The partisans of the deposed Richard refused to believe that he was dead:—

1402. In the meane time while the kyng was thus occupied in Wales, certain malicious and cruel persons enuiyng and malignyng in their heartes that king Henry contrary to the opinion of many, but against the will of mo had so shortely obteigned and possessed the realme and regalitie, blased abrode & noised daily amongest the vulgare people that kyng Richard (whiche was openly sene dead) was yet liuying and desired aide of the common people to repossesse his realme and roiall dignitie. And to the furtheraunce of this fantasticall inuencion partly moued with indignacion, partely incensed with furious malencolie, set vpon postes and caste aboute the stretes railyng rimes, malicious meters and tauntyng verses against King Henry and his proceedynges. He beyng netteled with these vncurteous ye vnuertuous prickes & thornes, serched out the authours, and amongest other were found culpable of this offence and crime, sir Roger Claryngdon knight, and eight gray Friers whiche according to their merites and desertes were strangeled at Tiborne and there put in execution.[138]

Walter de Baldocke, formerly Prior of Laund in Leicestershire, a ninth minorite friar, and a servant of Sir Roger, were also executed.[139]

1404. The olde Countesse of Oxford, mother to Robert de Vere Duke of Ireland did cause such as were familiar with her, to brute throughout all the parts of Essex, that king Richard was aliue, and that he should shortely come & chalenge his olde estate and dignitie. She caused many harts of silver, and some of golde to be made for badges, such as king Richard was wont to bestowe on his knights, Esquiers & friends, that distributing them in the kings name, she might the sooner allure the knights, and other valiant men of the Countrey, to be at her will and desire.

Also the fame and brute which daily was blazed abroad by one William Serle, sometimes of K. Richards chamber, that the same King Richard was in Scotland, and tarryed with a power of French & Scottishmen, caused many to beleeue that he was aliue. This William Serle had forged a priuie Seale in the said Richards name, and had sent diuers comfortable letters vnto such as were familiar with K. Richard, by which meanes, many gaue the greater credit to the Countesse, insomuch, that some religious Abbots of that country did giue credit vnto her tales who afterward were taken at the Kings commaundement and imprisoned, because they did beleeue and giue credit to the Countesse in this behalfe, and the Countesse had all her goods confiscate, and was committed to close prison: and William Serle, was drawn from pomfret, through the chiefest Citties of England, and put to death at London.[140]

1424. The Parliament sitting in this year “ordained that what prysoner for grand or petty treason was committed to ward, & after wilfully brake or made an escape from the same, it should bee deemed pettie treason.” Sir John Mortimer lay in the Tower, accused of divers points of treason. “Which John Mortimer, after the statute aforesaid escaped out of the tower, and was taken againe vpon the tower wharfe sore beaten and wounded, and on the morrowe brought to Westminster, and by the authoritie of the said parliament, hee was drawne to Tyburne, hanged & headed.” (Stow, Annals, p. 365.) Stow refers to Hall, who says: “In the tyme of which Parliament also, whether it were, either for deserte or malice, or to auoyde thynges that might chaunce, accordyng to a prouerbe, whiche saith, a dead man doth no harme: Sir Iohn Mortimer … was attainted of treason and put to execution: of whose death no small slaunder arose emongest the common people.”[141]

1427. Ande that same yere a theffe that was i-callyd Wille Wawe was hangyd at Tyborne (Gregory’s Chronicle, p. 161).

Insignificant as this record appears, it is really of great interest. As the present annals show, ordinary crimes and their punishment received little or rather no attention from the chroniclers. We have now traversed two and a half centuries since the first recorded execution that we can put to the account of Tyburn. We have found but one case, that of the terrible tragedy of the murdered cook of Chepe, and the judicial error resulting in the execution of four or five innocent persons, in which the actors or sufferers were of humble rank. Gregory’s Chronicle is supposed to have been written by William Gregory, skinner, mayor of London. It is certain that the author was a citizen of London. Being this, the phases of daily life in London would naturally have for him a greater interest than for the monk who looked on the world from the scriptorium of his monastery. To the fact that Gregory was a citizen of London we doubtless owe this notice—too brief—of Wille Wawe. The hanging of thieves was too common to attract attention. We shall admit the probability that Wille was distinguished from the rest of his tribe by superior daring or success: had he, perhaps, robbed the author of the Chronicle?

1437. Also the same yere on William Goodgrom, of London, corsour, for scleynge of a man of court in Hosyere Lane be syde Smythfeld, was hangen at Tybourne (Chronicle of London, 1827, p. 123.)

A coursour, or courser, was a dealer in horses. (Riley, “Memorials of London and London Life,” p. 366 and note.)

1441. Roger Bolinbrooke, a great Astronomer, with Thomas Southwell, a Chanon of Saynt Stephens Chappell at Westminster, were taken as conspiratours of the Kings death, for it was said, that the same Roger shoulde labour to consume the kings person by way of Negromancie, & the said Thomas should say Masses in the lodge of Harnesey park beside London, upon certaine instruments, with the which the said Roger should vse his craft of Negromancie, against the faith, and was assenting to the said Roger, in all his workes. And the 5. and twentith day of July being Sun-day, Roger Bolinbrooke, with all his instruments of Negromancie, that is to say, a chayre paynted wherein he was wont to sit, vppon the 4. corners of which chayre stoode foure swords, and vppon euery sword an image of copper hanging, with many other instruments: hee stoode on a high Scaffolde in Paules Churchyard, before yᵉ crosse, holding a sword in his right hand, and a scepter in his left, arrayed in a maruellous attire, and after the Sermon was ended by maister Low Byshop of Rochester, he abiured all articles longing to the crafte of Negromancie or missowning to the faith, in presence of the Archb. of Canterbury, the Cardinall of Winchester, the byshop of London, Salisbury and many other.

