“The Journal des Débats having reported yesterday that M. Dulong had made use of language most insulting to General Bugeaud, it was this day affirmed in the Chamber that the honourable general had insisted on an apology on the part of M. Dulong, which will appear to-morrow in the Journal des Débats.”
On reading this report, M. Dulong immediately addressed the editor of the Débats to request he would not publish his declaration, and the general himself called at the office for the letter, and afterwards waited upon M. Dulong. Seconds were appointed, and as matters could not be settled to the satisfaction of all parties, a duel with pistols was arranged to take place the following morning.
General Bugeaud, who was considered one of the most dexterous shots in the army, suggested to M. Dulong the advantage that might result to him from the use of swords; but Dulong, who as a lawyer knew nothing of the use of arms, thought that the pistol would offer him a greater security.
The parties met at the Bois de Boulogne at the appointed hour, when it was decided that they should be placed at forty paces from each other, and on a given signal advance and fire whenever they thought proper. General Bugeaud in the most honourable manner, and to give his adversary every possible chance that the greater distance could afford, fired at the second step, but unfortunately with too much precision, as the unfortunate Dulong dropped wounded by a ball that had entered the skull over the left eye, and he expired on the following morning. This fatal event was clearly the work of political writers, who fomented the hostile feelings of both parties, and whose conduct only admitted of this extenuation, that they were always ready to fight amongst themselves, or with any other political antagonist who wanted to decide a question by recourse to arms.
This duel caused a considerable sensation in Paris; the King was much censured for not having prevented it, as the chances were most unequal between a skilful combatant and a literary man, who had never handled sword or pistol. Moreover, the written apology of Dulong, instead of being returned to him when the hostile meeting was decided upon, remained in the hands of the general’s second; a most unfair proceeding, since the ill-fated Dulong, who fought sooner than give publicity to a statement which was reported to have been obtained by threats, had the unquestionable right to demand the restoration of the document; and this letter, which it was affirmed had been burnt in the Palace of the Tuileries, appeared a few days after Dulong’s death in several provincial papers.
In a former chapter, we have seen with what ferocity many duels were fought in more barbarous times, yet at the period of which we are now speaking, similar acts of desperation were not uncommon. Two officers mortally wounded, insisted on being laid upon mattresses, that they might continue to fire at each other, until one of the party expired. Two other officers of high rank exchanged five shots, and the sixth only took effect, proving fatal to one of them.
Duels were also fought in public. A fatal duel of this nature took place between a M. de C——, an officer of light cavalry, and M. V——, of Carcassone. It appeared, that while the regiment of M. C—— was quartered in the latter town, he had courted a sister of M. V——, and, under the promise of marriage, deceived her. The route arrived, and the regiment marched to Hesdin, where V—— followed the seducer, and insisted upon his marriage with his sister; to which proposal C—— acceded, stating, that he only waited for the consent of his family. A suspicious delay having taken place, M. de V—— followed him to Paris, and demanded a categorical explanation of his intentions; satisfaction was insisted upon, and C—— again renewed his promises, fixing a period. This period having expired, M. de V——, accompanied by his sister and mother, repaired to Hesdin, where the regiment was in garrison. C—— continuing to hesitate, a meeting was fixed upon, near the glacis of the town; the commanding officer and the mayor being both apprised of a transaction which was considered unavoidable. The gates of the town were closed after upwards of eighteen hundred persons had assembled to witness the conflict.
On the ground, M. de V—— once more called upon De C—— to fulfil his promise, and rescue his unfortunate sister from ignominy, adding, that from his expertness in the use of the pistol, his life was at his disposal; and he even proposed swords, to afford him a more equal chance in the conflict. This remonstrance and generous conduct were of no avail. M. de C——, it appears, had practised pistol firing for a considerable length of time, and was equally certain of a successful aim. Lots were drawn for the first fire, which fell upon C——, whose ball grazed the head of his adversary, who firing in turn, shot his dishonourable adversary through the head.
All distinction of rank appeared to be levelled; and a general officer who was disappointed in his expectation of promotion, actually sent a message to Marshal Soult, then minister of war, demanding either the advancement he had memorialized for, or personal satisfaction. The age and position of the marshal were sufficient motives to decline this singular meeting; when the general thought proper to call out the marshal’s son, the Marquis de Dalmatie, to fight for his father, a challenge which, of course, was also refused; when the pugnacious memorialist published an insulting letter addressed to the marquis, in the usual language of what is called “posting;” but this outrageous conduct was very properly treated with the contempt it deserved.
Such was the state of society in France after the restoration, and the second revolution. There existed no authoritative power able to control the discordant elements that agitated society. Disappointed ambition on one side, and insulting prosperity on the other, came into daily collision. There was no common enemy to fight beyond the frontier, and intestine personal warfare had succeeded foreign military operations. There existed a constant state of agitation and uncertainty which all parties were anxious to subdue; and the editors of the public papers were war-hounds, let loose to stir up universal commotion. Batons of marshals and dukedoms were no longer to be obtained by the sword wielded against national enemies, and civil pre-eminence was sought by drawing it on any competitor who stood in the way of advancement. The country was in a febrile state, and loss of blood seemed as necessary to the body politic, as it might have been considered advisable in the case of a morbid individual. There existed no safety-valve from the high pressure of the times; and, fortunately for the country, the occasional explosions that took place were of little importance, and only served to improve the machinery, so ably conducted by its present engineer, the King of the French. Any endeavour on his part, or that of the Bourbons, after their restoration, to prevent parties from coming into hostile collision, would have been worse than idle. It was a storm, to which a calm might naturally be expected to succeed; and, at the present period, duels in France are scarcely ever heard of; in fact, they are not in fashion.
The French are naturally disposed to fight; and we have had sad proofs of this sanguinary propensity during the late war, when their prisoners on board the hulks, and in the several dépôts, converted every tool or instrument into a sword; and nails, knives, razors, sharpened iron hoops, were fixed at the end of sticks for the purpose of fighting; fighting and gambling being their only amusements.
Many were the melancholy scenes that took place in 1814, when the allies were in Paris; duels between the officers of the foreign powers and those of the disbanded French army were incessant, and they generally proved fatal to the strangers. The French were spending their whole days and nights in fencing; and there is every reason to believe, that, not satisfied with their own skill in fence, their prevosts, or fencing-masters, assumed the uniform of officers to meet any imprudent youth who was foolhardy enough to accept their challenges. Thus did many an Austrian and Prussian officer fall in the Bois de Boulogne.
