It appears that the urgent demands for more Horse Artillery came from Sir A. Frazer, who was appointed to the command of that branch; whereas the Duke himself at first seemed more anxious to get drivers for the brigades, and foot Artillerymen for the garrisons of Mons, Oudenarde, Ghent, and Ath. As early as the beginning of May, the Duke almost broke Captain Whinyates’s heart by deciding on changing his rocket troop into an ordinary troop: nor was it without much difficulty and pleading, that Sir G. Wood succeeded in obtaining permission for him to carry Mercer’s Journal, vol. i. p. 166. a proportion of 12-pounder rockets with his guns. The Duke’s prejudice against rockets was unmistakable; and his unofficial language on this occasion was somewhat unfeeling; but the official reason he gave was that when he Sir G. A. Wood to D. A. G. 1 May, 1815. had a proper proportion of Artillery attached to his army, as all other nations had, then he would bring the Rocket Corps into play; but that he thought, situated as he was, the gun a superior weapon. The argument, which had most weight in support of the request to retain a proportion of To D.-A.-G. 8 May, 1815. rockets, was thus stated by Sir G. Wood: “The Duke was determined at first to place the rockets in depôt, but after the good appearance of our friend Whinyates’s troop, and the plan and mode he suggested to his Grace, he has permitted him to take into the field eight hundred rounds of rockets with his six guns, which makes him very complete.”

The horsing of the Horse and Field Batteries during the Waterloo campaign was admirable; but the Field Artillery excelled in this particular to such an extent, that Sir George Ibid. Wood wrote: “the Horse Artillery are really jealous of their appearance.” The Duke had inspected the 9-pounder Field Brigade, commanded by Captain C. F. Sandham, and had been so pleased that he desired General Maitland to write to that officer as follows: “The Duke of Wellington has desired me to communicate to you (and I have to request you will do so to the officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers under your command), his unqualified approbation of the appearance of the brigade. I feel gratified in being able to assure you that he commented on the horses, appointments, and every part of it, with peculiar approbation.” This company, which was No. 9 of the 3rd Battalion, and fired the first shot at Waterloo, was—alas!—reduced in 1819. In forwarding a copy of the above complimentary letter to the Ordnance, Sir G. Wood said: “All the other brigades are equal, if not better, in horses.” What a contrast to the Field Brigades of Egypt, and the first years of the Peninsula!—how staunchly had the lessons taught by the experience of the latter been studied and accepted!

On the 12th May, the Duke desired Sir G. Wood to write to the Ordnance, requesting that two troops of Horse Artillery, in addition to the six already in Belgium, should be sent out; stating, as his reason, the deficiency of Field Brigades, and the impossibility of getting drivers in sufficient numbers. He would gladly have taken 1000 drivers over his actual artillery wants, for service with the small-arm ammunition waggons, which he had succeeded in horsing in the country. Sir H. Ross’s, the Chestnut Troop, and Frazer’s Letters, p. 530-533. Major Beane’s, were accordingly despatched; and arrived, the former, at Ghent, on the 9th June, and the latter on the 10th, at Ostend.

Constant changes in the armament of the troops of Horse Artillery in Belgium had been suggested with a view to increasing the weight of metal, and some of a tentative description were made in the beginning of May. On the 16th of that month, the following armament was finally decided upon:—

N.B.—Major Beane’s Troop, when it arrived, was armed like Sir H. Ross’s.

This change of armament proved very beneficial at Waterloo; but the credit of introducing it seems to have been ascribed, without reason, to the Duke of Wellington. Frazer’s Letters, p. 551. Writing two days after the battle, Sir A. Frazer said: “I must be allowed to express my satisfaction, that, contrary to the opinion of most, I ventured to change (and under discouraging - circumstances of partial want of means) the ordnance of the Horse Artillery.” And again: “I bless my stars that I had obstinacy enough to persist in changing the guns of the Horse Artillery.” The forethought was certainly more consistent in one who was an able and enthusiastic Horse-Artilleryman, than in one who, like the Duke of Wellington, knew little of Artillery details or tactics.

