Lord Wellington came in person to look at the state of affairs, and as it was not deemed prudent to repeat the assault, and the ammunition of the Artillery was nearly expended, the operations against the place were brought to a close;—greatly to the disappointment of many. After the failure of the assault, Lord Wellington ordered, for security, that all the guns, with the exception of a few pieces, should be removed from the batteries, and a blockade substituted for a siege. The forward movement of Soult’s army, which will be discussed hereafter, produced a further order to embark the guns and stores. On the French being driven back, Colonel Dickson received orders to land them again; the batteries also were repaired, new ones constructed, and everything put in readiness for a second siege as soon as ammunition should arrive from England. The arrival of this was, however, delayed beyond the endurance of Sir Thomas Graham, who was not so familiar with the dilatory habits of the Civil branch of the Ordnance, as Colonel Dickson was. In one of his numerous letters to the latter Dated 7 Aug. 1813. during this period, he wrote: “It is too provoking to think of such mistakes and delays at home, where they have nothing else to do or think of, but the execution of demands made at an early enough period to give full time for preparation.” Sir Thomas Graham’s correspondence shows at this time a feverish, almost fretful, anxiety about the preparations for the second siege, which was not unnatural in a General anxious to wipe out the recollection of failure. The reader of his letters cannot resist a wish to have seen his face when the incident occurred, described by Napier: “With characteristic negligence, this enormous armament (i.e. two new battering trains) had been sent out from England with no more shot and shells than would suffice for one day’s consumption.” At length, everything was in readiness, and the batteries opened on the 26th August, 1813. Before entering on the narrative of the siege, a list of the batteries with their respective armaments will be given, extracted not merely from Sir A. Dickson’s official returns, but also from private letters written at the time,—with all the necessary information at his hand.

To commence with the Left Attack. The only batteries used before the storming of the city on the 31st August were those numbered 5 and 6,—containing 7 24-pounders, 2 8-inch howitzers, and Captain Morrison’s brigade of six 18-pounders. Others will be given, hereafter, which were used at the bombardment of the castle. The object of the fire of the left attack was to breach the right face of the left demi-bastion, and the curtain over it; also, the face of the left demi-bastion of the hornwork, and generally to annoy the defences. Lieut.-Colonel Hartmann, K.G.A., again commanded the left attack.

The Right Attack was under the command of Lieut.-Colonel Frazer, and consisted of the following batteries, according to Colonel Dickson’s numbering:—

The breaching batteries were Nos. 4 and 5, but more especially the latter. Field officers were detailed for duty alternately in these two batteries, while the firing was going on: Majors Dyer and Webber Smith being in No. 4, and Majors Buckner and Sympher, K.G.A., in No. 5.

According to Sir J. Jones, the batteries opened with a general salvo from 57 guns;—according, however, to Colonel Dickson, only 48 were in action. The whole commenced by signal, and as Sir Thomas Graham wrote to Colonel Dickson, Dated 26 Aug. 1813. “Nothing could be more imposing than the opening of your fire this morning.” The guns in the left attack were found to be too distant for the effect required; but the fire from the batteries of the right attack was so destructive, Colonel Dickson to D.-A.-G. 1 Sept. 1813. that in the course of five days, from the 26th to the 30th, the demi-bastion was demolished, a breach made in the curtain behind it, the towers on each side of the former breach laid down, and the wall laid open which connected the curtain with the left of the first breach. The batteries of the left attack laid open a hornwork; and four guns having been brought forward into a battery (No. 7) which was much nearer the works, they breached the right face of the demi-bastion, and greatly assisted in bringing down the end of the curtain.

About 11 o’clock A.M. on the 31st August, the column for the assault, which had now been ordered, moved forward, and arrived at the breach with comparatively little loss. The defence of the French was such, however, that no lodgment could be effected,—more than one attempt having been repulsed; and as the enemy occupied a higher position than his assailants, he was able to fire down upon them and inflict great loss. It was at this time that Sir Thomas Graham ordered the Artillery to commence a fire, which has received the greatest praise at the hands of historians, and of which the following graphic description, from Colonel Dickson’s pen, cannot fail to interest the reader:—“The great body of our cannon, howitzers, and carronades fired upon the great curtain and behind it—over the heads of our own men (only a few feet perpendicular lower down), with a vigour and accuracy probably unprecedented in the annals of artillery. It was the admiration and surprise of Sir Thomas Graham, and Marshal Beresford, and all who beheld it. No one could say there was a single error to the disadvantage of our own people; and the force of the fire entirely prevented the enemy making any effort along the rampart to drive us from the breach. I must say the enemy stood with great firmness, firing over the parapet as well as they could, notwithstanding numbers had their heads taken off by our round shot. In short, on this occasion, our artillery was served in such a manner that I would not have believed it, had I not seen it.”