On the Tuesday next following, dame Elianor Cobham, daughter to Reginald Cobham Lord of Stirbrough: Dutchesse of Glocester fledde by night into the Sanctuary at Westminster, which caused her to be suspected of treason.

In the meane time Roger Bolinbrooke, was examined before the Kings Counsaile, where he confessed that he wrought the saide Negromancie at the stirring and procurement of the said Dame Elianor, to know what should befall of her, and to what estate she should come, whereuppon shee was cited to appeare before Henry Chicheley, Archbishop of Canterbury. Henry Beaufort bishoppe of Winchester Cardinall: Iohn Kempe Archb. of Yorke Cardinall: William Ascothe bishop of Salisburie, & other in Saynt Stephens Chappell at Westminster, there to answere to certaine Articles in number 28. of Negromancie, witch-crafte, sorcerie, heresie, and treason, where when shee appeared, the foresaide Roger was brought forth to witnes against her, and said, that shee was cause and first stirred him to labour in the sayd Art. Then on the 11. of August, shee was committed to the ward of Sir John Steward, Sir William Wolfe Knights, Iohn Stanley Esquier, and other, to be conueyed to the Castle of Leedes, there to remaine till 3. weekes after Michaelmas.

Shortly after a commission was directed to the Earles of Huntington, Stafford, Suffolke and Northumberland, the treasurer sir Ralph Cromwall, Iohn Cornwall, Lord Fanhope, sir Walter Hungerforde, and to certaine Judges of both Benches, to enquire of all manner of treasons, sorceries, & other things that might be hurtfull to the Kings person, before whome the sayde Roger, and Thomas Southwell, as principals, and Dame Elianor as accessary, were indicted of treason in the Guilde Hall of London.

There was taken also Margery Gurdemaine a witch of Eye besides Westminster, whose sorcerie and witchcrafte the said Elianor hadde long time vsed, and by her medicines & drinkes enforced the Duke of Glocester to loue her, and after to wedde her, wherefore, and for cause of relapse, the same Witch was brent in Smithfield, on the twentie-seauen day of October.

The 21. of October, in the Chappell beforesaid, before the Byshops, of London Robart Gilbart, of Lincolne, William Alnewike, of Norwich Thomas Brouns, the sayde Elianor appeared, and Adam Molins Clarke of the Kinges Counsell read certaine articles obiected against her of Sorcerie and Negromancy, whereof some shee denyed, and some shee granted.

The three and twentith of October Dame Elianor appeared againe, and witnesses were brought forth and examined: and she was conuict of the saide Articles: then was it asked if she would say any thing against the witnesses, whereunto shee answered nay, but submitted her selfe. The 27. day of October shee abiured the articles, & was adioyned to appeare againe the ninth of Nouember. In the meane tyme, to wit, on the 26. of October Thomas Southwell dyed in the Tower of London, as himselfe had prophesied that he should neuer die by Justice of the Law.

The 9. of November Dame Elianor appeared before the Archbyshop & other, in the sayde Chappell, and receiued her penance, which shee perfourmed.

On Monday the 13. of November, she came from Westminster by water, and landed at the Temple bridge, from whence with a taper of waxe of 2. pound in her hand, she went through Fleetestreete, hoodlesse (saue a Kerchefe) to Pauls, where shee offered her taper at the high Altar. On the Wednesday next shee landed at the Swan in Thamis streete, and then went through Bridge-streete, Grace church streete, straight to Leaden Hall, & so to Christ church by Aldegate. On Friday she landed at Queene Hiue, and so went through Cheape to Saynt Michaels in Cornehill, in forme aforesaid: at all which times the Maior, Sherifes, & crafts of London, receiued her and accompanied her. This beeing done shee was committed to the ward of sir Thomas Stanley, wherein shee remained during her life in the castle of Chester, hauing yeerely 100. markes assigned for her finding, in the 22. of Henry the sixt, shee was remoued to Kenilworth, there to be safely kept whose pride, false, couetise, and lechery, were cause of her confusion.

The 18. of November Roger Bolingbroke, with Sir Iohn Hum priest, & William Woodham Esquier, were arraigned in the Guildhal of London, where the said Iohn and William hadde their Charters, but Roger Bolingbroke was condemned, and had iudgement of Sir Io. Hody, Chiefe Justice of the Kings Bench, and the same day he was drawne from the Tower to Tyborne and there hanged and quartered: and when the said Roger should suffer, he sayd that he was neuer guilty of any treaso̅ against the Kings person, but he had presumed too far in his cunning, whereof he cryed God mercy: and the Justice that gaue on him iudgement liued not long after.[142]

1446. Iohn Dauid appeached his master William Catur, an armorer dwelling in S. Dunstons parish in Fleetstreet, of treason, & a day being assigned them to fight in Smithfield, yᵉ master being welbeloued, was so cherished by his friends & plied so wʰ wine, that being therwith ouercome was also vnluckely slaine by his seruant: but that false seruant (for he falsely accused his master) liued not long vnpunished, for he was after hanged at Tyborne for felony (Stow, p. 385).