When the British army occupied the south of France, similar scenes were witnessed, but more especially at Bordeaux, where the French officers came over the Garonne, for the sole purpose of insulting and fighting the English, who were, in many instances, absurd enough to meet their wishes. It is, however, gratifying to state, that the fortune of arms was generally in our favour; and, in many instances, when our young officers had been so imprudent as to accept a challenge with the sword, their superior bodily strength and utter ignorance of the polite rules of duelling turned to their advantage; in several instances, they rushed on their adversaries, broke through their guard, and cut them down. In vain the French expostulated against this breach of les régles de l’escrime, and called out “foul play;” our seconds usually carried pistols in their pockets, and threatened to shoot any one who interfered; and the French at last were tired of the experiment.20
After the campaign of Waterloo, the French were equally anxious to recover by private deeds of courage their lost fame in battle; but past experience had taught the British the folly of attending to their insults. An unfortunate occurrence, however, took place at Cambrai. Lieutenant G—— of the Guards was proceeding to the mess-room, when a French officer in plain clothes followed him, making use of the most insulting expressions; G—— turned round and asked him if his language was addressed to him, when the ruffian replied, “To you, or any English coward.” Instead of treating this rodomontade with sovereign contempt, the young man agreed to meet him the following morning with pistols. The report of this intended meeting was generally known in the garrison; and it is deeply to be lamented, that the commanding officer did not place the ardent youth under close arrest, but it appears that he was satisfied with the assurance on the part of the French commissaire de police, that the offending party should be apprehended and sent out of the town. This, however, was not done, and the meeting took place on the following morning. Although it had been clearly stipulated that the weapons should be pistols, the Frenchman came to the ground with unbuttoned foils, alleging that he could not procure pistols. G—— very imprudently offered him one of his own, and fell, mortally wounded, at the first discharge. It was observed, that on their mutual fire, the Frenchman staggered a pace or two; when collecting himself, he advanced to poor G——, who was expiring in the arms of his companions, and said with much sang-froid, “Poor young man! had we fought with swords, he would have been spared all this agony.” What he meant by this expression it is difficult to say, whether he would have killed him outright, or slightly wounded him. The latter surmise, however, is not probable.
When a party of men came from the gate to bear away G——’s body, the French officer exclaimed that “it would be treachery to apprehend him;” but he was presently undeceived, and advised in the most honourable manner to effect his escape as speedily as possible. The fellow, however, seemed to confide in the protection of his countrymen and the apathy of our commander, for he went publicly to the coffee-house, boasting that, after killing a Prussian, an Austrian, a Spaniard, and a Portuguese, he at last had been lucky enough to kill an Englishman. During this conversation he exhibited a silk handkerchief pierced with several shot-holes, and which he said had been grazed by his adversary’s ball. This circumstance, connected with his having staggered on G——’s fire, gives every reason to believe that he wore a cuirass, our inexperienced officers not having insisted upon his stripping, according to the established rule in French duels, when both parties are obliged to show that they wear no protection.
That women, who can mostly get silly people to fight for them, should not fight themselves is natural, but there are instances on record in which ladies have shown their determination to avenge their own wrongs.
Madame de Villechen mentions a duel fought with swords by the Henriette Sylvie of Molière with another woman, both in male attire. In the letters of Madame Dunoyer, a case is mentioned of a lady of Beaucaire and a young lady of rank, who fought with swords in their garden, and would have killed each other had they not been separated; this meeting had been preceded by a regular challenge.
De la Colombière mentions a duel that took place on the Boulevard St. Antoine between two ladies of doubtful virtue, in which they inflicted on each other’s face and bosom several wounds, two points at which female jealousy would naturally aim. St. Foix relates the case of Mademoiselle Durieux, who in the open street fought her lover of the name of Antinotti. But the most celebrated female duellist was the actress, Maupin, one of the performers at the opera. Serane, the famous fencing-master, was one of her lovers, and from him she received many valuable lessons. Being insulted one day by an actor of the name of Dumény, she called him out; but as he refused to give her satisfaction, she carried away his watch and his snuff-box as trophies of her victory. Another performer having presumed to offend her, on his declining a meeting was obliged to kneel down before her and implore forgiveness. One evening at a ball, having behaved in a very rude manner to a lady, she was requested to leave the room, which she did on the condition that those gentlemen who had warmly espoused the offended lady’s cause should accompany her. To this proposal they agreed; when after a hard combat she killed them all, and quietly returned to the ball-room. Louis XIV. granted her a pardon, and she withdrew to Brussels, where she became the mistress of the Elector of Bavaria. However, she soon after returned to the Parisian opera, and died in 1707 at the age of thirty-seven.
Under the regency a pistol meeting took place between the Marquise de Nesle and the Countess Polignac for the possession of the Duc de Richelieu; and in more modern times, so late, indeed, as 1827, a Madame B—— at St. Rambert, received a challenge to fight with pistols; and about the same period a lady of Châteauroux, whose husband had received a slap in the face without resenting the insult, called out the offender, and fighting him with swords severely wounded him.
In 1828 a duel took place between a young girl and a garde du corps. She had been betrayed by the gallant soldier, and insisted upon satisfaction, selecting her own weapons by the right of an offended party. Two shots were exchanged, but without any result, as the seconds very wisely had not loaded with ball. The young lady, however, ignorant of this precaution, fired first, and received the fire of her adversary with the utmost coolness, when, to try her courage, after taking a long and deliberate aim, he fired in the air, and thus terminated the meeting, which no doubt led to many others of a less hostile nature.
In the same month, as a striking instance of the contagion of this practice, a duel was fought near Strasbourg between a French woman and a German lady, both of whom were in love with a painter. The parties met on the ground armed with pistols, with seconds of their own sex. The German damsel wanted to fire across a pocket handkerchief, but the French lady and her seconds insisted upon a distance of twenty-five paces, They both fired without effect, when the exasperated German insisted that they should carry on the contest until one of the parties fell. This determination, however, was controlled by the seconds, who put a stop to further proceedings, but were unable to bring about a reconciliation.
We shall shortly see that our English ladies have shown as much determination under similar circumstances; and when we consider the bitter animosity that frequently exists between women, who are not in the habit of resenting their real or supposed wrongs by having recourse to a personal satisfaction, which may be considered the safety-valve of passions, and which not unfrequently supersedes assassination, one may be surprised that duels are not more frequent between them. Their mode of living and habits must induce them to brood more deeply than men over the insults which their pride and vanity have received, and in both sexes these sentiments, when ruffled, can rarely be smoothed down. The only reason which may be adduced to account for the circumstance is their natural timidity as regards personal danger, to which we may add the greater certainty of avenging their injuries by intrigue and slander, “whose edge is sharper than the sword.”
We have seen that France has ever held out an example in duelling; and the rules which were established in that country, at various periods, to regulate these hostile meetings, have generally been considered as precedents in other countries; more especially on the continent of Europe.
