forms a volume with which every author who writes on Spanish history ought to be acquainted.
142 The following specimen is the commencement of a jocular letter, in which Fernando del Pulgar begs of his physician to prescribe to him a remedy for the sciatica, as the consolation which Cicero offers in his book de Senectute had no effect on him:—
Señor dotor Francisco Nuñes fisico: yo Fernando de Pulgar escrivano paresco ante vos: y digo que padesciendo grand dolor de la yjada: y otros males que asoman con la vejez quise leer a Julio de senetute para aver del para ellos algun remedio. Y no le de dios mas salud al alma de lo que yo falle en el para mi yjada. Verdad es que da muchas consolaciones: y cuenta muchos loores de la vejez. Pero no provee de remedio para sus males. Quisiere yo fallar un remedio solo, mas por cierto de Señor fisico que todos sus consolaciones por que el conorte quando no quita dolor, no pone consolacion. Quise ver essomismo el segundo libro que fizo de las quistiones Tosculanas. Do quiere provar que el sabio no deve haver dolor: y si lo hoviere lo puede desechar con virtud. E yo Señor dotor como no soy sabio senti el dolor. Y como no soy virtuoso no le puede desechar. Ni lo desechara el mismo Julio por virtuoso que fuera: si sintiera el mal que yo sinti. Assi que para las enfermedades que vienen con la vejez fallo que es mejor yr al fisico remediador: que al filosofo consolador. Por los Cipiones, por los Metellos, y sabios, y por los Trasos, y por otros algunos romanos que bivieron y murieron en honra quiere provar Julio que la vejez es buena. Y por algunos que ovieron mala postremera provare yo que es mala. E dare mayor numero de testigos para prueva de mi intencion que el Señor Julio pudo dar para en prueva de la suya.
143 See the notice by Nicolas Antonio in the Bibl. Hisp. Vetus, last edition, (Madrid, 1788,) vol. ii. p. 282.
144 This treatise precedes the collection of Juan de la Enzina’s poems. See note page 131.
145 Criados en el gremio de la dulce filosofia. This he says in particular reference to Ferdinand and Isabella.
146 Quanta diferencia aya del Musico al Cantor, y del Geometra al Pedrero, tanta debe haver entre Poeta é Trobador. The third comparison follows afterwards.
147 An unpardonable neglect of chronology has given rise to a confusion of dates, by which this period of Spanish literature has been made to include two distinct epochs. This confusion is particularly striking in the work of Velasquez. In his third age of Castilian poetry, which he commences with the introduction of the Italian style, but which ought really to be called the second, he reckons all the Spanish poets, who appear to have formed their manner after Italian models down to the reign of Philip IV.; and in the following age, which he calls the fourth, he places Virnes, Lope de Vega, and others, who flourished half a century before.
148 See page 25. In the Cancionero general there are some spiritual sonnets, but they are all equally aukward and repulsive.
149 The history of the opposition which Boscan’s poetical reform experienced, is briefly related by himself in the dedication to the Duchess of Soma, which precedes the second volume of his poems.
150 The eighth volume of the Parnaso Español, by Sedano, contains a supplement to the biographical notices which Nicolas Antonio collected under the article Boscan, and Dieze adopted in his notes on Velasquez. The Noticias Biographicas, which Sedano has added to the Parnaso Español, deserve, from this epoch downward, to be carefully consulted.
151 The library of the university of Göttingen possesses a copy of perhaps the oldest edition of the works of this author, viz. Obras de Boscan, Lisboa 1543, in 4to., and another edition, Anvers 1569, in 8vo.
152 The first strophe runs thus:—
153 The spirit of Petrarch breathes in the following sonnet; though it is accompanied in the latter verses with a portion of romantic subtilty.
154 Passages such as the following from the beautiful Claros y frescos rios of Boscan, after Petrarch’s canzone Chiare, dolci e fresche acque, would be sought for in vain in the writings of Petrarch himself.
155 The following passage may serve for an example:—
156 A certain horatian epicurean spirit is recognizable in the view he takes of the philosophy of life.
Pictures of domestic happiness, partaking both of the manner of Horace and Tibullus, form an agreeable addition to Boscan’s moral reflections, viz.
157 The description of Venus appearing, when the star which has obtained her name rises, is thus given:—
158 Some stanzas in the speech which the missionary Cupids address to the ladies of Barcelona, bring to recollection a passage in Tasso’s Jerusalem, though that poem did not then exist.
160 In his elegy on Boscan he thus apostrophizes Mars:—
161 The edition of the Obras de Garcilaso de la Vega, Madrid, 1765, 8vo. published by an anonymous editor, contains impartial and correct remarks on the beauties and the defects of the author’s poetry. The preface which is written with a spirit of patriotic frankness is also worthy of perusal.
162 In the following sonnet the dull and affected close forms a disagreeable contrast to the fine commencement.
163 It is as follows:—
When stripped, however, of the pleasing versification, the ideas in the last lines appear somewhat studied and far-fetched.
164 The following two strophes are from the lament of Salicio.