The arrangement and constitution of a troop of Horse Artillery at Waterloo are given with minuteness by General Mercer in his Diary. Taking the troop, which he commanded, although only its 2nd Captain,45 as a sample of those more heavily armed, it appears that each gun, and the howitzer, were drawn by 8 horses, and each waggon by 6. Each of the six mounted detachments required 8 horses; 5 were required for the staff-sergeants and farriers; 18 for the spare-wheel carriage, forge, curricle-cart, baggage-waggon, &c.; 17 horses for officers, and 6 mules, and 30 spare, additional horses. This gave a total of 226 per troop. There were 23 non-commissioned officers, artificers, and trumpeters; 80 gunners, and 84 drivers. On parade, the 5½-inch howitzer was the right of the centre division of the troop. It was of this troop that Blücher said, at the review near Ibid. p. 217. Grammont on the 29th May, that “he had never seen anything so superb in his life;” concluding by exclaiming, “Mein Gott! dere is not von orse in dies batterie wich is not goot for Veldt-Marshal!”

There is in the official correspondence of May and June 1815, a collection of quaintly amusing letters from various 2nd Captains of Artillery in Belgium, who, prior to the war, had been left in undisturbed command of their batteries,—their 1st Captains being specially employed—and who now wrote begging that the latter should not be allowed to join, and thus rob them of their chances of distinction and preferment. One of these—Captain Napier—wrote direct to the Master-General, protesting against the appointment of Captain Bolton to command his battery; which, he wrote, “hurt him much.” Little did he think as he wrote that a mightier hand than the Master-General’s was in a very few days to cancel the appointment, and that ere the first battle should be over, he should resume the command, vacant by his senior’s death! Pages might be filled with instances of this resentment at the presence of a 1st Captain; nor were they confined to attempts to prevent the seniors from joining. One 2nd Captain, whose commanding officer was wounded at Quatre Bras, wrote off immediately, begging the Master-General to appoint no one in his place, but to leave the command in his hands.

When the Allies were ready, as far as equipment was concerned, Brussels remained the head-quarters of the Duke of Wellington, and the army was scattered through the country, in a way which has excited much criticism among continental writers. Napoleon, when he fought the battles of Ligny and Quatre Bras, had hoped to find the English army still in its cantonments; but he was disappointed, for it had quitted them, and commenced to concentrate on the 13th and 14th June. His intention had been to defeat the Prussians, and compel them to retire on the base of their communications and supplies, and to compel the advanced part of the Anglo-allied army to retire from Quatre Bras on Brussels. In neither particular were his hopes fulfilled. He certainly compelled the Prussians, after their defeat at Ligny on the 16th June, to retire; but they quitted the main road to Namur, along which Napoleon expected that they would continue their retreat, and marched to Wavre by a road parallel to that occupied by Wellington between Quatre Bras and Brussels. This brilliant movement was unsuspected by Napoleon, whose remissness after Ligny and during the early part of the 17th was unaccountable. Disappointed in his Sir G. Wood to D.-A.-G. 24/6/15. plans with regard to the Prussians, he failed also in his purpose against the English. Marshal Ney with two corps attacked part of the Allied force at Quatre Bras, a place in front of the village of Genappe, where two main roads—from Genappe to Charleroi, and Namur to Nivelle—cross one another. The endurance of the Allies was tried to the utmost by having to wait the arrival of reinforcements, and to fight against superior numbers, but it was rewarded by a Cust. complete, although costly, victory. The first attack was received by the Belgians; but Picton’s English division, over 7000 strong, soon came up, followed by over 6,500 Brunswickers and Germans. The battle commenced at 2 P.M. on the 16th; and at 4 o’clock the Duke of Wellington came on the field with a brigade of foreign cavalry, and assumed the command. Later in the evening, the 1st British division, under Generals Cook and Maitland, with its artillery, arrived from Enghien, having marched for a period of fifteen hours;46 and with the approaching darkness came the retreat of the French on Frasnes. This defeat ruined the French Emperor’s plans, and paved the way for the greater defeat of the 18th.

The following field-officers, troops, and brigades of Artillery were present at the battle of Quatre Bras:—

Major Heise, with Captain Rettberg’s brigade of Hanoverian Artillery, was also engaged.

The Horse Artillery and British Cavalry did not come up until after the battle; and the want of the latter was severely felt during the day, the French being very strong in that arm.