Sir J. Jones says of the Artillery fire at this time, that it was admirable, and occasioned no casualties among the assailants; and Napier describes the stream of missiles, like a horrid tempest, in its fearful course strewing the rampart with the mangled limbs of the defenders. It was a critical time; and a want of precision on the part of the Artillery Dated Oyarzun, 1 Sept. 1813. would have produced a fatal panic among the assailants. In his despatch to Lord Wellington, announcing the success of the assault, Sir Thomas Graham admitted that, prior to the Artillery coming into action on this occasion, the state of the attack was desperate; and he described the fire (which after consultation with Colonel Dickson he ventured to order) as having been “kept up with a precision of practice beyond all example.” The ultimate success was almost accidental. A large number of shells and combustible materials had been accumulated above the breach to throw down on the storming party. This was fortunately ignited by the fire of the Allied Artillery, and a great explosion followed, killing many of the French, and producing a disorder which enabled the troops to establish themselves on the curtain, which they fought from traverse to traverse. Some additional troops having entered the town by another breach near the Towers, the curtain was abandoned, and the fighting confined to the streets; but very soon the French were driven into the castle, which alone remained in their hands at the end of the day. The Allies lost 500 killed, and 1500 wounded in this assault.

To ensure the surrender of the castle, a bombardment from mortars was kept up, until two batteries were made ready in the left attack (Nos. 9 and 10), which were armed with 17 24-pounders,—and 2 24-pounders with 1 8-inch howitzer, respectively. No. 9 was to breach the Mirador and Battery de la Reyna, and No. 10 to operate against the lower defences of the castle, and to enfilade the Colonel Dickson to D.-A.-G. dated 12 Sept. 1813. back of the hill. On the morning of the 8th September, the preparations being complete, the whole of the batteries opened on the castle. Colonel Dickson describes the bombardment as having been conducted in beautiful style, and carried on so vigorously, that in two hours the enemy hoisted a flag of truce. Sir J. Jones says that the fire was so extremely rapid and well directed, and of so overpowering a nature, that the castle scarcely returned a single shot. The terms of the capitulation having been agreed to, two batteries of the castle were delivered up the same evening, and on the next day the garrison marched out with the honours of war, and laid down their arms. Colonel Dickson was one of the three officers detailed to arrange the terms of the capitulation.

The sufferings of the garrison, and of the prisoners in the castle, during the bombardment, were excessive, as may Colonel Dickson to D.-A.-G. 12 Sept. 1813. readily be imagined when one learns that “they had not a bomb-proof in it except for powder.”43

The siege of San Sebastian has an especial interest for the Royal Artillery,—more especially for that part of the Regiment, the duties of which are confined to the use of heavy ordnance. This episode was selected by an able and dispassionate historian, as one reflecting especial honour on Gleig’s ‘Military History.’ the Corps. “It offers,” he wrote, “an example of precision of aim, and absolute coolness on the part of the gunners, never surpassed.... Such services as these were rendered thirty years ago by no other artillery in the world; and as the same spirit still prevails, which prevailed then, in the magnificent corps of which we are speaking, it cannot be doubted but that when the opportunity offers again, they will prove themselves worthy of the renown that attaches to them.”

These words corroborate what has been so frequently urged in this work, that a regimental history differs essentially in its aim from all others. The glow, which it endeavours to throw over past events, is not meant to conceal defects, or to distort facts, but to awaken the spirit of emulation;—the boastful way in which special honours are recounted, and distinctive triumphs sung, is not egotistical pride, or aggressive conceit, but merely the fond treasuring of a glory which has been gained by others, and transmitted to their successors for safe keeping;—and the anxious gleaning among the fields of former action is but to find herbs, which in times of peace shall brace the gleaner for coming days of work or danger. The more truly a soldier knows and values the deeds and honours of those who have gone before him in his corps,—the more certain will he be to emulate them. There is no jealousy of the dead. Admiration of their qualities passes unconsciously into a love for their memories; and this love inspires a longing not to be unworthy. It may seem to some but a poor ambition, to use the weapons well which have been given to us,—to sacrifice one’s will unmeaningly,—and never to be downcast by discomfort or failure; but it is the highest ambition to which a soldier can aspire. Nor is it easy for him to conceive a higher. Cheerful obedience and conscientious zeal imply most of the higher qualities of humanity; and a perfect soldier must possess both. The great poet of England in these days has been the noblest preacher, to whom her army has ever listened. As he places before his readers the ideal of a true knight, the soldier sees a standard which he should never cease to gaze upon. He sees, it may be for the first time, that opposite virtues should not rebel, but mingle; and that such should be found in himself as “Utter hardihood, utter gentleness,
And loving, utter faithfulness in love,
And uttermost obedience to the king.”
And, once realising this,—with the knowledge, possibly, in his heart that there have been in his corps before him men who approached even the standard of Arthur’s knights,—he must, as he reads of their deeds, long “To sweep
In ever-highering eagle-circles up
To the great sun of glory, and thence swoop
Down upon all things base, and dash them dead.”

