WORKS ISSUED BY
The Hakluyt Society.
THE
OBSERVATIONS OF
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS.
M.DCCC.XLVII.

THE
OBSERVATIONS
OF
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS, K^NT
IN HIS
VOYAGE INTO
THE SOUTH SEA
IN THE YEAR
1593.

REPRINTED FROM THE EDITION OF 1622.
EDITED BY
C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE,
CAPTAIN R.N.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
M.DCCC.XLVII.

RICHARDS, 100, ST. MARTIN’S LANE.

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
Council. SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., Corr. Mem. Inst. Fr.; Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, &c. &c., President.

WILLIAM DESBOROUGH COOLEY, Esq. F.R.G.S., Secretary.

EDITOR’S PREFACE.

Many of the early voyages to the Spanish possessions in South America, are open to the charge of having been conducted more upon buccaneering principles, than on those that should guide nations in their intercourse with each other.

Even Sir Francis Drake, on his return from one of the most memorable, endured the mortification of being considered little better than a pirate, and it required all the honors conferred on him by Queen Elizabeth, to set him right in public opinion.

This is not the proper place to discuss the question, whether England was justified in allowing such expeditions to leave her shores; it is sufficient to state, that our author is not liable to any animadversion, as his voyage was undertaken under the authority of the Queen’s commission; and his conduct was marked throughout by humanity and benevolence.

We can hardly appreciate too highly the adventurous daring of these early navigators; but while we give due credit to them for attempting such long voyages into almost unknown seas, in vessels of small burthen, we must not imagine that they were utterly unprovided for the nature of the expected service: on the contrary, great care seems have been taken both in selecting proper crews, and in providing them with everything needful.

Sir Richard Hawkins, at page 12, alludes generally to his own preparations; and we read in the accounts of Sir Francis Drake’s expedition, “that his vessels were plentifully furnished with all manner of provisions and necessaries for so long and dangerous a voyage; and such as served only for ornament and delight were likewise not forgotten. For this purpose he took with him very expert musicians for several instruments. His furniture of all kinds was rich and sumptuous; all the vessels for his table, and many in the cook-room, being of pure silver, curiously wrought, and many other things whereby the magnificence of his native country might be displayed.”

We find even more detail in the North West Fox, or Fox from the North-west passage, London, 1635: a work professing to give an account of all Northern voyagers, commencing with King Arthur, and ending with Captain Luke Fox. We quote from the preface to the latter voyage:—

“The ship of his Majesties, was (of my own chusing, and the best for condition and quality, especially for this voyage, that the world could afford), of burthen eighty tonnes, the number of men twenty, and two boyes, and by all our cares was sheathed, cordaged, builded, and repaired; all things being made exactly ready against an appointed time. My greatest care was to have my men of godly conversation, and such as their years, of time not exceeding thirty-five, had gained good experience, that I might thereby be the better assisted, especially by such as had been upon those frostbiting voyages, by which they were hardened for indurance, and could not so soone be dismayed at the sight of the ice. For beardless younkers, I knew as many as could man the boate was enough; and for all our dependances was upon God alone, for I had neither private ambition or vaine glory.

“And all these things I had contractedly done by the master, wardens, and assistants of the Trinity House. For a lieutenant I had no use; but it grieved me much that I could not get one man that had been on the same voyage before, by whose counsaile or discourse I might better have shunned the ice. I was victualled compleatly for eighteene months; but whether the baker, brewer, butcher, and other, were master of their arts, or professors or no, I know not; but this I am sure of, I had excellent fat beefe, strong beere, good wheaten bread, good Iceland ling, butter and cheese of the best, admirable sacke and aqua-vitæ, pease, oatmeale, wheat-meale, oyle, spice, sugar, fruit, and rice; with chyrugerie, as sirrups, julips, condits, trechisses, antidotes, balsoms, gummes, unguents, implaisters, oyles, potions, suppositors, and purging pills; and if I wanted instruments, my chyrugion had enough. My carpenter was fitted from the thickest bolt to the pumpe nayle, or tacket. The gunner, from the sacor to the pistol. The boatswaine, from the cable to the sayle twine. The steward and cooke, from the caldron to the spoone.

“And for books, if I wanted any I was to blame, being bountifully furnisht from the treasurer with money to provide me, especially for those of study there would be no leisure, nor was there, for I found work enough.”