Shakespeare has taken this incident for a scene in the Second Part of King Henry VI. Act 2, sc. 3, where the armourer is called Horner, and his servant Peter. In the play, Horner, smitten to death, is made to confess his treason.

1447. And a-non aftyr the dethe of the Duke of Glouceter there were a reste [arrested] many of the sayde dukys [servants] to the nombyr of xxxviij squyers, be-syde alle othyr servantys that nevyr ymagenyd no falsenys of the [that] they were put a-pon of. And on Fryday the xiiij day of Juylle nexte folowynge by jugement at Westemyster, there by fore v personys were dampnyd to be drawe, hanggyd, and hyr bowellys i-brente be fore hem, and thenne hyr heddys to be smetyn of, ande thenne to be quarteryde, and every parte to be sende unto dyvers placys by assygnement of the jugys. Whyche personys were thes: Arteys the bastarde of the sayde Duke of Glouceter, Syr Rogger Chambyrlayne knyght, Mylton squyer, Thomas Harberde squyer, Nedam yeman, whyche were the sayde xiiij day of Juylle i-drawe fro Syn Gorgys thoroughe owte Sowthewerke and on Londyn Brygge, ande so forthe thorowe the cytte of London to the Tyborne, and there alle they were hanggyde, and the ropys smetyn a-sondyr, they beynge alle lyvynge, and thenne, ar any more of any markys of excecusyon were done, the Duke of Sowthefolke brought them alle yn generalle pardon and grace from our lorde and soverayne Kynge Harry the vjᵗᵉ.[143]

1455. Also this yere was a grete affray in London agaynst the Lombardes. The cawse began of a yong man that took a Dagger from a straunger and broke it. Wherefore the yong man was sent for vnto the Mair and Aldermen beyng at Guyldehall, and there by theym he was commytted for his offence to One of the Countours: and then the mair departyng from the hall toward his mancion to dyner, in Chepe met with him a grete company of yong men of the Mercery, as Apprentices and other lowse men: and taried the Mair and the Sheriffes still in Chepe, not suffryng hym to depart till they had their ffelow, beyng in pryson, as is aforsaid, delyuered: and so by force delyuered their felaw oute of pryson. Wherevpon the same evenyng the hand craftymen Ranne vnto the lombardes howsys, and Robbyd and dispoilid Dyuers of theym. Wherfor the Mair and Shyreffes, with thassistence of good and weldisposed people of the Cite, with greate Jubardy and labour Drove theym thens, and commytted some of theym that had Robbid to Newgate. Whervpon the yong man, which was rescoed by his feloship, seying the greate rumour folowyng vpon his occasion Departed and went to Westm’, and ther abode as sayntuary man: Wherby he saved his lyf. ffor anone vpon this came down an Oye determyne, for to do Justice vpon alle theym that soo had Rebellid in the Cyte: vpon which sat that tyme with the Mayr the Duke of Bokyngham with dyuers other grete lordes, for to see Execucion doon. But the Comons of the Cyte did arme theym secretely in their howses, and were in purpos to haue Rungyn the Comon Bell, callid Bowe Bell: But they were lette by sadde and weladuysed men, which when it come to the knowleyge of the Duke of Bokyngham and other lordes their beyng with hym, they Incontynently arose, feryng longer to abyde: for it was shewed to theym that all the Cite wold arise vpon theym. But yet notwithstondyng in Conclusion ij or iij mysdoers of the Cite were adjuged for the Robbery, And were hanged at Tybourne: and this doon the kyng and the quene and other lordes Rood to Coventre, and with drewe theym from London for these cawsis (Chronicles of London (Kingsford) 1905, pp. 166, 167).