CHAPTER XXI.
Conclusion of the Peninsular War.

The absence of Colonel Dickson from the head-quarters of the army during the sieges of San Sebastian has had the effect of leaving the Artillery share in the operations Colonel Dickson to D.-A.-G. dated 18 Sept. 1813. known as the battle of the Pyrenees, unwritten. He did not rejoin head-quarters until the 17th September, 1813: the period, therefore, between the battle of Vittoria and that date is, as far as the operations of Lord Wellington’s army are concerned, almost ignored in his correspondence. In the chapter on the Old Tenth Battalion, in this volume, some allusion to the services of the Artillery at this time will be found; and one or two facts are mentioned in Sir Hew Ross’s memoir; but, really, the chief work fell upon the Infantry during these operations. Soult had been sent to take command of the army of Spain, with orders to assume the offensive at once; which he did, with the ostensible Lord Wellington to Lord Bathurst, 1 Nov. 1813. view of relieving the blockade of Pampeluna. This he failed to do, and that city ultimately surrendered on the 31st October, 1813, relieving Lord Wellington of a great drag on his movements. The mountainous country, in which the combats which constituted the battle of the Pyrenees were fought, was unsuited to the movements of Artillery; ‘Memoirs of Sir H. Ross,’ p. 45. and the Chestnut Troop, which may be taken as a sample of those engaged, had its carriages completely shaken to pieces. Soult, having failed to relieve Pampeluna, made an attempt to raise the siege of San Sebastian; and, on the very day when the city was stormed, the 31st August, he attacked the Spanish forces on San Marcial for this purpose, but was defeated with loss. The conduct of the Spanish on this occasion was much commended by Lord Wellington; and it was a singular and happy coincidence that this engagement, To Lord Bathurst, dated 2 Sept. 1813. so creditable to the Spanish troops, was the last fought on Spanish soil. Soult withdrew his forces across the frontier, and assumed the defensive. For six weeks Lord Wellington remained inactive, pending intelligence from the Allies in the north, who were then concentrating their forces against Napoleon, and would shortly demand from Lord Wellington a diversion in the south.

During these six weeks, much was done to render the equipment of the Artillery suitable for a rough and winter campaign; measures were taken to expedite the arrival, from Lisbon, of some additional horses which had been sent from England; and, in the meantime, the troops and To D.-A.-G. dated 3 Oct. 1813. brigades were, as Colonel Dickson wrote, “kept above water” by the purchase of mules and French horses.

On the 7th October, Lord Wellington made a forward movement into France by crossing the Bidassoa. This has always been considered one of the ablest movements made Colonel Dickson to D.-A.-G. dated 10 Oct. 1813. by the great English General. The passage was effected as follows. The 5th Division and two 9-pounder brigades forded at Fuentarabia. The 1st Division, and General Wilson’s brigade, with one 9-pounder brigade, and Webber Smith’s Troop of Horse Artillery, crossed at Irun; the Artillery of this column being commanded by Major Dyer. The passage of the 1st Division column was covered by the 18-pounder brigade and a troop of Horse Artillery. General Freire’s Galician army passed at two fords higher up, covered by a 9-pounder brigade, Bull’s troop of Horse Artillery, and a brigade of Spanish Artillery. The passage of the river was effected, and the French position carried with great ease. The most difficult duty fell upon the Spaniards, who behaved well. The French, on the other hand, behaved ill. The 18-pounder brigade was especially useful in covering the passage of the troops.

The attack upon the Puerto de Vera was made by the Light Division and General Giron’s Spanish reserve army, supported by the 4th Division, who were successful in getting possession of the pass and adjoining heights; but not until the 9th October did the French quit the Montagne de la Rhune.

The night prior to the crossing of the Bidassoa had been very stormy, and aided in concealing the movements of the Allies. But Soult never imagined such a thing possible as Cust. “the astonishing hardihood of passing columns by fords where the tide rose 16 feet, and where the sands were half a mile broad, to force such a river as the Bidassoa at its mouth.” In his description of the crossing of the Bidassoa, Sir Augustus Frazer mentions that, when he reached Irun with Ramsay’s troop and Michell’s (late Parker’s) brigade, he found 400 Infantry waiting to pull the guns over the mountain to the places from which they ‘Frazer’s Letters,’ p. 290. were to cover the crossing of the army. “But,” he adds with pride, “Bull’s (Ramsay’s) horses never want assistance; they were soon posted on a height with some Spanish Dated Vera, 10 Oct. 1813. “Horse Artillery.” From a subsequent official return to the Master-General, it appears that the 9-pounder brigade which accompanied the 1st Division was Captain Dansey’s; and that the 9-pounder brigade which accompanied the 5th Division was Lawson’s, commanded by the 2nd Captain,—Mosse. Captain Morrison still commanded the 18-pounder brigade; and Lieut.-Colonel Ross’s troop of Horse Artillery was held in reserve, moving from one point to another as most required. Including Major Arriaga’s Portuguese brigade, and the other troops and brigade already mentioned, there were 48 British and Portuguese guns engaged at the passage of the Bidassoa; and the Master-General was informed that the fire of the Artillery on the occasion was well directed, and that the exertions made by the officers in bringing forward their respective brigades to the point of attack were most satisfactory. Lieut.-Colonel May was Assistant Adjutant-General to the Artillery, Lieutenant Ord was Brigade-Major, and Lieutenant Pascoe Adjutant. Lieut.-Colonel Hartmann was in charge of the artillery in position, and Lieut.-Colonel Frazer and Major Dyer superintended the bringing forward of the guns.