Besides this abundant preparation of all things needful for the body, rules for good discipline were not wanting, which we also transcribe, considering they have some relation to the matter in hand.

“May 7, anno 1631.—The voyage of Captaine Luke Fox, in his Majesties pinnace the Charles, burthen seventy tonnes, twenty men, and two boyes, victuals for eighteen months, young Sir John Wolstenholme being treasurer.

“Orders and articles for civill government, to be duly observed amongst us in this voyage.

“Forasmuch as the good successe and prosperity of every action doth consist in the due service and glorifying of God, knowing that not only our being and preservation, but the prosperity of all our actions and enterprizes doe immediately depend upon His Almighty goodness and mercy; of which this being none of the least, eyther of nature or quality. For the better governing and managing of this present voyage, in his Majesties ship the Charles, bound for the North-west Passage, towards the South Sea, May 7, 1631, as followeth:—

“1. That all the whole company, as well officers as others, shall duly repaire every day twice, at the call of the bell, to heare publike prayers to be read (such as are authorized by the Church), and that in a godly and devout manner, as good Christians ought.

“2. That no man shall swear by the name of God, nor use any prophane oath, or blaspheme his holy name, upon pain of severe punishment.

“3. That no man shall speak any vile or unbeseeming word, against the honour of his Majestie, our dread soveraigne, his lawes or ordinances, or the religion established and authorized by him here in England, but as good subjects shall duly pray for him.

“4. That no man shall speake any doubtfull or despairing words against the good successe of the voyage, or make any doubt thereof, eyther in publique or private, at his messe, or to his watch-mate, or shall make any question of the skill and knowledge eyther of superiour or inferior officer, or of the undertakings; nor shall offer to combine against the authority thereof, upon the paine of severe punishment, as well to him that shall first heare and conceale the same, as to the first beginner.

“5. That no man do offer to filch or steale any of the goods of the ship or company, or doe offer to breake into hould, there to take his pleasure of such provisions as are layd in generall for the whole company of the ship; nor that any officer appointed for the charge and oversight thereof, doe other wayes than shall be appointed him, but shall every man bee carefull for the necessary preservation of the victuall and fuell conteyned in the hould; and that also every officer be so carefull of his store, as hee must not be found (upon examination) to deserve punishment.

“6. That no man doe grumble at his allowance of victuall, or steale any from others, nor shall give cross language, eyther to superior or equal, in reviling words or daring speeches, which do tend to the inflaming of blood or inraging of choller; remembering this also, that a stroke or a blow is the breach of his Majesties peace, and may not want his punishment therefore, as for other reasons.

“7. That at the boatswaine’s call, all the whole company shall appeare above decke, or else that his mate fetch up presently all such sloathfull persons, eyther with rope or cudgell, as in such cases deserves the same. The quarter-masters shall look into the steeridge, while the captains, masters, and mates are at dinner, or at supper.

“8. That all men duely observe the watch, as well at anchor as under sayle, and at the discharge thereof, the boatswaine or his mate shall call up the other; all praising God together, with psalme and prayer. And so committing our selves, both soules and bodies, ship and goods, to God’s mercifull preservation, wee beseech him to steere, direct, and guide us, from the beginning to the end of our voyage: which hee make prosperous unto us. Amen.”

Sir Richard Hawkins followed the profession of a seaman from an early age. Brought up in stirring times, under the eye of his father, one of the most experienced naval commanders of his time, he appears to have inherited a knowledge of sound principles of discipline, and to have become imbued with that indomitable courage, tempered with prudence, essential to the character of a good sea officer. In 1588, Captain Hawkins commanded the Swallow, a Queen’s ship of three hundred and sixty tons, and assisted in her at the destruction of the Spanish armada. He appears at that period to have attained a certain consideration, as he was employed as Queen’s Commissioner, to settle some prize claims. He next undertook the voyage the history of which is recounted in the following pages. After his return from his detention in the South Seas, we find him, in 1620, in the Vanguard, of six hundred and sixty tons, vice-admirall of Sir Robert Mansel’s expedition against the Algerines. He died suddenly shortly afterwards.