Major Lloyd’s and Major Rogers’ batteries were warmly engaged at Quatre Bras. Two guns belonging to the former were lost, but were afterwards recovered. The troop of Ibid. p. 540. German Horse Artillery was of great service, sustaining the reputation which that corps had earned in the Peninsula. But the losses among the Artillerymen were small in proportion to those among the regiments of Infantry. Of 3750 British killed and wounded at Quatre Bras, only 28 belonged to the Royal Artillery. The losses were, however, very severe among the horses, and crippled the batteries very much. In Sir George Wood’s despatch announcing the To D.-A.-G. 24 June, 1815. battle, he wrote: “I beg you will be pleased to mention to his Lordship, the Master-General, the good conduct of that part of the Artillery which was engaged on the 16th. They were warmly engaged, being several times charged by the French Cavalry,—and tended much to the success of the day.” The merits of Quatre Bras, as a scene on which English courage and endurance were nobly displayed, are too often forgotten in the recollections of the greater battle, by which it was so speedily followed.

In consequence of the Prussians moving on Wavre, it became necessary for the Duke of Wellington to fall back also; and orders were given on the 17th for the army to retire to Mont St. Jean, not far from the village of Waterloo. This position had been carefully selected and examined by the Duke, with a view to the event which was now at hand. The retreat through Genappe was effected with the greatest order, and was covered by the Horse Artillery and Cavalry. Mercer’s Diary, vol. i. p. 270. Captain Mercer’s and Captain Whinyates’s troops were the last to retire, the former officer having been detailed for that duty—the latter having exceeded his orders, and remained behind, hoping to come in for some fighting. For the Horse Artillery and Cavalry, the retreat was no bed of roses. The heavy rains had made the roads and fields almost impassable. Genappe is in a hollow; and as the Horse Artillery mounted the slopes towards La Belle Alliance, pursued by the French Cavalry, they had to move at a gallop through fields, which would have tried them even at a walk. Sir Robert Gardiner’s troop was especially taxed in this way; and he used frequently to say that it was fortunate that his 6-pounder armament had not been exchanged for the heavier nature; for his guns would certainly have been captured had this been done. The nature of the ground which was traversed may be gathered from the fact that not a horse in Sir Robert’s troop reached Mont St. Jean without losing at least Communicated by Colonel L. Gardiner, R.-H.-A. one shoe. The whole night of the 17th was spent in shoeing the horses, and getting the troop ready for the work of the following day.

On the morning of the 18th June, the French army was drawn up on the south side, and the Allies on the Brussels side, of a long hollow, which common parlance has inaccurately named the “field of Waterloo.” The strength of the French army, according to the industrious Siborne—checked by later writers—was, in round numbers, 72,000; that of the Allies, about 68,000. The French had, in addition, Marshal Grouchy’s force of 33,000 men, fourteen miles away, on a blind chase after the Prussians, who were already six miles nearer Waterloo than their pursuers; and Wellington had a division of 18,000 men on detachment to his right, towards Hal, at a distance of ten miles. This extra precaution—this strange nervousness about his right—has been much and justly condemned by critics. When one reflects of what value that force would have been at different times during the 18th, one cannot but feel that if the Allied information to the right had been as carefully procured, as it had been to the left of the army, the whole of these 18,000 men might have been drawn in to the main body. However, even admitting this to be a blunder, the French were nevertheless utterly outmanœuvred. Napoleon’s remissness on the night of the 16th, and his idleness on the morning of the 17th, were now to receive the punishment which such qualities in the face of an enemy always deserve, and generally get.

The Artillery engaged on the side of the Allies was as follows:—

The troops of Horse Artillery attached to the Cavalry were those commanded by—

Lieut.-Colonel Webber Smith,
Lieut.-Colonel Sir R. Gardiner,
Major R. Bull,
Major N. Ramsay,
Captain Mercer, and
Captain Whinyates.

The divisional Artillery was as follows:—

The reserve Artillery—the whole of which came into action early in the day—consisted of—

Lieut.-Colonel Sir H. D. Ross’s Troop, R.H.A.
Major Beane’s Troop, R.H.A.
Captain Sinclair’s Brigade, R.A.

Major Heise, and two brigades of Hanoverian Artillery, were also engaged.

