For what cause was not the same priest of Jupiter permitted, either to touch an ivie tree, or to passe thorow a way covered over head with a vine growing to a tree, and spreading her branches from it?
Is not this like unto these precepts of Phythagoras: Eat not your meat from a chaire: Sit not upon a measure called Chœnix: Neither step thou over a broome or [149]besoome. For surely none of the Pythagoreans feared any of these things, or made scruple to doe, as these words in outward shew, and in their litterall sense do pretend: but under such speeches they did covertly and figuratively forbid somewhat else: even so this precept: Go not under a vine, is to be referred unto wine, and implieth this much; that it is not lawfull for the said Priest to be drunke; for such as over drinke themselves, have the wine above their heads, and under it they are depressed and weighed downe, whereas men and priests especially ought to be evermore superiors and commanders of this pleasure, and in no wise to be subject unto it. And thus much of the vine.
As for the ivie, is it not for that it is a plant that beareth no fruit, nor any thing good for mans use: and moreover is so weake, as by reason of that feeblenesse it is not able to sustaine it selfe, but had need of other trees to support and beare it up: and besides, with the coole shadowe that it yeelds, and the greene leaves alwaies to be seene, it dazeleth, and as it were bewitcheth the eies of many that looke upon it: for which causes, men thought that they ought not to nourish or entertaine it about an house, because it bringeth no profit; nor suffer it to claspe about any thing, considering it is so hurtfull unto plants that admit it to creepe upon them, whiles it sticketh fast in the ground: and therefore banished it is from the temples and sacrifices of the celestiall gods, and their priests are debarred from using it: neither shall a man ever see in the sacrifices or divine worship of Juno at Athens, nor of Venus at Thebes, any wilde ivie brought out of the woods. Mary at the sacrifices and services of Bacchus, which are performed in the night and darknesse, it is used.
Or may not this be a covert and figurative prohibition, of such blind dances and fooleries in the night, as these be, which are practised by the priests of Bacchus? for those women which are transported with these furious motions of Bacchus, runne immediately upon the ivie, and catching it in their hands, plucke it in pieces, or else chew it betweene their teeth; in so much as they speake not altogether absurdly, who say, that this ivie hath in it a certaine spirit that stirreth and mooveth to madnesse; turneth mens mindes to furie; driveth them to extasies; troubleth and tormenteth them; and in one word maketh them drunke withoute wine, and doth great pleasure unto them, who are otherwise disposed and enclined of themselves to such fanaticall ravishments of their wit and understanding.
113.
What is the reason that these Priests and Flamins of Jupiter were not allowed, either to take upon them, or to sue for any government of State, but in regard that they be not capable of such dignities, for honour sake and in some sort to make some recompense for that defect, they have an usher or verger before them carrying a knitch of rods, yea and a curall chaire of estate to sit upon?
Is it for the same cause, that as in some cities of Greece, the sacerdotall dignitie was equivalent to the royall majestie of a king, so they would not chuse for their priests, meane persons and such as came next to hand.
Or rather, because Priests having their functions determinate and certaine, and the kings, undeterminate and uncertaine, it was not possible, that when the occasions and times of both concurred together at one instant, one and the same person should be sufficient for both: for it could not otherwise be, but many times when both charges pressed upon him and urged him at ones, he should pretermit the one or the other, and by that meanes one while offend and fault in religion toward God, and anotherwhile do hurt unto citizens and subjects.
Or else, considering, that in governments among men, they saw that there was otherwhiles no lesse necessitie than authority; and that he who is to rule a people (as Hippocrates said of a physician, who seeth many evill things, yea and handleth many also) from the harmes of other men, reapeth griefe and sorrow of his owne: they thought it not in policy good, that any one should sacrifice unto the gods, or have the charge and superintendence of sacred things; who had been either present or president at the judgements and condemnations to death of his owne citizens; yea and otherwhiles of his owne kinsfolke and allies, like as it befell sometime to Brutus.
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Notes
Livy, x. 47, 7, Ep. 11; Val. Max., I. viii. 2; Strabo, xii. p. 567; Ovid, F., i. 291; M., xv. 622; Oros, iii. 22; Lactant., Inst., II. vii. 13; Arnob., vii. 44; Augustin, C. D., iii. 17; Aurel. Vict., De V. Ill., 25; Dion., v. 13; Pliny, N. H., 29, 16.