The French admit three sorts of offences: 1st, a simple offence; 2nd, an offence of an insulting nature; and, 3rd, an offence with personal acts of violence. In these cases, they have established the following rules; which, indeed, so long as duelling is tolerated, may be considered most judicious, and such as should regulate the arrangements of all quarrels.
1. If in the course of a discussion an offence is offered, the person who has been offended is the injured party. If this injury is followed by a blow, unquestionably the party that has been struck is the injured one. To return one blow by another of a more serious nature,—severely wounding, for instance, after a slap in the face,—does not constitute the person who received the second blow, however severe it may have been, the party originally insulted. In this case, satisfaction may be demanded by the party that was first struck. Such a case must be referred to the chances of a meeting.
2. If an insult follows an unpolite expression,—if the aggressor considers himself offended, or if the person who has received the insult, considers himself insulted,—the case must also be referred to a meeting.
3. If in the course of a discussion, during which the rules of politeness have not been transgressed, but in consequence of which, expressions have been made use of, which induce one of the party to consider himself offended, the man who demands satisfaction cannot be considered the aggressor, or the person who gives it the offender. This case must also be submitted to the trial of chance.
4. But if a man sends a message, without a sufficient cause, in this case he becomes the aggressor; and the seconds, before they allow a meeting to take place, must insist upon a sufficient reason being manifestly shown.
5. A son may espouse the cause of his father, if he is too aged to resent an insult, or if the age of the aggressor is of great disparity; but a son cannot espouse the quarrel of his father if he has been the aggressor.21
6. There are offences of such a galling nature, that they may lead the insulted party to have recourse to acts of violence. Such acts ought invariably to be avoided, as they can only tend to a mortal combat.
7. The offended party has the choice of arms.22
8. When the offence has been of a degrading nature, the offended has the right to name both arms and duel.23
9. When the offence has been attended by acts of violence, the offended party has the right to name his duel, his arms, the distance, and may insist upon the aggressor not using his own arms, to which he may have become accustomed by practice; but in this case, the offended party must also use weapons in which he is not practised.
10. There are only three legal arms: 1st, the sword; 2nd, the sabre; 3rd, the pistol. The sabre may be refused even by the aggressor, especially if he is a retired officer; but it may be always objected to by a civilian.
11. When a challenge is sent, or a meeting demanded, the parties have a mutual right to the name and address of each other.
12. The parties should immediately after seek their seconds, sending to each other the names and addresses of their seconds.24
13. Honour can never be compromised by the offending party admitting that they were in the wrong. If the apology of the offending party is deemed sufficient by the seconds of the offended; if the seconds express their satisfaction and are ready to affirm this opinion in writing; or if the offender has tendered a written apology, considered of a satisfactory nature;—in such a case, the party that offers to apologise ceases to be the offender; and if his adversary persists, the arms must be decided by drawing lots. However, no apology can be received after a blow. An amicable arrangement of a quarrel should take place before the parties meet on the ground, unless circumstances prevent a prior interview. Howbeit, if when upon the ground, and even when armed, one of the parties thinks proper to apologise, and the seconds of the offended party are satisfied, it is only the party that tenders the apology upon whom any future unfavourable reflections can be cast.
14. If the seconds of the offending party come to the ground with an apology, instead of bringing forward their principal, it is only to them that blame can be attached, as the honour of their principal was placed in their hands.
15. No challenge can be sent by collective parties. If any body or society of men have received an insult, they can only send an individual belonging to it to demand satisfaction. A message collectively sent, may be refused; but the challenged party may select an antagonist, or leave the nomination to chance.
16. All duels should take place during the forty-eight hours that have succeeded the offence, unless it is otherwise stipulated by the seconds.25
17. In a duel with pistol or sabre, two seconds to each combatant are indispensable: one will suffice when the sword is used.
18. It is the duty of the seconds to decide upon the necessity of the duel, and to state their opinions to their principals. After having consulted with them in such a manner as not to allow any chance of avoiding a duel to escape, they must again meet, and exert their best endeavours to settle the business amicably. If they fail in this attempt, they must then decide upon arms, time, place, distance, and mode of fighting; and at the same time they must endeavour to come to some arrangement regarding any difficulties that might arise, when the parties are on the ground.
19. Seconds are not witnesses; and each second should have a witness.26
20. No second, or witness, shall become a principal on the spot. Any insult received by them constitutes a fresh offence.
21. The seconds should not remain more than ten minutes on the ground without a combat.
22. The seconds in a duel with swords, may request that the offended party shall be allowed to ward off a lounge with the left hand. This, however, may be refused by the seconds of the aggressor.
23. The seconds of the aggressor may, if they think proper, refuse to fire by signal, if the aggressor had not struck his antagonist.
24. The seconds must determine whether the combatants in sword duels shall be allowed to take breath.
25. The seconds will also decide (without acquainting their principals of this decision), whether the parties are to be separated after the first wound. In this arrangement, they will be guided by the nature of the quarrel.
26. They will also decide whether a fencing-glove, or any other article to wrap round the hand, is to be allowed; a string,27 or a common glove, are always allowed.
27. The seconds are never to let their principals know that they are of opinion that the nature of the insult received is such as to render a mortal combat necessary.
28. The seconds may refuse the sword if the principal is unable to use it from any infirmity, unless the offended party has received a personal injury.
29. The seconds of a person blind of one eye, may object to the pistol, unless the aggressor had struck him.
30. The sword or sabre may be declined by the seconds of a person with only one leg or arm.
31. The seconds of a young man shall not allow him to fight an adversary above sixty years of age, unless this adversary had struck him; and, in this case, his challenge must be accepted in writing. His refusal to comply with this rule is tantamount to a refusal to give satisfaction, and the young man’s honour is thereby satisfied.
32. If any unfair occurrence takes place in a duel, it is the duty of the seconds to commit the circumstance to paper, and follow it up before the competent tribunals, when they are bound in honour to give true evidence.
33. It is the duty of seconds to separate the combatants the very moment that the stipulated rules are transgressed.
34. A father, a brother, a son, or any relation in the first degree, cannot serve as second, for or against his relative.
35. In sword duels, the seconds will mark the standing spot of each combatant, leaving a distance of two feet between the points of their weapons. The standing ground to be drawn for by lots.
36. The swords must be measured to ascertain that they are of equal length. In no instance must a sword with a sharp edge or a notch be allowed.
37. The combatants will be requested to throw off their coats, and to lay bare their breasts, to show that they do not wear any defence that could ward off a thrust. A refusal to submit to this proposal is to be considered a refusal to fight.
38. The offended party can always use his own weapons, if they are considered of a description fitting the combat. If, on comparing arms, the swords should be found to differ, the choice must be decided by chance, unless the disproportion is of a material nature.