It will thus be seen that the number of troops and brigades of the Royal Artillery engaged at the battle of Waterloo was thirteen, or a force of 78 guns, exclusive of the German and Hanoverian Artillery. Some companies of the regiment were also present with the small-arm ammunition for the army.

Captain Baynes acted as Brigade-Major to the Artillery; and Captain Pakenham, Lieutenants Coles, J. Bloomfield, and W. Bell, acted as staff officers.

The description of the battle which will now be given will be brief; as it will be necessary subsequently to enter with more detail into the services and conduct of the Artillery during the day.

The battle of Waterloo was—as Sir James Shaw Kennedy expresses it—a drama in five acts. The first was the attack on Hougomont at 11.30 A.M., many precious hours having been wasted by Napoleon; the second was the attack by the French on La Haye Sainte, at half-past 1; the third was the celebrated succession of cavalry attacks on the Allied line between Hougomont and La Haye Sainte, commencing at 4 o’clock; the fourth was the successful attack by Marshal Ney on La Haye Sainte, at 6 o’clock,—an event which if properly used by Napoleon might have had a very grave effect on the result of the battle, for it caused a great gap in the very centre of the Allied line; and the fifth was the celebrated attack on the Allied centre made by 12 battalions of the Imperial Guard, strengthened by the co-operation of Kennedy. other divisions, and supported “by a powerful Artillery, and what remained of the Cavalry.”

In the attack on Hougomont, the battery which most distinguished itself was the famous old I Troop—now D Battery, B Brigade, R.H.A.—under Major R. Bull, whose Peninsular history rivals that of the Chestnut Troop. It was armed with howitzers; and cleared the wood in front of Hougomont of the French troops,—firing shell with wonderful accuracy over the heads of the English Infantry; an operation Frazer’s Letters, p. 556. so delicate, as to make the Duke remark to Sir Augustus Frazer, who ordered it, that he hoped he was not undertaking too much. But Sir Augustus said that he could depend on the troop; and the event proved that he was right: for after ten minutes’ firing, the French were driven out of the wood. Webber Smith’s troop was also hotly engaged during this first attack, and suffered during the day very severely, not merely—as all did—from the French skirmishers, but also from having been on one occasion enfiladed by one of Prince Jerome’s batteries. Captain Bolton’s field brigade, which was to have so great glory at a critical period in the day, was in action at the first attack on Hougomont; and when subsequently moved more to the centre of the Allied line, its place to the left of Hougomont was taken by Norman Ramsay’s troop. It has already been mentioned that the first shot fired by the Allied Artillery at Waterloo was fired by Captain Sandham’s brigade. This was in reply to the first attack on Hougomont; and during the day no fewer than 1100 rounds of ammunition were fired by this single brigade.47 Although beyond the province of this work to enter into the Infantry details of the battle, it must yet be said that, even in a day when the British Infantry showed a valour and endurance which have never been surpassed, their defence of Hougomont shines with especial lustre. Knowing its value, as strengthening the right of his line, the Duke had taken precautions on the previous night by loopholing the walls to render its defence more practicable. Although set on fire, and attacked repeatedly by superior numbers, it was never lost; its defenders showing a tenacity and courage, unexampled almost in the annals of war.

In the second act of the drama—the first attack on La Haye Sainte—Captain Whinyates’s troop and Major Rogers’ field brigade were first engaged; and it is important to Vide Appendix A. remember, with a view to the argument, which is to come, that it was during this act that the Artillery of the reserve was brought up. Sir Hew Ross’s and Major Beane’s troops suffered at this time great loss. Among the officers alone, Major Beane was killed, and both 2nd captains and two subalterns wounded.