Admiral Burney, in his History of Voyages and Discoveries in the South Seas, alluding to this work, says, “it might with propriety have been entitled a book of good counsel; many of his observations being unconnected with the voyage he is relating, but his digressions are ingenious and entertaining, and they frequently contain useful or curious information”: and Mr. Barrow, in his Memoirs of the Naval Worthies of Queen Elizabeth, thinks that the “Observations must take their station in the very first rank of our old sea voyages.”

Similar considerations led the council of the Hakluyt Society to select it, though not exactly a rare work, for early publication; and it is submitted to the Members, with a confident hope that it will repay an attentive perusal.

The editor has confined his labours to reproducing the text of the original, with only such slight alterations as were necessary where the sense of the author had been obviously marred by a misprint; giving such explanations of obsolete words and technical terms as might embarrass an unprofessional reader; identifying the places visited with their modern appellation, where practicable; and adding such remarks as occurred to him while correcting the proof sheets.

C. R. D. B.

Nov. 1847.

THE

OBSERVATIONS

OF

S^IR RICHARD HAWKINS
KNIGHT, IN HIS
VOIAGE INTO THE
South Sea.

Anno Domini, 1593.


Per varios Casus, Artem Experientia fecit,
Exemplo monstrante viam.—Manil. li. 1.


LONDON

Printed by I. D. for Iohn Iaggard, and are to be
sold at his shop at the Hand and Starre in Fleete-streete,
neere the Temple Gate. 1 6 2 2.

TO THE
MOST ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST EXCELLENT
PRINCE CHARLES, PRINCE OF WALES,
DUKE OF CORNEWALL, EARLE OF CHESTER, ETC.

Amongst other neglects prejudiciall to this state, I have observed, that many the worthy and heroyque acts of our nation, have been buried and forgotten: the actors themselves being desirous to shunne emulation in publishing them, and those which overlived them, fearefull to adde, or to diminish from the actors worth, judgement, and valour, have forborne to write them; by which succeeding ages have been deprived of the fruits which might have beene gathered out of their experience, had they beene committed to record. To avoyd this neglect, and for the good of my country, I have thought it my duty to publish the observations of my South Sea Voyage; and for that unto your highnesse, your heires, and successors, it is most likely to be advantagious (having brought on me nothing but losse and misery), I am bold to use your name, a protection unto it, and to offer it with all humblenes and duty to your highnesse approbation, which if it purchase, I have attained my desire, which shall ever ayme to performe dutie.

Your Highnesse humble
And devoted servant,
RICHARD HAWKINS.

TO THE READER.

Had that worthie knight, the author, lived to have seen this his Treatise published, he would perhaps himselfe have given the account thereof: for by his owne directions it was put to the presse, though it pleased God to take him to his mercy during the time of the impression. His purpose was to have recommended both it and himselfe unto our most excellent Prince Charles, and himselfe wrote the Dedication, which being imparted unto me, I conceited that it stood not with my dutie to suppresse it.

Touching the discourse it selfe, as it is out of my element to judge, so it is out of my purpose to say much of it. This onely I may boldly promise, that you shall heere find an expert seaman, in his owne dialect, deliver a true relation of an unfortunat voyage; which howsoever it proved lamentable and fatall to the actors, may yet prove pleasing to the readers: it being an itch in our natures to delight in newnes and varietie, be the subject never so grievous. This (if there were no more) were yet worthy your perusall; and is as much as others have with good acceptance afforded in relations of this nature. Howbeit besides the bare series and context of the storie, you shall heere finde interweaved, sundry exact descriptions of Countries, Townes, Capes, Promontories, Rivers, Creeks, Harbours, and the like, not unprofitable for navigators; besides many notable observations, the fruites of a long experience, that may give light touching marine accidents, even to the best captaines and commaunders: who if they desire to learn by precepts, shall here find store: but if examples prevaile more with them, here are also aliena pericula. If you believe mee not, reade and judge. Farewell.

THE OBSERVATIONS
OF
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS, KNIGHT,
IN HIS
VOYAGE INTO THE SOUTH SEA.

SECTION I.

WITH the counsels consent, and helpe of my father, Sir John Hawkins,1 knight, I resolved a voyage to be made for the Ilands of Japan, of the Phillippinas, and Molucas, the kingdomes of China, and East Indies, by the way of the Straites of Magelan, and the South Sea.