Schrader, Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples, p. 162.
Religionsgeschichte, ii. 203.
Meyer, Indogermanische Mythen, ii. p. 612.
Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung2, iii. p. 2.
Mommsen, History of Rome, i. 173.
Ibid.; cf. Roscher, Lexikon, s.v. Ianus.
Rochholz, Deutscher Glaube, ii. 136.
Wuttke, Deutscher Volksaberglaube2, § 57.
Ibid., § 177, 388.
Ibid., § 395; cf. Pliny, N. H., 28, 86.
Marquardt, iii. 6.
De la Saussaye, ii. 203.
Marquardt, p. 7.
De la Saussaye, i. 53.
Marquardt, p. 6.
Folk-Lore, vol. ii. p. 235.
Marquardt, p. 25.
"Chez les Chinois Ti est bien et uniquement la terre ... qui n'a aucun personalité, aucun aspect anthropologique."—De Rialle, Mythologie Comparée, i. 235. As in Rome, so in China, though the sky advanced to the rank of a spirit, the earth remained a fetich.
Preller, R. M., i. 1 and 2, points out that Italian mythology is "quite different" from the Greek; that it is only in "a certain sense" that there can be said to be a Roman mythology; that it is a very different thing from Greek, Hindoo, Persian, Teutonic, and Scandinavian mythology; that the Romans had not advanced far in personifying and individualising their gods, and consequently could not develop much mythology. Finally, Italian religion was "far less widely removed" from the primitive Aryan belief than Greek religion and mythology were.
Livy, ii. 21; Dion., vi. i.
Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, i. 482 ff.
According to Schwegler, Röm. Gesch., i. 354-383, Εὔανδρος is simply Greek for Faunus = Favinus, "the benevolent" or "good" god. Cf. Fauna = Bona Dea.
"Rapi ... similatur virgo ex gremio matris ... cum ad virum trahitur, quod videlicet ea res feliciter Romulo cessit."—Festus, s.v. rapi.
E.g., among the Esthonians, Finns, Wotjaks, Mordwins, Vedic Hindoos, and Bohemians.
For the use of the sword, axe, or dagger to keep off evil spirits from a wedding, see Schroeder, Hochzeitsbräuche der Ester, 99-102.
For the sacredness of the head especially, see the Golden Bough, i. 187-193.
The myth, as given by Plutarch, is to be found also in Livy, i. 9; Serv. ad Æn., vi. 55; and in Varro, quoted by Festus, p. 351. The word occurs in Martial, i. 35. 6 and 7; iii. 93. 25; xii. 42. 4, 95. 5 (Friedländer says nothing), and Catullus, lxi. 134 (Robinson Ellis has nothing to say).
Hartley, Science of Fairy Tales, pp. 279-281, for examples. The tale of Servius is also told by Ovid, F., vi. 577.
It is interesting to note that two hundred years ago Boxhorn, in commenting on this passage of Plutarch, laid down a fundamental proposition of the science of folk-lore:—"Mortales cum inquirerent in caussas rerum, nec invenirent, pro libitu suo verisimiles sunt commenti. Sic ut fabulæ proponerentur tanquam caussæ rerum, cum res ipsæ essent causeæ fabularum." See his edition of the Roman Questions, printed in vol. v. of the Thesaurus of Grævius (Lugd., Batavor, 1696).
Ethnology in Folk-Lore, pp. 120 ff. Mr. Gomme, however, argues that the fear of dead kindred was borrowed by the Aryans from the non-Aryan inhabitants of Europe. But why may not the pro-ethnic Aryans, as well as other savages, have had, at one stage of their development, a fear of dead kindred?
My authorities for the customs quoted in the next few pages are (unless special references are given) Wuttke, Deutsche Volksaberglaube, §§ 725-756; Rochholz, Deutscher Glaube und Brauch, ii. pp. 170-173; and De Rialle, Mythologie Comparée, i. p. 125.
Weinhold, Altnord. Leben, 476.
The Lares are thus represented on a coin of the gens Cæsia. See Cohen, Méd. Cons., pl. viii, Cæsia.
Ovid, F., v. 129-147.
De la Saussaye, Religionsgeschichte, i. 281.
Wuttke, § 755.
Waldron's Isle of Man, p. 103.