1467. Alle soo that same yere there were many chyrchys robbyd in the cytte of London only of the boxys with the sacrament. And men had moche wondyr of thys, and sad men demyd that there had ben sum felyschippe of heretykys assocyat to gederys. But hyt was knowe aftyr that it was done of very nede that they robbyd, wenyng unto the thevys that the boxys hadde ben sylvyr ovyr gylt, but was but copyr. And by a copyr smythe hit was a spyde of hyr longe contynuans in hyr robbory. At a tyme, alle the hole feleschippe of thevys sat at sopyr to gedyr, and had be fore hem fulle goode metys. But that copyr smythe sayde, “I wolde have a more deynty mosselle of mete, for I am wery of capon, conynge, and chekyns, and such smalle metes. And I mervyl I have ete ix goddys at my sopyr that were in the boxys.” And that schamyd sum of them in hyr hertys. Ande a smythe of lokyers crafte, that made hyr instrumentes to opyn lockys, was ther that tyme, for hyt was sayed at the sopyr in hys howse. And in the mornynge he went to chyrche to hyre a masse, and prayde God of marcy; but whenn the pryste was at the levacyon of the masse he myght not see that blessyd sacrament of the auter. Thenn he was sory, and a bode tylle a nothyr pryste wente to masse and helpyd the same pryste to masse, and say [saw] howe the oste lay a-pon the auter and alle the tokyns and sygnys that the pryste made; but whenn the pryste hylde uppe that hooly sacrament at the tyme of levacyon he myght se no thynge of that blessyd body of Chryste at noo time of the masse, not somoche at Agnus Dei; and thenn he demyd that hit had ben for febyllenys of hys brayne. And he went unto the ale howse and dranke a ob. [a halfpennyworth] of goode alle, and went to chyrche agayne, and he helpyd iij moo prystys to masse, and in no maner a wyse he ne myght se that blessyd sacrament; but then bothe he and hys feleschyppe lackyd grace. And in schorte tyme aftyr iiij of hem were take, and the same lokyer was one of yᵉ iiij, and they were put in Newegate. And by processe they were dampnyd for that trespas and othyr to be hangyd and to be drawe fro Newegate to Tyborne, and soo they were. And the same daye that they shulde dy they were confessyd. And thes iiij docters were hyr confessourys, Mayster Thomas Eberalle, Maystyr Hewe Damylett, Maystyr Wylliam Ive, and Maystyr Wylliam Wryxham. Thenn Mayster Thomas Eberalle wente to masse, and that lokyer aftyr hys confessyon myght see that blessyd sacrament welle i-nowe, and thenne rejoysyd and was gladde, and made an opyn confessyon by fore the iiij sayde docters of devynyte. And I truste that hyr soulys ben savyd.[144]

1468. That yere were meny men a pechyd of treson, bothe of the cytte and of othyr townys. Of the cytte Thomas Coke, knyght and aldyrman, and John Plummer, knyght and aldyrman, but the kyng gave hem bothe pardon. And a man of the Lorde Wenlockys, John Haukyns was hys name, was hangyd at Tyburne and be heddyd for treson.[145]

1495. The 22. of Februarie were arraigned in Guildhall at London foure persons, to witte, Thomas Bagnall, Iohn Scot, Ihon Hethe, and Iohn Kenington, the which were Sanctuarie men of Saint Martin le grand in London, and lately before taken thence, for forging seditious libels, to the slander of the King, and some of his Councell: for the which three of them were adiudged to die, & the fourth named Bagnall, pleaded to be restored to sanctuary: by reason whereof he was repriued to the Tower till the next terme, and on the 26 of February the other three with a Flemming, and Robert Bikley a yeoman of the Crown were all fiue executed at Tyborne (Stow, ed. Howes, p. 479).

1483. December 4. Four yeomen of the Crown were drawn from Southwark to Tyburn, and “there were hanged all” (Chronicle of London, Kingsford, 1905, p. 192).

1495. In this year Perkin Warbeck, a pretender, “A yoongman, of visage beautifull, of countenance demure, of wit subtil,” made a descent on the English coasts:—But Perken would not set one foote out of his Shippe, till he sawe all thinges sure; yet he permitted some of his Souldiours to goe on lande, which being trained forth a prettie way from their Shippes, and seeing they coulde haue no comfort of the Countrey, they withdrew againe to their Shippes: at which withdrawing, the Maior of Sandwich, with certaine commons of the Countrey, bikered with the residue that were vppon lande, and tooke aliue of them 169. persons, among the which were fiue Captaines Mountfort, Corbet, White Belt, Quintin & Genine. And on the twelfth of Julie, Syr Iohn Pechy, Sheriffe of Kent, bought vnto London bridge those 169. persons, where the Sheriffes of London, Nicholas Alwine and Iohn Warner receiued and conueied them, railed in robes like horses in a cart, vnto the tower of London, and to Newgate, and shortlie after to the number of 150. were hanged about the sea coasts in Kent, Essex, Sussex, and Norffolke; the residue were executed at Tiborne and at Wapping in the Whose besides London; and Perken fled into Flanders (Stow, ed. Howes, p. 479).

1499. Perkyn (of whome rehersall was made before) beyng now in holde, coulde not leaue with the destruccion of him selfe, and confusion of other that had associate them selfes with him, but began now to study which way to flye & escape. For he by false persuasions and liberall promises corrupted Strangweyes, Blewet, Astwood and long Rogier hys kepers, beynge seruantes to syr Ihon Dygby, lieutenaunt. In so muche that they (as it was at their araynment openly proued) entended to haue slayn the sayde Master, and to haue set Perkyn and the Erle of Warwyke at large; which Erle was by them made preuy of this enterprice, & thereunto (as all naturall creatures loue libertie) to his destruccion assented. But this craftie deuice and subtil imaginacion, beyng opened and disclosed, sorted to none effect, and so he beyng repulsed and put back from all hope and good lucke with all hys complices and confederates, and Ihon Awater sometyme Mayre of Corffe in Ireland, one of his founders, and his sonne, were the sixten daye of Nouembre arreyned and comdempned at Westmynster. And on the thre and twenty daye of the same moneth, Perkyn and Ihon Awater were drawen to Tyborne, and there Perkyn standyng on a little skaffolde, redde hys confession, which before you haue heard, and toke it on hys death to be true, and so he and Ihon Awater asked the kyng forgeuenes and dyed paciently. (Hall’s Chron., ed. 1809, p. 491).