The principall end of our designements, was, to make a perfect discovery of all those parts where I should arrive, as well knowne as unknowne, with their longitudes, and latitudes; the lying of their coasts; their head-lands; their ports, and bayes; their cities, townes, and peoplings; their manner of government; with the commodities which the countries yeelded, and of which they have want, and are in necessitie.

For this purpose in the end of anno 1588, returning from the journey against the Spanish Armado, I caused a ship to be builded in the river of Thames, betwixt three and foure hundred tunnes, which was finished in that perfection as could be required; for shee was pleasing to the eye, profitable for stowage, good of sayle, and well conditioned.

The day of her lanching being appoynted, the Lady Hawkins (my mother-in-law) craved the naming of the ship, which was easily granted her: who knowing what voyage was pretended to be undertaken, named her the Repentance: what her thoughts were, was kept secret to her selfe; and although many times I expostulated with her, to declare the reason for giving her that uncouth name, I could never have any other satisfaction, then that repentance was the safest ship we could sayle in, to purchase the haven of Heaven. Well, I know, shee was no prophetesse, though a religious and most vertuous lady, and of a very good understanding.[2]

Yet too propheticall it fell out by Gods secrete judgementes, which in his wisdome was pleased to reveale unto us by so unknowne a way, and was sufficient for the present, to cause me to desist from the enterprise, and to leave the ship to my father, who willingly tooke her, and paid the entire charge of the building and furnishing of her, which I had concorted3 or paid. And this I did not for any superstition I have in names, or for that I thinke them able to further or hinder any thing; for that all immediately dependeth upon the Providence of Almightie God, and is disposed by him alone.

Yet advise I all persons ever (as neere as they can) by all meanes, and in all occasions, to presage unto themselves the good they can, and in giving names to terestriall workes (especially to ships), not to give such as meerly represent the celestial character; for few have I knowne, or seen, come to a good end, which have had such attributes. The Revenge As was plainely seene in the Revenge, which was ever the unfortunatest ship the late queenes majestie had during her raigne; for coming out of Ireland, with Sir John Parrot, shee was like to be cast away upon the Kentish coast. After, in the voyage of Sir John Hawkins, my father, anno 1586, shee strucke aground coming into Plimouth, before her going to sea. Upon the coast of Spaine, shee left her fleete, readie to sinke with a great leake: at her returne into the harbour of Plimouth, shee beate upon Winter stone; and after, in the same voyage, going out of Portsmouth haven, shee ranne twice aground; and in the latter of them, lay twentie-two houres beating upon the shore, and at length, with eight foote of water in hold, shee was forced off, and presently ranne upon the Oose: and was cause that shee remained there (with other three ships of her majesties) six months, till the spring of the yeare; when coming about to bee decked,4 entring the river of Thames, her old leake breaking upon her, had like to have drowned all those which were in her. In anno 1591, with a storme of wind and weather, riding at her moorings in the river of Rochester, nothing but her bare masts over head, shee was turned topse-turvie, her kele uppermost: and the cost and losse shee wrought, I have too good cause to remember, in her last voyage, in which shee was lost, when shee gave England and Spain just cause to remember her. For the Spaniards themselves confesse, that three of their ships sunke by her side, and See Master Hacluits Relations. was the death of above 1500 of their men, with the losse of a great part of their fleete, by a storme which suddainly tooke them the next day. What English died in her, many living are witnesses: amongst which was Sir Richard Greenfeild,5 a noble and valiant gentleman, vice-admirall in her of her majesties fleete. So that, well considered, shee was even a ship loaden, and full fraught with ill successe.

The like wee might behold in the Thunderbolt, of London, who, in one voyage (as I remember), had her mast cleft with a thunderbolt, upon the coast of Barbary. After in Dartmouth, going for admirall of the Whaftage,6 and guard of the fleete for the river of Bourdieux, had also her poope blown up with fire sodainly, and unto this day, never could be knowne the cause, or manner how: and lastly, shee was burned with her whole companie in the river of Bourdieux, and Master Edward Wilson, generall in her, slaine by his enemies, having escaped the fire.

The suceesse of the Jesus of Lubecke, in Saint John de Vlua, in the Nova Spania, infamous to the Spaniardes;7 with my Repentance, in the South Sea, taken by force, hath utterly impoverished, and overthrowne our house.