39. When the hand is wrapped up in a handkerchief, an end of it is not to be allowed to hang down: should the party refuse to draw it up, the seconds may insist that he throws it off altogether, and is only allowed a sword-knot.28 If fencing-gloves are allowed, and one party declines their use, the other is not to be deprived of them; but, if only one glove has been brought to the ground, it cannot be used.
40. When the combatants are on the ground, the seconds are to explain to them all the stipulated arrangements, that they may not deviate from them on the plea of ignorance. This being done, the signal of attack is given in the word “Go” (allez); but, if before this signal, the parties have already crossed swords, the signal is not necessary; but the first who advanced without it is liable to censure.
41. The seconds shall hold a sword or a cane, bearing the point downwards, and, standing close to each combatant, be prepared to stop the combat the moment that the rules agreed upon are transgressed.
42. Unless previously stipulated, neither of the combatants shall be allowed to turn off the sword of his adversary with the left hand: should a combatant persist in thus using his left hand, the seconds of his adversary may insist that the hand shall be confined behind his back.
43. In a sword duel, the combatants are allowed to raise themselves, to stoop, to vault to the right or to the left, and turn round each other.
44. When one of the combatants exclaims that he is wounded, or that a wound is perceived by his second, the combat is to be stopped; with the consent of the wounded man, the combat may be renewed.
45. If the wounded man, although the combat is ordered to be stopped, shall continue to press upon his adversary with precipitation, this act is tantamount to his desire to continue the conflict, but he must be stopped and reprimanded. If, under similar circumstances, the combatant that is not wounded continues to press on his antagonist, although ordered to stop by the seconds, he must immediately be checked by them, and considered as having infringed the stipulated rules.
46. When a second raises his sword or cane, it must be considered as the signal to stop; in such cases, the other second shall cry out “Stop,” when the parties must recede one step, still remaining in guard.
47. In pistol duels the nearest distance should be fifteen paces. The sight of the pistol should be fixed, and not more than fifteen lines difference be allowed in the length the barrel: it is also desirable that the barrel should not be rifled, and that the pistols should be of a similar description.
48. The stand of each combatant to be decided by lot.
49. It is desirable that the same pair of pistols be used by both parties.
50. The seconds shall load the pistols with the most scrupulous care, and in the presence of each other. If one pair of pistols is used, each second will use a similar charge, by allowing the other to try the charge with a ramrod, or by loading in the presence of four witnesses.29
51. The combatants must be placed on the ground by their respective seconds; if thirty-five paces have been fixed upon, the offended party has a right to the first fire; if only fifteen paces are marked, the first fire must be decided by drawing lots.
52. The seconds have a right to ascertain that the principals do not carry any defence about their persons. A refusal to submit to this examination is to be considered as a refusal to fight.
53. The seconds of both parties shall stand together; having taken their ground, they first command, “Make ready,” which is followed by the word “Fire.”
54. A miss-fire is considered a shot, unless stipulation to the contrary has been made.
55. If one of the party is wounded, he may fire upon his antagonist, but not after the expiration of two minutes.
56. When both parties have fired without effect, the pistols are to be reloaded in the same manner as before.
57. In the pistol duel à volonté, the seconds are to mark out the ground, at a distance of thirty-five to forty paces; two lines are then to be traced between these two distances, leaving an interval of from twenty to fifteen paces. Thus each combatant can advance ten paces.
58. The ground being taken, one of the seconds, drawn by lot, gives the word “March.”
59. The combatants then advance upon each other, if they think proper, holding their pistols vertically while advancing; but they may level the weapons and take aim on halting, although they may not fire at the time, but continue to march on unto the line of separation marked with a cane or a handkerchief, where they must stop and fire. But, although one of the parties may thus advance to the limits, his antagonist is not obliged to move on, whether he has received the fire of his antagonist, or reserved his own.
60. The moment one of the combatants has fired, he must halt upon the spot, and stand firmly to receive the fire of his adversary, who is not, however, allowed more than one minute to advance and fire, or to fire from the ground he stands on.
61. The wounded party is allowed one minute to fire upon his antagonist from the moment he is hit; but if he has fallen on the ground, he will be allowed two minutes to recover.
62. In this form of duel, a pair of pistols may be allowed each combatant; but this is only allowed when one of the parties has received a blow.30 In these cases, a pistol of a different pair is to be given to each combatant. The affair cannot be considered terminated, unless the four pistols have been discharged.
63. When four pistols are used, if one of the party is wounded, the contest must cease, and the wounded man not be allowed to fire, as it is evident that his antagonist, who might remain with a loaded pistol, would have an unfair advantage over him in a cool deliberate fire.
64. When one of the parties is wounded, the affair must be considered ended, even though the wounded party should express his wish to proceed, unless the seconds consider him in a fit state to continue the combat.
65. In the pistol duel called à marche interrompue, a distance of forty-five or fifty paces is measured, and two lines are traced and marked between the distance of fifteen to twenty paces. Thus the combatants may advance fifteen paces.
66. On the word “March,” the combatants may advance in a zigzag step, not exceeding two paces. They may take aim without firing; and while advancing stop when they choose, and advance again; but once having fired, both parties must halt on the spot.
67. The combatant who has not fired, may now fire, but without advancing; and the party who has fired, must firmly stand the fire of his antagonist, who for that purpose is allowed half a minute; if he allows a longer time to elapse, he must be disarmed by the seconds.
68. In the pistol duel, called à ligne parallèle, two parallel lines are traced by the seconds fifteen paces from each other, and from thirty-five to twenty-five paces in length.
69. The combatants are placed at the extremity of each line, fronting each other.
70. The seconds stand behind their principals in a situation that may not expose them to the fire of the parties. The signal is given by the word “March.”
71. The combatants then advance, not upon each other, but in the direction of the line that has been traced for them; and, therefore, whether one of the adversaries has advanced or not, he will, find himself placed at fifteen paces from the other.
72. The champion who fires must stop; but he may halt without firing, take aim, and continue to advance.
73. In the pistol duel called au signal, the signal is to be given by the second of the offended party by three claps on the hand, three seconds being counted between each clap, which will take up nine seconds; or two seconds, which will take up six seconds. In other cases, the seconds draw lots for giving the signal.
74. The combatants, when they have received their arms, are to walk, but keep the muzzles of the pistols pointing to the ground; at the first signal they will raise their arms, take aim at the second signal, and fire simultaneously at the third.
75. If one of the combatants fires before the third signal, or half a second after it, he is to be considered as a dishonourable man, and, if his antagonist is killed, an assassin; and if he fires before the signal without effect, his opponent has a right to take as much time as he thinks proper to level at him and shoot him.
76. If one of the parties has fired agreeably to the stipulated signal, and his antagonist has dishonourably reserved his fire, it is the duty of the seconds, at all risk and peril, to rush upon him and disarm him. In this case, the party who had observed the rules has a right to demand another duel of a different form.