1497. Henry had prepared “a puissaunt and vigorious army to inuade Scotland,” when domestic troubles arose:—“When the lord Dawbeney had his army assembled together and was in his iourney forward into Scotlande, he sodeinly was stayed and reuoked agayne, by reason of a newe sedicion and tumult begonne within the realme of England for the subsedy whiche was graunted at the last parliament for the defence of the Scottes with all diligence and celeritee, whiche of the moost parte was truely satisfied and payde. But the Cornish men inhabityng the least parte of the realme, and thesame sterile and without all fecunditee, compleyned and grudged greatly affirmyng that they were not hable to paye suche a greate somme as was of theim demaunded. And so, what with angre, and what with sorrowe, forgettynge their due obeysaunce, beganne temerariously to speake of the kyng him selfe. And after leuyng the matter, lamentyng, yellyng, & criyng maliciously, sayd, that the kyngs counsayll was the cause of this polling and shauing. And so beyng in aroare, ii. of thesame affinitee, the one Thomas Flamocke, gentleman, learned in the lawes of the realme, and theother Mighell Ioseph a smyth, men of high courages and stoute stomackes, toke vpon theim to be captaynes of this vngracious flocke and sedicious company.… These capiteynes exhorted the common people to put on harneys, & not to be afearde to folowe theim in this quarell, promisyng theim that they shoulde do no damage to any creature, but only to se ponyshement and correccion done to such persons which were the aucthors & causers that the people were molested and vexed with such vnreasonable exaccions and demaunds.” The rebels marching towards London, “the kyng perceauyng the cyuile warre to approche & drawe nerer & nerer, almost to his very gates, determined with all his whole powre to resist and represse thesame.… Wherfore he reuoked agayn the lord Dawbeney which as you have heard, was with a puyssaunt army goyng into Scotland, whose army he encreaced and multiplied with many picked and freshe warryers, that he might the better, and with lesse laboure ouercome these rebelles.”

At Wells the rebels were joined by Lord Audley, who became their leader. They reached Blackheath where, although they captured Lord Dawbeney himself, they were overcome. “There were slain of the rebelles whiche fought & resisted ii. thousand men & moo & taken prisoners an infinite nombre, & emongest theim the black smyth & chiefe capteins.” The king pardoned all the leaders “sauyng the chiefe capiteynes & firste aucthors of that mischiefe, to whome he woulde neither shewe mercy nor lenity. For he caused the Lord Audeleigh to be drawen from Newgate to the Towre hil in a cote of his awne armes peinted vpon paper, reuersed and al to torne, & there to be behedded the xxviii. day of Iuyn. And Thomas Flamock and Myghell Ioseph he commaunded after the fassyon of treytours to be drawen, hanged, and quartered [at Tyburn], & their quarters to be pytched on stakes, & set vp in diuerse places of Cornewhale, that their sore punyshementes and terrible execucions for their treytorous attemptes and foolish hardy enterprices, might be a warning for other herafter to absteyne from committing lyke cryme and offence.”

Michael Joseph, the blacksmith, “was of such stowte stomack & haute courage, that at thesame time that he was drawen on the herdle toward his death, he sayd (as men do reporte) that for this myscheuous and facinorous acte, he should haue a name perpetual and a fame permanent and immortal” (Hall’s Chronicle, ed. 1809, pp. 476-80).

1502. Vpon Monday, beyng the second day of May, was kept at the Guyld hall of London an Oyr determyne, where sat the Mayre, the Duke of Bokyngham, Therle of Oxenford, with many other lordes, Juges, and knyghtes, as commyssioners: before whome was presented as prisoners to be enquyred of, sir James Tyrell, and sir John Wyndam, knyghtes, a Gentilman of the said sir James, named Wellesbourn, and one other beyng a shipman.… Vpon ffriday folowyng, beyng the vjᵗᵉ day of May and the morowe after the Ascension of our Lord, Sir James Tyrell and the forsaid Sir John Wyndam, knyghtes, were brought out of the Toure to the scaffold vpon the Toure hill, vpon their ffete, where they were both beheded. And the same day was the forsaid Shipman laied vpon an herdyll, and so drawen from the Toure to Tybourne, and there hanged, hedid, and quartered. And the forenamed Wellysbourn Remayned still in prison at the kynges commaundment and pleasure (Chronicles of London, Kingsford, 1905, p. 256).

1523. About eight miles from Bath is a village, Farleigh-Hungerford, known locally as Farleigh Castle from the extensive ruins of what was once a proud castle full of life and movement. As the name denotes, the Castle was the seat—one of the seats—of the Hungerford family, established at Heytesbury so far back as the twelfth century. In 1369 the Hungerford of his day, Sir Thomas Hungerford, purchased the manor of Farleigh. In 1383 he obtained permission to convert the manor-house into a castle. Sir Thomas made a great figure in the world: he is the first person formally mentioned in the rolls of Parliament as holding the office of Speaker.

Wandering among the vast ruins, the visitor, prompted by his guide-book, will not fail to note the spot where was formerly a furnace. If there is in all England a place where ghosts should walk, where the midnight owl should hoot, it is in the ruins of Farleigh Castle. For, now nearly four hundred years ago, Farleigh Castle was the scene of a terrible crime, expiated, perhaps in part only, by the death on the scaffold of one of the principal criminals, and of one or two of the abettors of an over-reaching ambition, or of a lawless passion.