Encyc. Britan., art. "Sacrifice."
Frazer, G. B., i. 239.
Daoine Shie or Sluagh Maith.
Frazer, i. 122.
De Rialle, i. 190.
See The Secret Commonwealth by Mr. Robert Kirk, Minister of Aberfoyle, 1691.
See Saupe's edition of the Indiculus, p. 9.
Servius on Georg., i. 302, and Prudent, c. Symm., ii. 444.
Frazer, ii. 332.
Preller, R. M.3, ii. 198.
Cic. de Div., i. 18, 36; Plut. Ti. Gracch., i. A similar story is related of D. Laelius, Jul. Op. seq. 58.
H. N., xxix. 72.
C. I. L., i. 603.
We have no direct evidence of this, but we may infer it from the analogous case of Dius Fidius:—"Qui per Dium Fidium iurare vult, prodire solet in compluvium."—Non. Marc., p. 494, quoting Varro. The temples of Dius Fidius had a hole specially made in the roof ("perforatum tectum," Varro, L. L. v. 66), under which one might swear. Probably the temples of Hercules were similarly provided; certainly those of Terminus were ("exiguum templi tecta foramen habent."—Ov. F. ii. 672).
Reifferscheid, in the Annali dell' Instituto for 1867, p. 352 ff., identifies Hercules with the genius Jovis. But, in the first place, this seems to me the wrong inference from his own facts, which all have exclusively to do with the genii virorum. Next, the genius Jovis is not known before B.C. 58. Schwegler, before Reifferscheid, noticed that in Gellius, xi. 6. 1, "der römische Hercules erscheint als identisch mit dem genius der Männer."—R. G., i. 367 n.
Roscher's arguments to show that Juno is the moon are not satisfactory. He assumes without proof that Juno was always Lucina (whereas Lucina was an independent spirit worshipped in woods, Lexikon, pp. 583 and 602), that Lucina was the moon (whereas she is the spirit that brings children to light, and is not = Luna), that the Italians connected the moon with child-birth (which, as Birt says, lacks proof), that the name Juno indicates a light-giving deity (whereas, though from the root *Div, it does not imply the giving of light any more than deus does, which is applied to the di manes, the di indigetes, dea bona, dea dia, &c.). The arguments drawn by Roscher from works of art are untrustworthy, because borrowing is specially probable in their case. Finally, the hypothesis of a Græco-Italian period, on which Roscher relies to prove that Juno = Hera = the moon, is now discredited.
In B.C. 361 an Aius Locutius was produced (Liv. v. 32. 6, 50. 6, 52. 11); in 211 a Rediculus Tutanus (Festus s.v.); in or after 269 a spirit of silver coin, Argentinus (August., C. D. iv. 21 and 28); but no spirit was forthcoming for gold coin, which was first struck in B.C. 217. See further Roscher's Lexikon, s.v. Indigitamenta.
So called "quod marem effuso semine liberat."—Augustin, C. D. vii. 2.
Finally, with regard to Matuta, the very remarkable fact recorded in Romane Questions, 17, that people prayed to her not for any blessings to their own children, but for their nephews only (brothers' or sisters' children), immediately suggests that we have here an indication that the Nair type of family was once known in Italy. But the indication, being isolated, has perhaps not much value.
She occurs in the following series:—Fluvionia, Mena, Vitumnus, Sentinus, Alemona, Nova, Decima, Partula, Carmenta, Lucina, for which see S. August., C. D. vii. 3; Tertull., De An. 37, and Ad Nat. ii. 11.
Liv. v. 47; Dion. Hal. i. 32; Serv. on Æn. viii. 337; W. Becker, Handb. d. röm. Altert., i. 137.
Derived probably from Varro, R. R. II. xi. 5.
Livy, i. 45. 3; Dionys., iv. 25; Aur. Vict., De Vir. Ill., vii. 9.
As Preller does, R. M.3, i. 313.
e.g., C. I. L. vi. 656, 658, &c.
C. I. L., vii. 451.
Grimm, D. M.4, iii. 104; cf. Gummere, Germanic Origins, 383. "Special influence over cattle is ascribed to wood-spirits" (Golden Bough, i. 105).
Gummere, p. 387; cf. Bugge, Studien, p. 393 ff.
Golden Bough, i. 187 ff.