77. The second who is to give the signal, should warn the combatants of the nature of the signal, in a loud and audible voice, in the following words: “Recollect, gentlemen, that honour demands that you should only fire upon the third signal being given; that you are not to raise your arm until the first signal, and not to fire until the third. I am now going to give the signals, which will consist of three claps on the hand.”
78. In the duel with sabres, the seconds should endeavour to have it fought with short sabres, these arms being less fatal than the long ones.
79. The ground taken, the antagonists are to be placed opposite each other, at the distance of one foot from their sabre points.
80. In general these duels are fought with cuff-gloves; but, otherwise, the parties may wrap a handkerchief round their hand and wrist, provided that no end is allowed to hang down.
81. In regiments, the regimental sabre is to be the arm selected, provided that they are of the same length, and mounted in the same manner. The same precautionary steps are to be adopted as in a sword duel, to ascertain that no defence is worn by either party.
82. The signal of “Allez” (Go) having been given, the combatants advance on each other, and either give point or cut, vaulting, advancing, or retreating at pleasure.
83. To strike an adversary when disarmed, to seize his arm, his body, or his weapon, is a foul proceeding. A combatant is disarmed when his sabre is either wrenched from him or dropped.
84. In sabre duels in which the point of the arm is not to be used, sabres without a point are to be chosen. To give point and kill an adversary by the infringement of this rule, is to be considered an assassination. These duels should always be considered terminated on the first loss of blood.
In addition to these regular duels, the French have what they call duels exceptionnels; in which cases, which are of very rare occurrence, the combat may take place either on foot or on horseback, with carbine, musket, or pistol; but no one is obliged in honour to accept such challenges, and the conditions of the combat are to be specified in writing before it can take place.
In the combat on horseback the seconds are also to be mounted, and the combatants placed at twenty-five paces’ distance from each other; with the carbine, at sixty paces; with the musket and on foot, at one hundred paces, and advance to sixty: the parties fire and reload at will, until they reach the limits pointed out.
In many instances the French place the combatants back to back, to face about and fire at the given signal.
Duels are occasionally fought in which only one pistol is loaded; in which case it is no easy matter to procure a second. The following is the murderous practice:—Arrived on the ground, the seconds of the parties withdraw at least to a distance of fifty paces from the spot fixed upon for the assassination. They load one pistol, but prime them both; they then beckon the combatants to come for their pistols. The second who is to load the weapons, and who has been selected by lot, gives them to the other second, who places them in the hands of the principals, the choice having been also decided by chance; the second holding both pistols behind his back, and the parties crying right or left. This being done, the two seconds who had delivered the arms, and who are armed themselves, advance within three paces of the combatants; the other seconds stand at a distance of twenty paces.
The seconds then read to the combatants the stipulation of the meeting, and give to each of them the end of a handkerchief to hold, after having made them strip off their coats, and ascertained that they wear no defence.
The signal is given by one clap of the hand: if the party having the unloaded pistol fires before the signal, or rather burns priming, his adversary has a right to blow out his brains; but if the lucky drawer of the loaded pistol fires before the signal, and kills his antagonist, he is an assassin, and the seconds are bound to prosecute him before the competent tribunals.
The French practise another mode of duelling with pistols, which may be considered as less calculated to cause a fatal result. This they call Duel à marche non interrompue et à ligne parallèle.
Arrived on the ground, two parallel lines of thirty-five paces in length are traced at a distance of twenty-five paces: the standing is drawn by lot, as well as the choice of arms, which must be unknown to the parties. The combatants are then placed by their seconds at the extremity of each line, facing each other. At the word “March,” the combatants advance on the traced line; in following which they cannot approach each other nearer than twenty-five paces. They are not allowed to halt, but must advance simultaneously: they are also to fire without stopping, and, after firing, to march on to the extremity of their line. If one of the parties is wounded before firing, he has only the time to fire which his opponent may take in reaching the limits prescribed. If neither of the parties are hit, the duel must terminate without further proceedings.
The preceding rules, which are founded upon long experience in this fatal practice, have been sanctioned by twenty-five general officers, eleven peers of France, and fifty officers of rank. The minister of war, who could not consistently with his public duties affix his signature to the document, gave his approbation in an official letter, and the majority of the prefects equally sanctioned the regulation.
In the choice of a second, if physical courage be a requisite quality, and experience is equally desirable, a moral courage is still more precious; for, even after the meeting, seconds may find themselves vested with the character of a judge, and the avenging jurors of a victim, if one of the parties has transgressed the adopted rules which were to regulate the combat.
A second may be considered as the confessor of his friend, who places an implicit reliance on his advice; he therefore can never divulge the communications thus made to him. There are instances where an offended person will urge his second to insist upon a hostile meeting; and not unfrequently the principal may express a wish to avoid the dangers of the conflict, provided his honour is not at stake. If such proposals do not coincide with the second’s ideas of honour, he should withdraw; but never divulge the secrets of the friend who unbosomed himself in confidence, and avowed sentiments of revenge, hatred, or perhaps pusillanimity.
While the second has the right to differ in opinion with the friend who consults him, the offended person has also the unquestionable right to thank him for his advice, which his feelings prompt him to decline. It is therefore obvious that it is the duty of a second to weigh most maturely the nature of the case, and to advise his friend to adopt the same mode of proceeding which he himself would follow under similar circumstances.
Frequently an apology is offered by a second. If it is considered of a satisfactory nature, no disinclination should be manifested in accepting it. This, however, should not be considered a rule; since, in many cases, troublesome persons will wantonly offend, under the impression that an apology will be sufficient to exempt them from further responsibility.
It should be an established rule amongst seconds, never to allow a duel to be fought between a debtor and creditor when the former is the aggressor; and, in a quarrel arising from pecuniary affairs, the debtor must liquidate his obligations before he can be allowed to peril his creditor’s life. On these occasions the seconds must state in writing their objections to the duel, to protect the character of the parties; the case is different if it is the creditor who challenges the debtor.
Seconds should never allow their friends to fight with a fencing-master, unless the latter has been struck by the aggressor. With fencing-masters the pistol must be the chosen weapon.
Instances are known where the principals have expressed a desire to load their own pistols; in such cases, when both parties have acceded to the request, they are to prime and load in the presence of the seconds of their adversaries, and the charge of powder is to be determined.
It has been stated in the regulations, that two seconds may be considered sufficient in a sword duel, but that four should be present at a duel with pistol or sabre. The reason of this distinction arises from the following circumstances: in case of a slight wound, which is frequently inflicted by the sword, it is more probable that two seconds will come to an amicable arrangement than four; and that, where there is no minority of opinion, the particulars of the meeting will more probably be kept secret in the interests of all parties: moreover, the rules of a sword meeting are generally known and recognised. With pistol or sabre the case is different, and the mode of fighting varies materially: it therefore requires that a greater number of persons should be present, to bear witness as to the fairness of the transaction.