In the Chronicle of the Grey Friars is the following passage:—

1523. And this yere in Feuerelle the xxᵗʰ day was the lady Alys Hungrford was lede from the Tower vn-to Holborne, and there put in-to a carte at the church-yerde with one of hare seruanttes, and so carred vn-to Tyborne, and there bothe hongyd, and she burryd at the Grayfreeres in the nether end of the myddes of the churche on the northe syde.

Stow, who in his Annals has a marginal reference to this Chronicle, adds a particular omitted by the earlier Chronicler—that the lady was executed for the murder of her husband. The curiosity of antiquaries was naturally excited by this story, half-revealed, half-concealed. The first discovery made was of the inventory of the lady’s goods. This was printed in Archæologia, vol. xxxviii. (1860). The goods fell into the hands of the king by forfeiture: so it came about that an inventory existed. It is a list of plate and jewels, of sumptuous hangings, “an extraordinary collection of valuable property.”

Finally more of the story was disclosed by Mr. William John Hardy, in the Antiquary of December, 1880. It is one of the greatest interest.

The lady’s name is given as Alice, both by the chronicler and by Stow in his Annals. Stow also, in a list of the monuments in the Grey Friars church, mentions one to “Alice Lat Hungerford, hanged at Tiborne for murdering her husband” (Survey, ed. Thoms, p. 120).

But the lady’s name was not Alice, but Agnes. She was the second wife of Sir Edward Hungerford, who was first married to Jane, daughter of John Lord Zouche of Haryngworth. The date of the death of Sir Edward’s first wife is not known. If we knew it there might arise a new suspicion. Nor do we know the date of Sir Edward’s second marriage, but it must have been not earlier than the latter half of 1518.

Sir Edward Hungerford was one of the great ones of the land. In 1517 he was sheriff for Wilts: in 1518 for Somerset and Dorset. In 1520 he was present at the Field of the Cloth of Gold. In 1521 he was in Commission of the Peace for Somerset.

We have seen that the original seat of the family was at Heytesbury, in Wilts, distant from Farleigh about twelve miles, and here Sir Edward commonly lived. In addition to Farleigh Castle, Sir Edward possessed a great London house, standing with its gardens where now is Charing Cross station. From this house were named Hungerford Street and Hungerford Stairs. On the site of the house and garden was built by a later Hungerford, in the reign of Charles II., Hungerford Market, which continued till the site was taken for the railway station. The foot-bridge over the Thames, starting from this point, was known as Hungerford Bridge, a name still sometimes given to its successor, the existing railway bridge. It was in Hungerford Street that Charles Dickens, a child of ten, began life by sticking labels on blacking bottles.

Sir Edward made his will on December 14, 1521. By it, after leaving legacies to certain churches and friends, “the residue of all my goods, debts, cattalls, juells, plate, harnesse, and all other moveables whatsoever they be, I freely geve and bequeth to Agnes Hungerforde my wife.” She was also appointed sole executrix. Sir Edward died on January 24, 1522, six weeks after making this will.

The husband murdered was not Sir Edward Hungerford, but a first husband, John Cotell. The outlines of the story are given by Mr. Hardy from the Coram Rege Roll for Michaelmas term, 14 Henry VIII.:—

“On the Monday next after the feast of S. Bartholomew, in the 14th year of the now king (25 August, 1522), at Ilchester, before John Fitz James and his fellow-justices of oyer and terminer for the county of Somerset, William Mathewe, late of Heytesbury, in the county of Wilts, yeoman, William Inges, late of Heytesbury, in the county aforesaid, yeoman, [were indicted for that] on the 26th July, in the 10th year of the now Lord the King (1518), with force and arms made an assault upon John Cotell, at Farley, in the county of Somerset, by the procurement and abetting of Agnes Hungerford, late of Heytesbury, in the county of Wilts, widow, at that time the wife of the aforesaid John Cotell. And a certain linen scarf called a kerchier (quandam flameam lineam vocatam ‘a kerchier’) which the aforesaid William and William then and there held in their hands, put round the neck of the aforesaid John Cotell, and with the aforesaid linen scarf him, the said John Cotell, then and there feloniously did throttle, suffocate, and strangle, so that the aforesaid John Cotell immediately died, and so the aforesaid William Maghewe [Mathewe] and William Inges, by the procurement and abetting of the aforesaid Agnes, did then and there feloniously murder, &c., the aforesaid John Cotell, against the peace of the Lord the King, and afterwards the aforesaid William, and William, the body of the aforesaid John Cotell did then and there put into a certain fire in the furnace of the kitchen in the Castle of Farley aforesaid, and the body of the same John in the fire aforesaid in the Castle of Farley aforesaid, in the county of Somerset aforesaid, did burn and consume.”

The indictment charged that Agnes Hungerford, otherwise called Agnes Cotell, late of Heytesbury, in the county of Wilts, widow, late the wife of the aforesaid John Cotell, well knowing that the aforesaid William Mathewe and William Inges had done the felony and murder aforesaid, did receive, comfort and aid them on 28th December, 1518.