Ibid., 188. The date of the rite was 13th August; cf. Auson., De Fer. Rom., 6; Martial, 12, 67, 2. The asylum for runaway slaves afforded by the temple finds a folk-lore explanation in a folk-etymology. "Ædem Dianæ dedicaverit in Aventino, cuius tutelæ sint cervi, a quo celeritate fugitivos vocent cervos" (Festus, p. 343a, 7, s.v. Servorum dies). Birt (Roscher's Lexikon, i. 1008) seems to take this explanation seriously; but the temple on the Aventine was precisely the temple in which the goddess of cervi was not worshipped. Possibly the right of asylum was conferred on the temple as part of the political changes brought about by the formation of the Latin confederacy, for this temple was the religious centre of the Latin alliance, "Commune Latinorum Dianæ templum" (Varro, L. L. v. 43). Hence, then, the folk-story that Servius Tullius, "natus servus" (Festus, l.c.), built the temple and gave it the right of asylum.
For the full list see Marquardt, 328-331.
Golden Bough, i. 37 ff.
Ibid., i. 39.
Golden Bough, ch. ii.
Röm. Mythol.3, i. 201.
Kæmpfer, History of Japan, quoted by Mr. Frazer, i. 110.
Kæmpfer, History of Japan, quoted by Mr. Fraser, i. 110.
With Q. R., 111, cf. Golden Bough, i. 207; with Q. R., 112, cf. G. B., i. 183; and generally see i. 117.
G. B., i. 130.
For instances see Hartland, Science of Fairy Tales, pp. 272-274.
Momms., R. H., i. 25.
Ibid., i. 60.
G. B., i. 170. I may point out that in some parts of Europe these taboos still survive. For six weeks after delivery, the young mother is forbidden to enter a strange house, or go shopping, or draw water from a well, or walk over a sowed field (Grimm, D. M.4, iii. pp. 435, 464, Nos. 35, 844, 845). The Esthonians also regard a new-born child as tabooed, and indirect contact with it as dangerous (Ibid., p. 488, No. 28). For the death-dealing qualities of women, cf. Burchard von Worms, Samlung der Decrete, Coln, 1548, p. 201a (quoted by Grimm, iii. 410). Amongst the Eskimo, as amongst the Germans, the young mother is forbidden to leave the house for six weeks (Reclus, Primitive Folk, 36); she is also tabooed by the Badagas of the Neilgherrie Hills (Ibid., 192).
Hartland, S. of F. T., p. 93 ff. for instances.
"Make of it an image in his likeness (i.e., of Namtar, the plague); apply (the image) to the living flesh of his body (i.e., of the sick man). May the malevolent Namtar who possesses him pass into the image" (Lenormant, Chaldæan Magic, p. 51). The Buddhists of Ceylon cure disease in exactly the same way (J. Roberts, Oriental Illustrations of Scripture, p. 171).
Cf. C. F. Gordon Cumming, Two Happy Years in Ceylon, i. p. 278, "The astrologer is called in to preside at baby's 'rice feast,' when some grains of rice are first placed in its month. He selects for the little one a name which is compounded from the name of the ruling planet of that moment. This name he tells only to the father, who whispers it low in baby's ear—no one else must know it, and, like the Chinese 'infantile name,' this 'rice name' is never used lest sorcerers should hear it and be able to work malignant spells."
For instances see Folk Lore, iii. 137. The Romans themselves fettered the image of Saturnus (Macrob., i. 8. 5; Stat. Silv., i. 6. 4; Arnob., iv. 24; Minuc. Fel., c. 22. 5).
Chemnitzer Rockenphilosophie, 16 and 325 (Grimm, D. M.4, iii. 435 and 445).
The classical references are: Festus, p. 143 and 385; Dionys., i. 38; Ov., F., i. 56, iii. 791, v. 62 ff.; Varro, L. L., vii. 44; Paul. Diac., p. 15; Lact, I. i. 21. 6; Macrob., i. 5. 10, and 11. 47; Prudent. C. Symmach., ii. 295; Cicero pro Roscio Am., 35. 100; Catull., xvii. 8. 23; Non. Marc., p. 358b.; Liv. i. 21, iv. 12. The modern literature: first and foremost and final, Mannhardt, Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 265 ff., whose explanation is adopted in Roscher's Lexikon; further, Preller, Röm. M.3, ii. 135 ff.; Marquardt, 190 ff.; Grimm, D. M., 733, n. 4. The meaning of the word Argei has received no satisfactory explanation yet. The number of the images is accounted for by the fact that each of the twenty-four quarters of ancient Rome required rain for its crops.