The Journey of Spaine, pretended for England, anno 1587, called the Journey of Revenge, left the principall of their men and ships on the rocks of Cape Finister, and the rest made a lamentable end, for the most part in the Groyne.8 No more for this poynt, but to our purpose.

SECTION II.

The Repentance being put in perfection, and riding at Detford, the queenes majestie passing by her, to her pallace of Greenwych, commanded her bargemen to row round about her, and viewing her from post to stemme, disliked nothing but her name, and said, that shee would christen her anew, and that henceforth shee should be called the Daintie; which name she brooked as well for her proportion and grace, as for the many happie voyages shee made in her majesties service; having taken (for her majestie) a great Bysten,9 of five hundred tunnes, loaden with iron and other commodities, under the conduct of Sir Martin Furbusher; a caracke bound for the East Indies, under my fathers charge, and the principall cause of taking the great caracke, brought to Dartmouth by Sir John Borrow, and the Earl of Cumberlands shippes, anno 1592, with others of moment in her other voyages.10 To us, shee never brought but cost, trouble, and care. Therefore my father resolved to sell her, though with some losse, which he imparted with me: and for that I had ever a particular love unto her, and a desire shee should continue ours, I offered to ease him of the charge and care of her, and to take her, with all her furniture at the price he had before taken her of me; with resolution to put in execution the voyage for which shee was first builded; although it lay six months and more in suspence, partly, upon the pretended voyage for Nombrededios and Panama, which then was fresh a foote; and partly, upon the caracke at Dartmouth, in which I was imployed as a commissioner; but this businesse being ended, and the other pretence waxing colde, the fift of March I resolved, and beganne to goe forward with the journey, so often talked of, and so much desired.

And having made an estimate of the charge of victualls, munition, imprests,11 sea-store, and necessaries for the sayd ship; consorting another of an hundred tunnes, which I waited for daily from the Straites of Giberalter, with a pynace of sixtie tunnes, all mine owne: and for a competent number of men for them; as also of all sorts of marchandises for trade and traffique in all places where wee should come; I began to wage men, to buy all manner of victualls and provisions, and to lade her with them, and with all sorts of commodities (which I could call to minde) fitting; and dispatched order to my servant in Plimouth, to put in a readinesse my pynace;12 as also to take Provisions better provided at Plimouth, then at London. up certaine provisions, which are better cheape in those parts then in London, as beefe, porke, bisket, and sider. And with the diligence I used, and my fathers furtherance, at the end of one moneth, I was ready to set sayle for Plimouth, to joyne with the rest of my shippes and provisions. But the expecting of the coming of the lord high admirall, Sir Robert Cecill, principall secretary to her majestie, and Sir Walter Rawley, with others, to honour my shippe and me with their presence and farewell, detayned me some dayes; and the rayne and untemperate weather deprived me of the favour, which I was in hope to have received at their hands. Whereupon, being loath to loose more time, and the winde serving according to my wish, the eight of April, 1593, I caused the pilot to set sayle from Blackwall, and to vayle13 down to Gravesend, whether that night I purposed to come.

Having taken my unhappy last leave of my father Sir John Hawkins, I tooke my barge, and rowed down the river, and coming to Barking, wee might see my ship at an anchor in the midst of the channell, where ships are not wont to more themselves: this bred in me some alteration. And coming aboord her, one and other began to recount the perill they had past of losse of ship and goods, which was not little; for the winde being at east north-east, when they set sayle, and vered out southerly, it forced them for the doubling of a point to bring their tacke aboard, and looffing up; the winde freshing, sodenly the shipp began to make a little hele; and for that shee was very deepe loaden, and her ports open, the water began to enter in at them, which no bodie having regard Note. unto, thinking themselves safe in the river, it augmented in such maner as the waight of the water began to presse downe the side, more then the winde: at length when it was seene and the shete flowne, shee could hardly be brought upright. But God was pleased that with the diligence and travell of the company, shee was freed of that danger; which may be a gentle warning14 to all such as take charge of shipping, even before they set sayle, eyther in river or harbour, or other part, to have an eye to their ports, and to see those shut and callked, which may cause danger; for avoyding the many mishaps which dayly chance for the neglect thereof, and have beene most lamentable spectacles and examples unto us: experiments in the Great Harry, admirall15 of England, which was over-set and suncke at Portsmouth, with her captaine, Carew, and the most part of his company drowned in a goodly summers day, with a little flawe of winde; for that her ports were all open, and making a small hele, by them entred their destruction; where if they had beene shut, no wind could have hurt her, especially in that place.