Such was the indictment, “which said indictment the now Lord the King afterwards for certain reasons caused to come before him to be determined, &c.” All three accused were committed to the Tower of London; “and now, to wit, on Thursday next after the quinzaine of St. Martin (November 27, 1522), in the same term, before the Lord the King at Westminster, in their proper persons came the aforesaid William Mathewe, William Inges, and Agnes Hungerford, brought here to the bar by Sir Thomas Lovell, Knight, Constable of the Tower of London, by virtue of the writ of the Lord the King to him thereupon directed.”

So they were brought to trial, and all found guilty. William Mathewe and Lady Agnes Hungerford were sentenced to be hanged; William Inges pleaded benefit of clergy. The plea was contested on the ground that he had committed bigamy, by which he lost his right to claim his clergy. The question was referred to the Bishop of Salisbury, who proved that Inges was a bigamist, and Inges was therefore also sentenced to be hanged. There is no record of a third execution; the servant hanged at the same time as Lady Agnes Hungerford was therefore William Mathewe.

The story is still incomplete: it may be hoped that records somewhere exist the discovery of which will tell us more. It will be observed that Lady Hungerford was indicted, not for the murder of her husband, but for receiving, comforting, and aiding, five months after the fact, those who, by her procurement, had murdered him. What was the nature of the comfort and aid thus given? Had something of the story leaked out, and was Lady Hungerford compelled to protect the murderers? Again, what part in the tragedy was played by Sir Edward? It is clear that at the time of the murder Agnes Cotell was supreme at Farleigh Castle. She brought over from Sir Edward’s other house the two men who committed the deed; she was so fully in command of Farleigh Castle that she could secure the use of the furnace for disposing of the body of the murdered man. It is not difficult to divine what were the relations between Sir Edward and the wife of Cotell, who was probably employed in some capacity on the estate. How did Agnes Cotell account for his disappearance? And not his disappearance only; as a preliminary step towards the marriage, Sir Edward must have been satisfied that Cotell was dead. Did he know the nature of his death? Had he a share in this great crime, or was he merely the helpless victim of an ambitious woman, bent on obtaining a great position, and reckless as to the means to be employed to obtain it? There may have been in Sir Edward a tendency towards degeneracy; his son by the first wife was executed at the Tower in 1540 for an abnormal crime. But if Sir Edward was ignorant of the murder, there must have been suspicions, perhaps necessitating the active interference of Lady Hungerford when she received, comforted, and aided the murderers. There must have been whispers, rising to open denunciation when Lady Hungerford’s protector, her husband, all-powerful in the county, had quitted the scene. For more than three years justice was blind and deaf, but only seven months after Sir Edward’s death the criminals were indicted. If we take into account the imperfect means of communication then existing, we shall find reason to believe that the law must have been set in motion very soon after Sir Edward’s death.

It will have been observed that one of Lady Hungerford’s servants pleaded his clergy, that is, he claimed the indulgence accorded by law to those who could read. In 1522 it was still the law that the privilege could be claimed by one who had committed murder. In 1531 an Act was passed by the provisions of which no person committing petty treason, murder, or felony was admitted to his clergy under the status of sub-deacon (23 Henry VIII., c. 1).

William Inges’ claim would have been perforce admitted but for the singular objection on the score of bigamy. The exception seems strange, but was founded on well-understood provisions of the law. A bigamist, it must be remembered, was not what we of to-day mean when we use the word. A bigamist was one who had married two wives, the second after the decease of the first, or who had married a widow. We will return presently to this question of bigamy, after noting what Sir Thomas Smith, writing fifty years later, says as to clergy. Let us, however, premise that benefit of clergy means, as indeed the name imports, a privilege of the clergy consisting originally in the right of the clergy to be free from the jurisdiction of lay courts, and to be subject to the ecclesiastical courts only. Sir James Fitzjames Stephen aptly compares it to “the privilege claimed by British and other foreign subjects in Turkey, in Egypt, and in China, of being tried before their own courts.” The privilege was extended by 25 Edward III. (1351-2), st. 6, c. 4, to all manner of clerks, as well secular as religious. The statute was construed as being applicable to all persons who could read, and its effect is succinctly stated in “Piers Plowman,” written a few years later:—

This is the description given by Sir Thomas Smith of the process of claiming clergy:—

Of him whom the xij. men pronounce guiltie, the Judge asketh what he can say for himselfe: if he can reade, he demaundeth his Clergie. For in many felonies, as in theft of oxen, sheepe, money, or other such things which be no open robberies, by the high way side, nor assaulting one by night in his house, putting him that is there in feare, such is the favour of our Lawe, that for the first fault the felon shalbe admitted to his Clergie, for which purpose the Bishop must send one with authoritie vnder his seale to be Judge in that matter at euerie gaole deliuerie. If the condemned man demandeth to be admitted to his booke, the Judge commonly giveth him a Psalter, and turneth to what place he will. The prisoner readeth as well as he can (God knoweth sometime very slenderly:) then he asketh of the Bishops commissarie, legit vt clericus? The commissarie must say legit or non legit, for these be wordes formall, and our men of Lawe be very precise in their words formall. If he say legit, the Judge proceedeth no further to sentence of death: if he say non, the Judge foorthwith, or the next day proceedeth to sentence, which is doone by word of mouth onelie,

[gives the form of the death sentence]

he that claimeth his Clergie, is burned forthwith in the presence of the Judges in the brawne of his hand with a hot yron marked with the letter T. for a theefe, or M. for a mansleer, in cases where Clergie is admitted, and is deliuered to the Bishops officer to be kept in the Bishops prison, from whence after a certaine time by an other enquest of Clarkes he is deliuered and let at large: but if he be taken and condemned the second time, and his marke espied, he goeth to hanging.[146]