Further inaction followed the passage of the Bidassoa, until the fall of Pampeluna, already mentioned, set Lord Wellington free for a further advance. During this time, attempts were Colonel Dickson to D.-A.-G. dated 17 Oct. 1813. made to supply mountain batteries for the coming service. Marshal Beresford brought a few 3-pounders from Lisbon; but it was found almost impossible to procure mules for them. Three guns of the same calibre, which had been taken from the French, had been temporarily equipped for single draught, and placed under the command of Lieutenant Robe, the son of the gallant officer who commanded at Roliça and Vimiera. This young officer subsequently fell at Waterloo, Ibid. 24 Oct. 1813. having seen more battles than years. A medley equipment was found for the guns brought from Lisbon,—the Artillerymen being Portuguese, but the drivers and mules being British. These guns were carried on the backs of the mules, and three of them were added to Lieutenant Robe’s command. A detachment for rocket-service was also sent from England, but received by Lord Wellington with very mixed feelings, as he had rather a horror of the rocket as Ibid. 31 Oct. 1813. a weapon of war. The Chestnut Troop and Douglas’s and Sympher’s field brigades were also got over the mountains to Vera, for outpost duty, and to be in readiness to support the attack on the enemy’s position, which Lord Wellington had decided to make as soon as Pampeluna should surrender. The difficulty in getting these guns over was very great, and was aggravated by the tempestuous weather which prevailed; Ibid. 7 Nov. 1813. but it was effected without accident. When the news arrived from Pampeluna, which should have set the army free for forward movement into France, the weather had become such that movement was impossible. At Roncesvalles, the fall of snow was so heavy and unexpected, that three of Captain Maxwell’s guns had to be abandoned in a redoubt,—the guns being buried under ground and the carriages concealed under the snow. Ross’s, Douglas’s, and Sympher’s guns had, however, been advanced still farther to support in the meditated attack on the position of Sarre; Robe’s mountain guns were attached to the 6th Division, and the Portuguese 3-pounders to the Light Division and Giron’s army; while no fewer than 54 guns had been attached to the left of the army under Sir John Hope,—Colonel Hartmann being in command. It will thus be seen that all necessary arrangements had been made, as far as the Artillery department was concerned.

The attack—which is known as the battle of La Nivelle—took place on the 10th November, and resulted in the enemy’s entrenched position being carried at every point, from St. Jean de Luz to the front of the Puerto de Maia; and in the capture of 51 French pieces of ordnance, and 1500 prisoners. The following was the distribution of the Artillery during the battle; and it will be seen that the greater part remained on the left of the army,—the nature of the country rendering it extremely difficult to move Artillery, except by the high road from Irun:—

With Sir Rowland Hill’s corps—

Lieut-Col. Tulloh’s Portuguese brigades

One of 9-prs. One of 6-prs.

With the 6th Division: Lieutenant Robe’s mountain guns.

To support the attack of the 4th and 7th Divisions on the redoubts and position of Sarre.

Lieut.-Col. Ross’s troop, R.H.A. Major Sympher’s brigade of 9-prs. Captain Douglas’s brigade of 9-prs.

With General Giron’s Spanish reserve: a half brigade of Portuguese 3-prs.

With the Light Division: a half brigade of Portuguese 3-prs.

With Lieut.-General Sir John Hope’s corps—

Lieut.-Col. Webber Smith’s troop, R.H.A.
Captain	Ramsay’s troop, R.H.A.
”	Carmichael’s brigade of 9-pounders.
”	Mosse’s brigade of heavy 6-pounders.
”	Greene’s brigade of 9-pounders.
”	Cairnes’ brigade of 9-pounders.
”	Michell’s brigade of 9-pounders.
Major	Arriaga’s Portuguese 9-pounders.
”	Morrison’s 18-pounders.

There was also a brigade of Spanish Artillery with General Freire’s army.