See Rhein. Museum, 1867, p. 129.
Macrob., i. 10, 11 ff.; Gell., N. A., vii. (vi.) 7; Plut., Rom., 4. 5; Lactant., i. 20. 5.
"Exuuntur etiam vestibus populo flagitante meretrices, quæ tunc (i.e., at the Floralia) mimarum funguntur officio" (Lact. l.c.). Cf. Val. Max., 2. 10. 8; Senec., Ep., 97. 7; Mart., 1 præf.; Ov., F., iv. 946, v. 183; Tertull., De Spect., 17; Min. Felix, 25. 8; Augustin, C. D., ii. 27.
The Arval Brothers wore a harvest-crown, vittis spiceis coronati, C. I. L., vi. 2104a 16. They preserved a sheaf of corn (corn-baby, mother, &c.) from the previous year's harvest; this is the fruges aridas of C. I. L., l.c. 6. They consecrated the old corn, the green corn of the new year, and a loaf, fruges aridas et virides contigerunt et panes laureatos, l.c.; and they sacramentally "ate the god," fruges libatas.
Mommsen, Die echte und die falsche Acca Larentia, 3 A. 3.
Jordan, Krit. Beitr., 75, compares Italian atta, "mother" and Greek ἀκκώ?
"E nos Lases iuvate" = Age nos, Lares, iuvate.
The classical references on this subject of beans are: Diog. Laert., viii. 24 and 34 (quoting Aristotle, ἤτοι ὅτι αἰδοίοις εἰσὶν ὅμοιοι), Gellius, N. A., iv. 11; Cic., de Div., i. 30, ii. 58; Pliny N. H., xviii. 12; Didymus in Geopon., ii. 58; Sext. Emp., Pyrrh. Hyp., iii. 224; Iambl., Vit. Pyth., 109 and Protrept. extr. Symb., 37; Anon. (e. Photio), Vit. Pyth., 7; Pseudo-Orig., Philos. ii.; Apollon. Dysc., Mirab. Hist., c. 46; Eudocia, p. 368; Suidas, s. v. Συμβ. Πυθαγ..; Eustath., N., p. 948.
For its meaning as a symbol, see Westropp, Primitive Symbolism, p. 28.
R. Q., 1, 2, 6, 7, 8, 29, 30, 31, 65, 86, 87, 105, 108.
The custom is also testified to by Serv. on Virg., Ecl., viii. 29; Isid., Orig., ix. 8; Plaut., Cas., IV. iv. 1; Catull., lxi. 159; Lucan, Phars., ii. 358.
Ueber die römische Ehe, p. 360.
Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, Hochzeitsbuch, p. 57.
Ibid., 84.
Ibid., 251.
Weinhold, Die deutschen Frauen2, i. 410.
Haas in Weber's Ind. Stud., v. 324, 359, 373.
V. Schroeder, Hochzeitsbräuche der Esten, pp. 88 ff.
Plutarch, R. Q., 31. Cf. Festus, "In pelle lanata nova nupta considere solet."
Serv. ad Æn., iv. 374.
Διὸς κῴδιον, Suidas, s.v.
De Witte, Descr. des Antiq. de l'Hôtel Lambert, p. 68, pl. 22 (reproduced in Daremberg et Saglio, Dict., s.v., and in Duruy, Hist. des Grecs, i. 786). The right interpretation of this scene was first given by Lenormant, Contemporary Review, 1880, p. 137.
The Roman, at this crisis of his personal history, placed himself under the protection of a series of Di Indigetes, e.g., Subigus, Prema, Pertunda (S. August., C. D., vi. 9).
The Latin phrase is "Aqua et igni accipi." The custom is testified to by Dion. Hal., ii. 30; Varro, L. L., v. 61; Serv. ad Æn., iv. 167; Ov., F., iv. 787; Fest. s.v. Scæv., Dig., 24. 1. 66; Stat., Silv. I. ii. 3; Val. Fl., Argon., viii. 244.
Weinhold, i. 375 and 408.