A shrewd observer, Monsieur César de Saussure, gives an account of the proceeding in 1726: Clergy, he says, was formerly a privilege restricted to churchmen, but is to-day extended to lay persons convicted to certain crimes, and particularly of manslaughter. In virtue of this privilege, a New Testament in Latin and in blackletter is presented to the criminal, who is required to read two verses. If the person appointed to make him read says these words, “Legit ut clericus,” that is to say, “He reads like a clerk,” which he always does, however ill the prisoner has read, the prisoner is simply marked in the palm of the hand with a hot iron, which he has the further right on payment of thirteen pence halfpenny to have plunged in cold water before it is applied. Then he is set free.[147]

The privilege of clergy was constantly narrowed, but was totally abolished only in 1827 by 7 and 8 George IV., c. 28.

The following were the provisions respecting bigamy in the old sense of the word:—

These provisions were abolished by I Edward VI. (1547), c. 12, s. 15, which put the “bigamist” on the same footing as all others.

1525. In the last moneth called December were taken certain traytors in the citie of Couentry, one called Fraunces Philippe scolemaster to the kynges Henxmen, and one Christopher Pykeryng clerke of yᵉ Larder, and one Antony Maynuile gentleman, which by the persuasion of the sayd Fraunces Philip, entended to haue taken the kynges treasure of his subsidie as the Collectors of the same came towarde London, and then to haue araised men and taken the castle of Kylingworth, and then to haue made battaile against the kyng: wherfore the sayd Fraunces, Christopher and Anthony wer hanged, drawen and quartered at Tyborne the xi. day of Februarye, the residue that were taken, were sent to the citie of Couentry and there wer executed. One of the kynges Henxmen called Dygby which was one of the conspirators fled the realme, and after had his pardon (Hall, p. 673).

1531. This yeare Mr. Risse was beheaded at Tower hill, and one that was his servante was drawne from the Tower of London to Tiburne, where he was hanged, his bowells burnt, and his bodie quartered.[148]

1534. With the aid of Cranmer, the willing instrument of his lust and cruelty, Henry had divorced Catherine, and had married his mistress, Anne Boleyn, the sister of a former mistress. With the same aid he had also invested himself with the supremacy of the Church. But there was a strong feeling throughout the country against these proceedings, and Henry viewed with alarm every manifestation of this feeling. To express disapprobation, however mildly, was regarded as a crime, as evidence of a conspiracy against the State.

Elizabeth Barton, afterwards known as the Holy Maid of Kent, was a domestic servant at Aldington, Kent. From about the year 1525 she was subject to trances, on recovery from which she narrated the marvels she had seen in the world of spirits. Her fame was soon spread abroad; many of the greatest men in the kingdom visited her; some came to believe that she was inspired, among them perhaps Sir Thomas More, and Fisher, Bishop of Rochester. When the great case of the divorce came on, Elizabeth predicted that if Henry married Anne during the life of Catherine he would die within a month. Cranmer, who had now received the reward of his services by being appointed Archbishop of Canterbury, laboured to draw from Elizabeth a confession that “her predictions were feigned of her own imagination only.”

In the Parliament which met in January, 1534, seven persons, including Elizabeth, were accused of forming a conspiracy in relation to the matter. This was the end:—

1534. The 20. of Aprill, Elizabeth Barton a nunne professed [she had entered a convent in 1527], Edward Bocking, and Iohn Dering, two monks of Christs church in Canterburie, and Richard Risby & another of his fellowes of yᵉ same house, Richard Master parson of Aldington, and Henry Gold priest, were drawne from the Tower of London to Tiborne, and there hanged and headed, the nuns head was set on London bridge, and the other heades on gates of yᵉ citie (Stow, p. 570).

1535. Maurice Chauncy, a monk of the Charterhouse of London, has told the story of the martyrdom of the Carthusians, in a book which some one, I think, has called the swan-song of English monasticism, “Historia Aliquot Martyrum Anglorum Cartusianorum.”

Proceedings were taken against the London Carthusians for refusing to admit Henry’s claim to be supreme head of the Church. In the London House were at this time Father Robert Lawrence, Prior of Beauvale, and Father Augustine Webster, Prior of Axholme; Beauvale and Axholme being two other Carthusian monasteries.

Together with Father Houghton, Prior of the London House, Father Lawrence and Father Webster were brought to trial and condemned. Let Chauncy tell the story of their execution: with little variation it may stand for that of all the Catholic martyrs from 1535 to 1681:—

Being brought out of prison [the Tower] they were thrown down on a hurdle and fastened to it, lying at length on their backs, and so lying on the hurdle, they were dragged at the heels of horses through the city until they came to Tyburn, a place where, according to custom, criminals are executed, which is distant from the prison one league, or a French mile. Who can relate what grievous things, what tortures they endured on that whole journey, where one while the road lay over rough and hard, at another through wet and muddy places, which exceedingly abounded.

On arrival at the place of execution our holy Father was the first loosed, and then the executioner, as the custom is, bent his knee before him, asking pardon for the cruel work he had to do. O good Jesu,