In a sword duel it should be stipulated whether the parties have a right to turn off the weapon with the left hand; if this permission is not granted, most unquestionably the act must not be allowed: but as a combatant may mechanically, nay instinctively, use his left arm without any dishonourable intention, it would be advisable that this mode of parrying a lounge were permitted to both combatants.
In the selection of arms, it has been said, that a cripple who has struck another person should be obliged to use the weapon which the offended party has thought proper to name. This is but just; the advantage would be on the side of the cripple, who, unable to use a sword, has perhaps studied pistol practice; and a man who is able to strike another must be considered able to hold a sword.31
When one of the parties is wounded, it is the imperative duty of the seconds to stop all further hostility; but a combat should only be stopped at the command of the seconds. Instances are on record where one of the parties has exclaimed to the other, “You are wounded;” thus throwing him off his guard, and availing himself of his perturbation to press upon him. In such cases, if the verbal command of the seconds is not sufficient to check the dishonourable combatant, it is their duty, at all risk and peril, to rush upon him and forcibly disarm him; and it is therefore desirable that seconds should be armed.
Now-a-days, seconds rarely provoke each other. Justice and urbanity should be their guides; and, in the event of seconds differing, it is always advisable to call in an arbiter, who should in general be selected from amongst experienced and elderly military men.
It is of great importance that seconds should insist on a simultaneous fire. A duellist makes the following calculation:—If I fire first, and kill or severely wound my antagonist, I am rid of him: if I have been unfortunate in the selection of arms, my antagonist very probably, from motives of generosity, will not return the fire; for when a man knows that he is safe, and that his fire, if it missed, would only expose him to further danger, he will frequently be inclined to terminate the affair; while, at the same time, a generous and brave man feels a natural repugnance in firing at a defenceless person, and will therefore feel disposed to fire in the air, or, what is more conclusive, give up his pistol to his second, and he experiences a sense of gratification in so doing, whether he is the aggressor or the offended party. But although these generous sentiments, or these prudential motives, may induce a principal not to return a fire if his antagonist has fired before the signal, the latter becomes a criminal, and the seconds are in duty bound to prosecute him; since it has been already stated, that, if one of the parties fire before the appointed signal, his adversary has the unquestionable right to take a deliberate aim and blow his brains out. In such cases of dishonourable breach of the stipulated arrangements, it would be desirable that the jury should be guided by an established code, whether the treacherous combatant was successful or not in the perfidious attempt to assassinate his opponent.
The duties of a second are of such vital importance, that a celebrated fencing-master used frequently to say, “It is not the sword or the pistol that kills, but the seconds.”
With the safeguard of these precautionary regulations, although duelling is alike inconsistent with humanity and reason, there are many French writers who still advocate its necessity; such is Jules Janin, who speaks of it in the following terms: “The man is lost in the world of cravens, who has not the heart to risk his life; for then, cowards, who are numberless, affect courage at his expense. The man is lost in this world, in which opinion is everything, who will not seek to obtain a good opinion at the sword’s point. The man is lost in this world of hypocrites and calumniators, who will not demand reparation sword in hand for the calumnies and the malicious reports to which he has been exposed. Slander stabs more keenly than steel; it crushes with greater certainty than a pistol bullet. I would not wish to live twenty-four hours in society, constituted as it is at present, without the protection of the duel.
“A duel makes of every one of us a strong and an independent power, and constitutes out of each individual life the life of all; it grasps the sword of justice, which the laws have dropped, punishing what no code can chastise,—contempt and insult. Those who have opposed duelling are either fools or cowards; and those who have both condemned and advocated the practice, are on both sides sophists and mendacious. It is to duelling alone that we owe the remains of our civilization.”
The following are the opinions of Walsh on the same subject: “In questions which appertain to our habits and customs, more wisdom will be found in the drawing-room than in schools. The hand that can best hold a sword will often be found to handle the pen with equal ability when the terrible question of the point of honour and the duel is discussed, a question which has cost France as much ink as blood.
“The honour of a gentleman tells him that he cannot expect from a martial race a patience and endurance under insult which is foreign to its character. The French will ever refer to the sword as to their origin. When the executioner stands behind their adversary, they are excited instead of being restrained, and dare a double death. If we maturely weigh this matter, will it not be found that a duel is the last vestige of that personal magistracy which social magistracy gradually destroyed, but which it is sometimes called upon to acknowledge? Duelling, so deplorable in many points of view, has however been useful to our epoch; since it has preserved civilization from the inroads of brutal vulgarity with which it was threatened during our revolution, and the confusion of all grades. Let us appeal to our conscience; and can we affirm that pugilism would not have been introduced into our senate, had not duelling, as master of the ceremonies of civilization, protected it from brutality?”
Chatelain’s remarks on this subject are also worthy of quotation: “It is a long time since the controversy on duelling was exhausted: all that has as yet resulted from the discussion is, that its adversaries have triumphantly demonstrated the barbarity of the custom; nevertheless, duelling has not been discontinued, but has, as in former times, exercised its fatal influence, and levied from society an annual tribute of blood and tears. Philosophy has exerted its best endeavours, and has triumphed in the presence of reason; but receded before the tyranny of prejudice, and the tenacity of custom. What resources, then, are left to those who would still strive in the cause of humanity to exert themselves further? The coercive influence of the law has been found as ineffectual as the persuasive power of reason; how, then, shall we stem the tide of opinion? For three centuries, legislation and philosophy have been unsuccessful; therefore, since we must submit to an irresistible evil, let us seek to limit its sphere of action. Let us trace rules which shall not be infringed, and define the exigences of the point of honour, by warning sensible men against an exaggeration of susceptibility, and by determining on invariable rules the duties of seconds, whose inexperience on these occasions may become so fatal, but whose wisdom and firmness may in many cases prevent the most calamitous results.”
In the commencement of this work I have endeavoured to show that the practice of duelling was unknown amongst the ancient Romans; for although, as I have observed, various combats have been recorded between individuals who had stepped out of the ranks of their army to sustain the honour of their country, yet they cannot be considered in the light of duels, as no private resentment or personal wrongs had to be gratified or revenged. Such were the combats of Manlius Torquatus and Valerius Corvinus.
It was after the irruption of the northern barbarians that these savage hordes, after putting to the sword as many victims as they could immolate, turned against each other their blood-stained arms; and historians relate that, after the failure of the Goths in their attack upon Rome in 405, upwards of thirty thousand of these barbarians destroyed each other on their retreat. It was after the progress of Christianity amongst these fierce invaders that these scenes of murder gradually ceased to prevail, as appears by the following letter of Theodoric to the rude tribes of Hungary.