The Artillery with Sir John Hope’s column was but little engaged, as its advance depended on the success of the right; but it kept up a heavy and successful cannonade, and met with a few casualties. The Artillery on the right, in support of the attack on the redoubts, was, however, of essential service; and was skilfully handled by the field officers in charge, Lieut.-Colonels Frazer and Buckner. They opened a vigorous fire on the first redoubt, while the 4th Division was moving forward to assault it, and the effect of the fire was such as to compel the enemy to abandon the redoubt without waiting for the assault. At this time the Chestnut Troop distinguished itself especially. “I must particularly notice,” wrote Colonel Dickson, “the gallant manner in which Lieut.-Colonel Ross’s troop was moved to an advanced position, when it reopened its fire at the distance of 350 yards from the work, and covered the approach of the others. In this operation Lieutenant Day was severely wounded.” As soon as the enemy quitted the first redoubt, the guns moved forward to support the 7th Division in the attack of the second, but after a few rounds it also was abandoned. In the subsequent operations on the right, the Artillery were unable to take much part, on Cust. account of the difficulty in moving the guns. The frightful state of the roads also aided the ultimate escape of the enemy without pursuit. To use Sir Augustus Frazer’s words, the Frazer’s ‘Letters,’ p. 342. ground over which the battle of La Nivelle was fought was “so rugged, that it would be difficult to attempt a sketch of it. You must fancy rocks, and hills, and woods, and mountains, interspersed with rough heaths and rivers, and everything but plain ground.” The casualties in the Artillery were as follows:—

The entire losses of the Allies at La Nivelle amounted to 2694 killed and wounded. The conduct of the Artillery during the battle was such as to excite the following comments: Frazer’s ‘Letters,’ p. 335. “Flattering compliments were paid by all on the undoubted service of the three batteries of Artillery on Official Despatch, 14 Nov. 1813. this occasion, i.e. the attack on the redoubts.” “I beg you will further state to the Master-General,” wrote Colonel Dickson, “that I have every reason to be satisfied with the conduct of all the field officers, officers, non-commissioned officers, and men, employed on this occasion; as also of Lieut.-Colonel May, and the officers of the Artillery Staff.” In his private letter to General Macleod, Colonel Dickson wrote: “The attack of the first redoubt at Sarre it was expected would be a very obstinate operation, and for that reason all the eighteen guns were brought up against it; however, their fire was so active and well directed, and Frazer pushed the guns up so close, Dated St. Jean de Luz, 21 Nov. 1813. that the enemy could not stand it.” In another report, Colonel Dickson said that the mountain guns under Lieutenant Robe, and the Portuguese guns of similar calibre, were most active and useful, accompanying their respective corps during the day, and supporting the advance of their Major Dyer to Lieut.-Col. Hartmann, 12 Nov. 1813. light troops. Captain Ramsay’s troop and Captain Carmichael’s brigade, with Sir J. Hope’s force, were especially mentioned;—the former for having repeatedly silenced the guns opposed to him, and dismounted one in the redoubt in front of the 12th and 16th Dragoons; and the latter for having repeatedly driven back the enemy’s skirmishers, silenced their guns, and dismounted one in the redoubt opposite the 1st German Regiment of Infantry. Lord Wellington, To Lord Bathurst, dated St. Pé, 13 Nov. 1813. in his despatch, said: “The artillery which was in the field was of great use to us; and I cannot sufficiently acknowledge the intelligence and activity with which it was brought to the point of attack, under the direction of Colonel Dickson, over the bad roads through the mountains, at this season of the year.”

The success of the Allies on the right obliged the enemy to abandon the works at St. Jean de Luz, but any further immediate advance was forbidden to Lord Wellington by the Colonel Dickson to D.-A.-G. dated 28 Nov. 1813. incessant rain which fell for some days. During this period of compulsory inactivity, every endeavour was made to generate confidence among the French inhabitants, and although rendered difficult by the irregularities committed by the Allied troops, the attempts were ultimately successful. Writing on the 5th December, 1813, Colonel Dickson, after his usual announcement that it had never ceased raining, and that the country was quite impassable, went on to say: “The inhabitants continue to return to their homes, and we are the best friends possible.” The dulness of the weather at St. Jean de Luz, and the inactivity which Colonel Dickson abhorred, were cheered by an announcement that the Portuguese Government had been pleased to promote him to the rank of Colonel in their service, in recognition of his recent services.