In the river of Thames, Master Thomas Candish had a small ship over-set through the same negligence. And one of the fleete of Syr Francis Drake, in Santo Domingo harbour, turned her keele upward likewise, upon the same occasion; with many others, which we never have knowledge of.

And when this commeth to passe, many times negligence is cloaked with the fury of the winde: which is a double fault; for the truth being knowne, others would bee warned to shun the like neglects; for it is a very bad ship whose masts crackt not asunder, whose sayles and tackling flie not in peeces, before she over-set, especially if shee be English built. And that which over-setteth the ship is the waight of the water that presseth down the side, which as it entreth more and more, increaseth the waight, and the impossibilitie of the remedie: for, the water not entring, with easing of the sheate, or striking the sayles, or putting the ship before the winde or sea, or other diligences, as occasion is offered (and all expert mariners know) remedie is easily found.16

With this mischaunce the mariners were so daunted, that they would not proceede with the ship any further, except shee was lighted, which indeede was needelesse, for many reasons which I gave: but mariners are like to a stiffe necked horse, which taking the bridle betwixt his teeth, forceth his rider to what him list, mauger his will; so they having once concluded, and resolved, are with great difficultie brought to yeelde to the raynes of reason; and to colour their negligence, they added cost, trouble, and delay. In fine, seeing no other remedie, I dispatched that night a servant of mine to give account to my father of that which had past, and to bring mee presently some barke of London, to goe along with me to Plimouth; which not finding, he brought me a hoye, in which I loaded some sixe or eight tunnes, to give content to the company; and so set sayle the 13th of Aprill, and the next day wee put in at Harwich, for that the winde was contrary, and from thence departed the 18th of the sayd moneth in the morning.

When wee were cleere of the sands, the winde veered to the south-west, and so we were forced to put into Margat Roade, whether came presently after us a fleete of Hollanders of above an hundreth sayle, bound for Rochell, to loade salt; and in their companie a dozen shippes of warre; their wafters very good ships and well appointed in all respects. All which came alongst by our ship, and saluted us, as is the custome of the sea, some with three, others with five, others with more peeces of ordinance.

The next morning the winde vering easterly, I set sayle, and the Hollanders with me, and they with the flood in hand, went out at the North-sands-head, and I through the Gulls to shorten my way, and to set my pilate ashore.

Comming neere the South-fore-land, the winde began to vere to the south-east and by south, so as we could not double the point of the land, and being close abourd the shore, and puting our ship to stay, what with the chapping sea, and what with the tide upon the bowe, shee mist staying, and put us in some danger, before we could flatt Note. about; therefore for doubling the point of any land better is ever a short bourd, then to put all in perill.17

Being tacked about, wee thought to anchor in the Downes, but the sayles set, we made a small bourd, and after casting about agayne, doubled the foreland, and ran alongst the coast till we came to the Isle of Wight: where being becalmed, wee sent ashore Master Thomson, of Harwich, our pilot, not being able before to set him on shore for the perversnes of the winde.

Being cleere of the Wight, the winde vered southerly, and before we came to Port-land, to the west, south-west, but with the helpe of the ebbe wee recovered Port-land-roade, where we anchored all that night; and the next morning with the ebbe, wee set sayle againe, the winde at west south-west; purposing to beare it up, all the ebbe, and to stop the flood being under sayle.

SECTION III.

The fleete of Flemings which had beene in our company before, came towring into the road, which certainly was a thing worth the noting, to behold the good order the masters observed in guard of their fleete.

The admirall headmost, and the rest of the men of warre, spread alongst to wind-ward, all saving the vice-admirall and her consort, which were lee-most and stern-most of all; and except the admirall, which was the first, that came to an anchor, none of the other men of warre anchored, before all the fleete was in safetie; and then they placed themselves round about the fleete; the vice-admirall seamost and leemost; which we have taught unto most nations, and they observe it now a dayes better then we, to our shame, that being the authors and reformers of The English authors of sea discipline. the best discipline and lawes in sea causes, are become those which doe now worst execute them.