“It is against the common enemy that you should display your valour, and not against each other. A slight difference between you should not lead you to such an extremity; but confide in that justice which constitutes the joy and the tranquillity of the world. Why have recourse to duels, when public officers are not venal, and the judges in my dominions are incorruptible? Lay down your arms, since you have no enemies to contend with. You commit a crime in raising your weapons against relations for whom you should be proud to perish. And why use an armed hand, when you have a tongue to plead your cause? Imitate the Goths, who know how to conquer the foreigner, but who cultivate moderation and peace amongst themselves.”
That this injunction was rendered necessary by the ferocity of the tribes to whom it was addressed, appears evident from a manuscript lately discovered at Cassel in Westphalia, in which was a fragment of a poem, describing a duel between a father and a son under the reign of Theodoric.
Notwithstanding the wise enactments of this prince, during the wars of extermination that followed his reign these lamentable excesses were renewed in all their horror; and in the annals of the Lombards we find numerous traces of the prevalence of duelling, both in Cisalpine Gaul and in Germany. According to the laws of Rotharis, single combat was admitted as legal proof; and when a man had held the property of another for five years, the latter could only claim its restitution by a duel; and in litigation amongst women, they had the privilege of naming a champion to dispute their rights.
One of the most celebrated duels of that country took place in 626, to maintain the innocence of Queen Gundeberge, wife of Kharoald, King of Lombardy, which I have already related.
In 668, Grimoald made some alteration in the laws of Rotharis; but confirmed the right of women accused of an adulterous intercourse to appoint a champion to defend their fame. In 713, Luitprand confirmed the laws, but abrogated that part of them which confiscated the property of the vanquished. The language of his edict showed clearly that it was issued with repugnance:—“We are not convinced of the justice of what is called the judgement of God, since we have found that many innocent persons have perished in defending a good cause; but this custom is of such antiquity amongst the Lombards, that we cannot abolish it, notwithstanding its impiety.”
Charlemagne, who succeeded to the crown of Lombardy in 774, exerted himself, both in France and Italy, to put an end to, or at least to check the practice; and it was chiefly from the Italian nobility that he met with opposition. In many instances we find the chivalrous spirit of the day nobly exerted to repress depredations. In 807 we read of a duel between a French knight-errant, De Medicis, and a bandit named Mugel, who had ravaged a district of the Florentine state, which has ever since been called Mugello.
When the Othos governed the Italian dominions, it was at the urgent request of the Italian nobility, that Otho II, in an assembly at Verona in 988, re-established the practice of duelling in all its vigour, not even exempting from the obligation the clergy, or women; and while personal combat had to decide between the guilty and the innocent, trials by ordeal, similar to those already detailed, were constantly resorted to. George Acropolites relates the case of an Italian archbishop, who recommended one of his deacons to submit to the trial by fire; to this the priest did not object, provided the red-hot iron was handed to him by his diocesan, who then thought it advisable to decline the ordeal on the plea that it was sinful to tempt God.
The progress of civilization in the rude manners of the times, which resulted from the discovery of the pandects at Amalfi, did not prove sufficiently powerful to check this ancient practice; and we find Charles Tocco, a celebrated Neapolitan professor, maintaining that the practice of duelling ought to be kept up, however condemnable in principle.
During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the Italian press teemed with works on the noble nature of the science of duelling, which was held out to the admiration of the world in the most elegant language, although in the eleventh century the establishment of municipal corporations materially checked these chivalric excesses. It was in the thirteenth century that we see Mainfroi, natural son of Frederic II, murdering the Emperor Conrad, and killed in turn by Charles d’Anjou, who usurped the throne of Conradin, a young prince whom we find casting his gauntlet to defy the usurper, who ordered his head to be struck off in a public square at Naples. A knight had the boldness to take up the gauntlet, and carried it to Peter III, King of Arragon, who avenged the death of Conradin by the massacre of the Sicilian vespers, while he renewed the challenge of the ill-fated prince, and defied Charles d’Anjou, although sixty years old, to single combat: a challenge which was accepted, notwithstanding the King of Arragon was only forty years of age. The personal conflict, however, was avoided in the following manner:—Peter sent a message to Charles, to settle the point with each other at the head of a hundred chosen knights. Charles, despite the injunctions of the Pope, rashly accepted the proposal, and our Edward I. appointed the field at Bordeaux, the day being fixed on the 1st of July 1282. Trusting to the faith of Peter, Charles raised the siege of Messina. The Pope fulminated his anathema from the Vatican, and excommunicated the Arragonese prince, who, however, treated his wrath with sovereign contempt. The day of the meeting, Charles, faithful to his engagement, entered the field at the head of his hundred knights, and remained there from sun-rise to sunset, awaiting his adversary, who did not make his appearance until Charles had retired, when, with true Spanish rodomontade, he galloped and curveted over the field, and declared that he had not found his craven antagonist.
It had been stipulated, that the defaulter in this meeting should be branded with the name of traitor, and declared perjured, cowardly, and eternally infamous, worthless of all regal title or honour, and condemned for ever after to be merely followed by a humble menial.
It appears that Charles came to the lists with his uncle, Philippe le Hardi, King of France; and it is to this circumstance that the conduct of the King of Arragon was attributed. A paper war between the two princes followed; and, as both treated their adversaries as cravens, the merits of the cause were never fairly determined; while the learned Alciat declared, Dubitatum fuit utrius causa esset justior.
From that period arose the endless differences between the houses of Anjou and Arragon, regarding the succession to the Neapolitan crown. The Arragonese having carried their point, Charles VIII. of France, towards the latter end of the fifteenth century, as heir to Louis XI, renewed the contest, and involved his successors in ruinous wars.
Louis I, head of the second house of Anjou, was duped in 1382 in the same manner as his predecessor Charles, by Charles III, a challenge having been mutually accepted,—in which case both parties upbraided each other with falsehood. Louis appeared at the camp, when Charles attacked his army by surprise, and Louis, severely wounded in the treacherous conflict, shortly after died.
Naples, at this period, was the theatre of duelling; its practice became a science regularly professed by celebrated teachers, as the Scienza Cavalleresca, and Alberic Balbiano, constable of Naples, instituted a military order, under the patronage of St. George, for the due maintenance of this honourable pursuit. The knights of this noble institution wandered about the country plundering and pillaging, but ever ready to give satisfaction to all who considered themselves aggrieved. The accollade of knighthood was accompanied by the following injunction:—“The stroke of this sword is the last that you shall patiently submit to.” In the practice of this science, dexterity and cunning cuts and thrusts became accomplishments, and disarming an adversary a high feat of honour, since it afforded the right to kill the disarmed champion without further resistance or trouble.