The weather having at length sufficiently moderated to admit of further operations in the field, Lord Wellington forced the passage of the Nive at Ustaritz and Cambo, on the 9th December, with the view of extending his right towards the Adour. On the 10th, Soult made an attack on MS. Return to the Master-General, dated 15 Dec. 1813. the Allies’ left, near Biarritz, and on the Light Division near Arcangues; but he failed in both. The services on this occasion of Captain Ramsay’s troop, and of a division of Captain Mosse’s brigade, were very conspicuous. A similar attempt was made on the 11th, in which the French were Colonel Dickson to General Macleod, dated 15 Dec. 1813. again repulsed; Captain Ramsay’s troop, and the whole of Captain Mosse’s brigade, again rendering most valuable assistance in the defence of the position. Marshal Soult, being thus disappointed in his hopes of making an impression on the Allied left, drew the greater part of his force back to Bayonne on the night of the 12th December, and in the early morning of the 13th, made a determined attack with great force on Sir Rowland Hill’s corps, which was in position on the right of the Nive. His attempts were, however, vigorously repulsed, and he had eventually to retire into his entrenched camp, with great loss. The Artillery with Sir Rowland Hill consisted of the Chestnut Troop and Colonel Tulloh’s Portuguese brigades. With reference to their conduct, Colonel Dickson wrote: “Nothing could be stronger than the manner in which Sir Rowland expressed to me his satisfaction at the conduct of both these corps.” Colonel Tulloh was wounded on this occasion. At the same time as the passage of the Nive was forced, Sir John Hope’s corps on the left reconnoitred Bayonne. General Hay, who commanded the 5th Division with this corps, wrote as follows with reference to two guns of Captain Ramsay’s troop, which were attached to him. General Hay to Colonel Dickson, dated 12 Dec. 1813. “I take the first spare moment to mention to you how much I was pleased, on the 9th instant, with the very gallant, zealous, and skilful conduct of Captain Cator, who commanded two guns of Captain Ramsay’s troop of Horse Artillery attached to me on that day, which were of the greatest use in assisting me to dislodge a very superior body of the enemy opposed to me.”

The attacks made on the 13th by Soult were admirably planned, but the dogged courage of the five Infantry brigades, which was the whole force which Sir Rowland Hill had at first to oppose to him, was invincible. Although driven back into his intrenchments, his position was one which was most objectionable to the Allies. His attacks were like sorties from a fortress,—which he could make in great force upon any point, and if he failed, his retreat was short and Colonel Dickson to D.-A.-G. 15 Dec. 1813. easy. It was resolved, therefore, to strengthen the position occupied by the Allies,—to fortify one or two salient points,—and to place some guns of position. The army then went into cantonments,—the Spaniards recrossing the Bidassoa for that purpose,—but, as may be imagined, winter quarters in front of an enemy, known to be very active, did not conduce to any sense of repose among the commanders. The conduct of the Artillery at the action of the 13th December To Lord Bathurst, 14 Dec. 1813. was thus noticed by Lord Wellington: “The British Artillery under Lieut.-Colonel Ross, and the Portuguese Artillery under Colonel Tulloh, distinguished themselves.” In the same despatch, the name of Norman Ramsay appears, as having been favourably mentioned by Sir John Hope. Like that brave General, Ramsay had also been twice wounded during the operations on the Nive.

During the few weeks which preceded the resumption of hostilities in 1814, the mortality among the Artillery horses exceeded anything that had yet been witnessed.44 An accident, which occurred to a supply sent from England to reinforce them, by which many were killed on board the transports during a storm, was particularly ill-timed. And, to crown the evil, Lord Wellington, having decided on the passage of the Adour, ordered the pontoon train to be increased, and horsed without delay. There was no alternative but to take the horses from one of the Artillery brigades; and the unfortunate Captain Cairnes was again the victim. Luckily for him, the promotions consequent on the formation of the Rocket troops had just been notified from England; and as Norman Ramsay received his promotion to the rank of 1st Captain, and returned to England, the command of his troop was given to Captain Cairnes.