And I cannot gather whence this contempt hath growne, By them againe neglected. except of the neglect of discipline, or rather in giving commands for favour to those, which want experience of what is committed to their charge: or that there hath beene little curiositie in our countrey in writing of the discipline of the sea; which is not lesse necessary for us, then that of the law; and I am of opinion, that the want of experience is much more tollerable in a generall by land, then in a governour by sea: for in the field, the lieutenant generall, the sergeant major, and the coronels supply what is wanting in the generall, for that they all command, and ever there is place for counsell, which in the sea by many accidents is denied; and the head is he that manageth all, in whom alone if there be defect, all is badly governed, for, by ignorance how can errors be judged or reformed? And therefore I wish all to take upon them that which they understand, and refuse the contrary.

As Sir Henry Palmer, a wise and valiant gentleman, a great commander, and of much experience in sea causes, being appoynted by the queens majesties counsell, to goe for generall of a fleete for the coast of Spaine, anno 1583, submitting himselfe to their lordships pleasure, excused the charge, saying, that his trayning up had beene in the narrow seas; and that of the other he had little experience: and therefore was in dutie bound to intreate their honours to make choice of some other person, that was better acquainted and experimented in those seas; that her majestie and their lordships might be the better served. His modestie and discretion is doubtlesse to be had in remembrance and great estimation; for the ambition of many which covet the command of fleetes, and places of government (not knowing their compasse, nor how, nor what to command) doe purchase to themselves shame; and losse to those that employ them: being required in a Parts required in a commander at sea. commander at sea, a sharpe wit, a good understanding, experience in shipping, practise in management of sea business, knowledge in navigation, and in command. I hold it much better to deserve it, and not to have it, then to have it not deserving it.

SECTION IV.

The fruits and inconveniences of the latter we daily partake of, to our losse and dishonor. As in the fleete that The losse of the Burdieux fleete anno 1592. went for Burdieux, anno 1592, which had six gallant ships for wafters. At their going out of Plimouth, the vice-admirall, that should have beene starnmost of all, was the headmost, and the admirall the last, and he that did execute the office of the vice-admirall, lanching off into the sea, drew after him the greater part of the fleete, and night comming on, and both bearing lights, caused a separation: so that the head had a quarter of the bodie, and the fleete three quarters, and he that should goe before, came behinde. Whereof ensued, that the three parts meeting with a few Spanish men of warre, wanting their head, were a prey unto them. For the vice-admirall, and other wafters, that should be the shepheards to guard and keepe their flocke, and to carry them in safetie before them, were headmost, and they the men who made most The cause. hast to flie from the wolfe. Whereas if they had done as they ought, in place of losse and infamie, they had gained honor and reward.

This I have beene enformed of by the Spanish and English, which were present in the occasion. And a ship of mine, being one of the starnmost, freed her selfe, for that shee was in warlike manner, with her false netting, many pendents and streamers, and at least sixteen or eight-teen peeces of artillery; the enemie thinking her to be a wafter, or ship of warre, not one of them durst lay her aboord: and this the master and company vaunted of at their returne.

In the same voyage, in the river of Burdieux (as is credibly reported), if the six wafters had kept together, they had not onely not received domage, but gotten much The weakness of the enemy. honour and reputation. For the admirall of the Spanish armado, was a Flemish shippe of not above 130 tunnes, and the rest flie-boates18 and small shipping, for the most part.

And although there were twenty-two sayle in all, what manner of ships they were, and how furnished and appoynted, is well knowne, with the difference.

In the fleete of her majestie, under the charge of my father Sir John Hawkins, anno 1590, upon the coast of Spaine, the vice-admirall being a head one morning, where his place was to be a sterne, lost us the taking of eight men of warre loaden with munition, victuals, and provisions, for the supplie of the souldiers in Brittaine: and although they were seven or eight leagues from the shore, when our vice-admirall began to fight with them, yet for that the rest of our fleete were some four, some five leagues, and some more distant from them, when we beganne to give chase, the Spaniards recovered into the harbour of Monge, before our admirall could come up to give direction; yet well beaten, with losse of above two hundreth men, as they themselves confessed to me after.

And doubtlesse, if the wind had not over-blowne, and that to follow them I was forced to shut all my lower ports, the ship I undertooke doubtles had never endured to come to the port; but being doubble fli-boates, and all of good sayle, they bare for their lives, and we what we could to follow and fetch them up.