Soon after, the bloody disputes between the Guelphs and the Ghibelins afforded numerous opportunities for personal rencontres, when the parties did not meet in battle array; but it is manifest, that at all times Italian duels were attended with circumstances of ferocity and treachery; and to avoid publicity, these meetings frequently took place behind hedges and ditches, and in woods and solitary places; hence the practice was called combatere à la mazza.
It appears that the practice bringing in seconds and witnesses, who were to share the dangers of the principals, originated in Italy. Brantôme relates the story of a Neapolitan gentleman who, being called out, killed his antagonist; he was about leaving the field, when the second of the deceased stopped him, and observed that he could not allow him to depart until he had avenged his fallen friend. To this proposal the gentleman very politely acceded, and killed him. Another witness then stepped forward, and with much courtesy said, that if he did not feel himself tired, he would be delighted to have a share in the honour; and proposed, if fatigued, to postpone the meeting until the following day. The gentleman was too urbane to disappoint him, and replied, that he did not feel in the least tired; and as he was warm, and his hand in, they might as well lose no time in gratifying his fancy; in a few lounges the amateur’s corpse was stretched by the side of his two departed friends.
Brantôme makes the following remarks on this practice:—“I have heard much talk on this matter, and have been informed by great Italian captains, that they were the founders of these fights and their punctilios, which were well known theoretically and practically. The Spaniards resemble them, but are not so proficient in the art, which now-a-days our Frenchmen practise in perfection. The Italians are a little more cool and advised in this business than we are, and somewhat more cruel. They have given as an instruction to those who feel disposed to grant or to spare their adversary’s life, the glorious opportunity of showing their generosity, by maiming their fallen foe, both in his legs and arms, and moreover giving him a desperate cut across the nose and face, to remind him of their condescension and humanity.”
Most of the celebrated fencing-masters were Italians; and Brantôme states, that Jarnac, previous to his fatal duel with La Chastaigneraye, had taken lessons from an Italian captain, named Caise, who had taught him the hamstring cut. These professors, it appears, were not very particular in regard to the means employed to kill their man, which they recommended to be done in ogni modo. Our pugnacious historian farther relates that, when he was at Milan, he took fencing lessons for a month, under a celebrated master, named Trappe; and during this period not a day passed but he witnessed at least twenty quadrilles of persons fighting in the streets, and leaving the dead bodies of their adversaries on the pavement. There were numerous bravoes who let themselves out to hire, to fight for those who did not feel disposed to risk their own lives. The same practice prevailed in Spain. This mode of fighting constituted the famed Vendetta; and the hired combatants were called Bandeleri.
The practice of these scientific assassins appears to have been singular; and we find Lampugnano, previous to his murdering Galeas Maria Sforza, getting a portrait of his victim painted, and exercising himself in stabbing it in various parts, until he found himself sufficiently dexterous to kill him in church with seven mortal stabs.
In 1528, four Florentines fought in presence of the Prince of Orange, when one of the combatants summoned his antagonist whom he had overthrown to surrender; but the prostrate champion exclaimed, “I surrender to the Prince!” “There is no other prince here but myself,” replied his adversary; and with a dagger at his throat he compelled him to submit.
In the expedition of the Duke de Guise, in 1557, under Henri II, a duel was fought at Ferrara, in presence of the Duke Hercules d’Este, and his brother the cardinal, in a hall of the palace, which was lighted up with torches on the occasion.
The Prince of Melfe Caraccioli, who commanded the forces of Francis I. from 1545 to 1550, issued many orders to check the practice of duelling: one of them was to compel duellists to fight upon the parapet of the bridge of Turin, so that the combatant who lost his equilibrium, ran a fair chance of being drowned.
The Italian princes not unfrequently were engaged in murderous quarrels, although it is related of Humbert II, the dauphin of Viennois, that on receiving a challenge from Amédée, Count of Savoy, he sent the following reply to his herald:—“My friend, tell your master, that the virtues of a prince do not lie in corporeal strength; but that if he is desirous of displaying his prowess, I have not a bull in my possession that is not stronger than he is; if he wishes to ascertain the fact, I shall have great pleasure in sending him one of the fiercest.”
The town of Ostuni, in 1664, was rendered remarkable by one of the most deadly family feuds recorded, and an extraordinary duel, in which every principle of honour was violated. The Count de Conversano, called also Duke de le Noci, of the family of Aquaviva, and the Prince of Francavilla, of that of Imperiali, were the two most powerful lords in Lower Apulia: the former boasted of his ancient descent and his numerous titles, and numbered among his predecessors a succession of nobles, whose tyrannical and violent disposition had designated them as a race dreaded by their inferiors, and hated by their equals. The Prince of Francavilla was of Genoese extraction, but his family had been settled in the kingdom from the time of Charles V, and he emulated the count in pride, while he surpassed him in wealth. Their territories joined, and the constant litigations arising out of their inordinate and ill-timed jurisdictions were thereby superadded to the long lists of mutual injuries recorded by both families. Their animosity broke out at Naples, on some trifling occasion, when they were both in their carriages; and, after a long contest of words, the Count de Conversano challenged the Prince of Francavilla to decide their differences by the sword: the latter declined this mode of combat as ill-suited to his age and infirmities, but consented to a duel if the arms might be exchanged for pistols. His antagonist, who was esteemed the best swordsman in the kingdom, insisted on his first proposal, and excited the prince to accede to it, by striking him repeatedly with the flat of his sword. An insult so grossly offered in the public streets, authorized the government to check the consequences likely to arise, by ordering both parties to retire to their respective estates. A short time after, the Prince of Francavilla, thirsting for a just revenge, proposed a champion to espouse his cause in the person of his nephew, the Duke de Martina, of the house of Caraccioli. This young man was but just returned from his travels, and his education had not been completed; it was therefore agreed, that a year should elapse previous to the final settlement of the dispute, and the field of battle was fixed at Ostuni, the jurisdiction of which had been previously claimed and disputed by both noblemen. The eyes of the whole kingdom were directed with anxious and fearful expectation towards this spot; but the wishes of the majority were in favour of the Duke de Martina, whose youth, accomplishments, and amiable disposition, called forth the interest of all ranks. His uncle, actuated more by fear of the shame attendant on defeat, than by feelings of affection for his relative, endeavoured to ensure success by the following stratagem:—A gentleman who had been for some time, as was the custom in those days, a retainer in his family, left it abruptly one night, and repaired to the Count de Conversano’s castle, into which he gained admission by a recital of injurious treatment and fictitious wrongs heaped upon him by the tyrannical and arbitrary temper of the Prince de Francavilla. A complaint of this nature was always a recommendation to the count’s favour and good graces; and he not only admitted the gentleman into the full enjoyment of his princely hospitality, but having found that he was an experienced and dexterous swordsman, passed most of his time in practising with him that art which he hoped would soon ensure his triumph over his youthful adversary.