The movements in the spring of 1814 were important, and on a considerable scale. In the end of January, the enemy showed considerable activity on the Adour, and fitted out several gun-boats to keep the navigation open, and to Colonel Dickson to D.-A.-G, dated 30 Jan. 1814. annoy the posts of the Allies. Against these Lieutenant Robe’s mountain brigade was first employed, but it was soon found necessary to supplement it with guns of a heavier calibre. But in the following month, a change in the weather—from rain to frost—induced Lord Wellington to commence the execution of operations, which he had been quietly designing for some weeks. These included the passage of the Adour near its mouth,—a feat deemed by Soult impossible,—and a simultaneous attack on the left of the French army to conceal his real intention from Soult. Colonel Dickson was sent to assist Sir John Hope in the former operation, which the reader knows was well and skilfully executed. While the covering fire of the Artillery at the passage of the Adour was generally effective, that of the now famous 18-pounder brigade was especially so. Lord Wellington superintended the operations on the right; and as his numbers were now superior to his enemy’s, he was able without risk to carry out both parts of his scheme at the same time, and to drive Soult’s forces back from their position. The various operations, which culminated in the battle of Orthes, are too long to reproduce in a work of this description; suffice it to give an account of the services of the Artillery at that great battle. Colonel Dickson being away, the command of the Artillery with the right of the army fell to Major Carncross. Colonel Frazer had been ordered to go with Sir John Hope’s army to the Adour, in charge of Captain Lane’s rocket detachments, which did good service during the passage of the river. It may here be mentioned, that during the operations prior to the investment of Bayonne, which followed the passage of the Adour, Colonel Frazer was wounded. Although, however, Major Carncross was senior officer of Artillery on the field, yet, being with Sir Howland Hill’s column, he did not participate in the action so much as Major Dyer, who was with Marshal Beresford’s column, and from whose reports the services of the various batteries can more readily be traced. On the morning of the 27th February, the 3rd, 4th, 6th, 7th, and light Major Jenkinson, R.H.A., to Colonel Frazer, dated 4 March, 1814. divisions of Infantry, Colonel Vivian’s and Lord Edward Somerset’s brigades of Cavalry, Ross’s and Gardiner’s troops of Horse Artillery, and Maxwell’s, Sympher’s, Turner’s (late Douglas’s), and Michell’s brigades of Field Artillery, had crossed the river Pau, over which a pontoon bridge had been placed during the night. Colonel Ross was no longer with ‘Memoirs of Sir Hew Ross,’ p. 55. the Chestnut Troop, he having returned to England on leave, and given the command to his 2nd Captain, Major Jenkinson. The enemy was found to be in full force on a strong Major Jenkinson, 4 March, 1814. height near the villages of St. Marie and St. Boe’s, and his left covering Orthes, and the fords between Depart and Biron. The battle commenced early in the day, and ended after severe fighting, and a loss to the Allies of 2200 killed and wounded, in the total defeat of the French, with a loss, which—if the numerous deserters be included, who came ‘Cust’s Annals.’ over afterwards—has been estimated at no fewer than 14,000. Although the verdict of Lord Wellington might Despatch to Lord Bathurst, dated 1 March, 1814. satisfy the most fastidious Artilleryman, “The conduct of the Artillery throughout the day deserved my entire approbation,”—a few extracts from the correspondence of the officers present at the battle cannot fail to be interesting;—and the opinions of Generals of division must be Colonel Dickson to D.-A.-G. dated 4 March, 1814. deemed valuable. Taking the latter first, it is recorded that Sir Thomas Picton expressed himself in terms of the highest praise with reference to Captain Turner’s brigade; and Sir Lowry Cole did the same in regard to Major Sympher’s. The last-named officer, who had done such good and continuous service in the Peninsular War, was killed at Orthes, at the very commencement of the action. Major Jenkinson wrote in general terms, that “all the General Officers speak in high terms of the services of Ross’s and Gardiner’s troops, as also of poor Sympher’s brigade.” Major Dyer, in his To Colonel Dickson, dated 3 March, 1814. report, wrote: “I had the satisfaction about one o’clock to get Lieut.-Colonel Ross’s and Gardiner’s troops of Horse Artillery, and the German brigade of Artillery attached to the 4th Division, into position opposite the enemy’s strongest columns: the fire from their guns was tremendous, and, being admirably served, soon caused the enemy to retire. The brigades then took up separate positions and annoyed the enemy. About 4 o’clock the guns ceased firing, the enemy retreating in great confusion, leaving some pieces of cannon on the field. I have to regret the loss of Major Sympher and many valuable Artillerymen.” Dated 3 March, 1814. In his official report to Marshal Beresford, Major Dyer wrote: “I should really feel that I omitted a duty imposed upon me if I did not recommend to your Excellency’s notice the conduct of Major Sympher, Major Gardiner, and Major Jenkinson on that brilliant day.” Captain Beane’s troop of Horse Artillery was with Sir Rowland Hill’s force, under Major Carncross; and that officer was Major Carncross to Colonel Dickson, dated 10 March, 1814. able to speak with pride of the steady, well-directed, and destructive fire kept up by it, although exposed to a very severe fire of musketry. On the 2nd March, Sir Rowland Hill’s force came up with the enemy, and Captain Beane’s troop performed services for which it was specially mentioned in orders. Four guns belonging to it were brought into action with great effect; and one of them, under Lieutenant Brereton, after a few rounds, silenced two of the enemy’s, and forced them to retire. On this day, Captain Macdonald, of Captain Beane’s troop, distinguished himself in leading on the Portuguese troops, who had been forced back; and received Sir Rowland Hill’s thanks in public orders on the following day. Sir Rowland took the opportunity of assuring Major Carncross that, on the several occasions on which the troop had been recently engaged, he had been much satisfied with the officers, non-commissioned officers, and men composing it.

A period of inactivity followed the battle of Orthes; and not until April did Wellington resume active operations; but in the meantime Marshal Beresford, with a considerable force, proceeded to Bordeaux, and was received with great delight. Louis XVIII. was proclaimed, and the badges of the Empire were doffed by the magistrates. During this time Colonel Dickson’s life had become a burden to him. Innumerable accidents and delays occurred to the horses which were on the way to reinforce his brigades; and at the same time the drain on his resources to meet the wants To D.-A.-G. dated 2 April, 1814. of the pontoon train daily increased. “The pontoon equipment,” he wrote, “has become such a sink of horses under the stupidity, inability, and inactivity of the Driver officers, that I have been obliged, in consequence of the continued observations of Lord Wellington, to place Artillery officers to superintend the care of the horses, until the arrival of the Alicante army, when officers and men of the Royal Artillery are to be posted to the pontoon train, by which the bridge department will revert to the Corps it always belonged to. The bad state of the concern in its mode of organization enabled me to convince his Lordship of the benefit that would arise by having it under one head and managed by the same officers. He was ignorant of its having formerly been an Artillery concern; and he added that he did not know how it had got into the hands of the Engineers at first.”

To return, however, to the movements of the army. Marshal Soult, having learnt what had taken place at Bayonne, commenced to retire upon Toulouse, and Wellington followed Cust. in pursuit, but very leisurely. The Allies had 40,000 bayonets and 60 guns to oppose to Soult’s 28,000 and 38 guns; but a reinforcement was expected by the latter in the shape of Suchet’s army from the east of Spain; and the position at Toulouse, on which he was retreating had been strengthened by gradual intrenchments during the past few weeks. In the commencement of Soult’s retreat, one or two smart actions had taken place between divisions of the Allies and the French, but without any result other than perhaps increasing the rapidity of Soult’s movements. Toulouse was an important strategic post for the French; it commanded the passage of the Garonne; a number of roads met there, which would enable Soult to carry out many different schemes; and it was the chief military arsenal in the south of France. Here, if ever, something might be done to benefit the fast-failing fortunes of the French Emperor, whom the Allies in Colonel Dickson to D.-A.-Gen. 13 April, 1814. the north were hunting relentlessly to his doom. When Wellington reached the Garonne, his first intention was to cross it above Toulouse; but this was found so difficult that the idea was given up, and a flank march having been made on the 3rd April to a convenient situation about a mile above Grenade, and below Toulouse, the pontoon bridge was laid early in the morning of the 4th, and three divisions (the 3rd, 4th, and 6th) with their artillery, as also six regiments of Cavalry with Major Gardiner’s troop of Horse Artillery, crossed without opposition. During this operation, however, the river rose considerably, owing to the rains which had fallen during the previous night; and at last the further passage of troops was suspended. Heavy rain fell again on the night of the 4th, and the river increased so much that the pontoons were obliged to be drawn into the banks, and the army was thus divided into two parts. Strangely enough, Marshal Soult did not avail himself of this circumstance, although it was the morning of the 8th before the river was sufficiently low to admit of the bridge being relaid. The Spanish corps, Colonel Arentschild’s Portuguese Artillery, and the head-quarters staff passed over on that day. The bridge was then moved a little farther up the river, and early on the MS. Official Despatch to the Master-General, dated Toulouse, 13 April, 1814. morning of the 10th April the Light Division crossed. On this day was fought the battle of Toulouse. The offensive was taken by Lord Wellington, who attacked a strong position which the enemy had fortified to cover the city of Toulouse, and succeeded in obtaining entire possession of it after an obstinate resistance. In consequence of this defeat, Soult evacuated Toulouse during the night of the 11th, retiring by the route to Carcassone. The distribution and services of the Artillery of the Allies were as follows. The Portuguese Artillery, consisting of ten 9-pounder guns, under Colonel Arentschild, covered the attack made by the Spaniards on the left of the enemy’s position. This Artillery was warmly engaged during the best part of the day, and distinguished itself greatly by its firmness and correct firing. A German brigade, under Captain Daniel, and Captain Brandreth’s 9-pounder brigade, both under Major Dyer, were for some time employed in covering the movements of Marshal Beresford’s column in its attack on the right of the position; and on that being carried, they moved up to higher ground, and assisted in taking the remainder of the position, and also in moderating the fire of the enemy from the opposite side of the canal, across which the French were ultimately driven. The enemy’s fire from that point had greatly annoyed the Allies; and Colonel Dickson expressed himself highly satisfied with the counter-effect produced by the fire of Captain Brandreth’s and Captain Daniel’s guns.

Major Gardiner’s troop of Horse Artillery was at first employed in supporting the left of the Spanish attack, and afterwards moved to the ridge carried by Marshal Beresford, where Colonel Dickson reported that it was “of infinite service.” While these operations were going on, the 3rd and Light Divisions were employed in threatening the enemy’s position along the canal, towards the point where it joined the Garonne. In this service, Captain Turner’s (late Douglas’s) brigade was engaged. Captain Bean’s troop and Captain Maxwell’s brigade (now No. 4 Battery, 7th Brigade) were on the opposite side of the river with Sir Rowland Hill’s corps, engaged in the attack made upon the tête de pont. The officers on the Staff of the Artillery at the battle of Toulouse were Lieut.-Colonel May, Lieut.-Colonel Frazer, and Lieutenants Ord and Bell. From these officers Colonel Dickson reported that he had received every assistance. MS. Return to B. O. The casualties among the Artillery engaged amounted to 1 officer (Lieutenant Blumenbach, K.G.A., killed) and 58 non-commissioned officers and men killed and wounded. Among the horses, 28 were killed and 13 wounded. The casualties among the Royal Horse Artillery engaged amounted to 8 men and 4 horses; and among the Royal Artillery brigades to 29 men and 23 horses. The remaining casualties occurred among the Germans and Portuguese.