The third act, the charges of the French cavalry, will be fully discussed in the argument, which will be found in the Appendix. Suffice it to say, at present, that they were preceded by clouds of skirmishers, and by a tremendous artillery fire; and that at no period of the day were the losses among the Artillery more severe. Among those who fell then was Norman Ramsay; and it was the lot of his Frazer’s Letters, p. 548. dearest friend to witness and to tell the circumstances. “In a momentary lull of the fire,” wrote Sir Augustus Frazer, “I buried my friend Ramsay, from whose body I took the portrait of his wife, which he always carried next his heart. Not a man assisted at the funeral who did not shed tears. Hardly had I cut from his head the hair which I enclose, and laid his yet warm body in the grave, when our convulsive sobs were stifled by the necessity of Nivelle, 20 June, 1815. returning to renew the struggle.” Two days later, the same hand wrote: “Now that the stern feelings of the day have given way to the return of better ones, I feel with the bitterness of anguish not to be described, the loss of my friend Ramsay. Nor for this friend alone, but for Dated 6 July, 1815. many others, though less dear than poor Norman.” And yet again, writing from Paris, Sir A. Frazer said: “I cannot get Ramsay out of my head; such generosity, such romantic self-devotion as his, are not common.” It was written of Ramsay, “Sibi satis vixit,—non patriæ;” and it is difficult to conceive a nobler eulogy. A man who never tampered with temptation, but trampled on it instead,—he left behind him the story of a life, which is a model for his successors in the Corps to imitate. There is a Waterloo going on daily in a soldier’s life: his enemies are more skilled than Napoleon—they are as relentless as death: they come dressed in many garbs, but their names are sloth, ignorance, and vice; and the weapon by which alone they can be overcome is an earnest and conscientious performance of duty. This weapon must be grasped most firmly, and wielded most mercilessly, when the duties to be performed are monotonous or uninviting; but its unfailing use, even through a life of uninteresting routine, will earn for the soldier, when the night comes, the same words as were spoken of Norman Ramsay, “Satis sibi vixit,—non patriæ.”

The fourth act of the drama witnessed, at 6 o’clock, the capture of La Haye Sainte by the French, after a magnificent defence by Major Baring and part of the King’s German Legion, which only failed from want of ammunition. There seems little doubt that the Duke of Wellington had underrated the importance of this position; indeed, he is said in later years to have admitted it. Fortunately, Napoleon did not sufficiently note the advantage he had gained; and contented himself with using its now friendly cover in preparation for his great final effort.

The Prussians had by this time arrived, and were in force on the French right. At the village of Planchenoit, they were already in such numbers that the French General, Loban, required 16,000 men to keep them in check. On the extreme left of the English, at Papillote, the advanced parties of another Prussian column had also arrived; and, all fear for his left being now at an end, the Duke of Wellington was enabled to strengthen his centre, and his right centre, by moving Vivian’s and Vaudeleur’s Cavalry Brigades from the left, accompanied by Sir Robert Gardiner’s troop of Horse Artillery.

The necessity of a great final effort was now apparent to Napoleon; and the curtain rose on the fifth act of the drama at half-past 7 o’clock. It is a point which the Artilleryman should never forget, that, in this majestic advance of the Imperial Guard, its head was broken and thrown into confusion by the fire of Captain Bolton’s guns, before the 52nd Regiment, and the Guards, did their celebrated work. It was at this time that Captain Bolton was killed, and that the Duke personally gave his orders to Captain Napier,—the 2nd Captain,—as the French approached, to load with canister.

While the advancing columns of the enemy were in the hollow, their artillery carried on a cannonade over their heads, more terrible than had been witnessed during the day. The following description of Mercer’s battery at the end of the day will give the reader an idea of the murderous Mercer’s Journal, vol. i. p. 331. fire to which the Allies were exposed. “Of 200 fine horses,” he wrote, “with which we had entered the battle, upwards of 140 lay dead, dying, or severely wounded. Of the men, scarcely two-thirds of those necessary for four guns remained; and those so completely exhausted, as to be totally incapable of further exertion. Lieutenant Breton had had three horses killed under him; Lieutenant Hincks was wounded in the breast by a spent ball; Lieutenant Leathes on the hip by a splinter; and although untouched myself, my horse had no less than eight wounds. Our guns and carriages were all together in a confused heap, intermingled with dead and wounded horses, which it had not been possible to disengage from them.” And this was but typical of most of the batteries engaged.

As for the Infantry, words cannot paint too highly their endurance on that long day. One regiment had 400 men killed or wounded, before they were allowed to fire a trigger; and all suffered heavily. Yet there was not a word of distrust as regarded their great commander. They pined with all their hearts for permission to attack, instead of lying where they often were—being shot by scores; but discipline was stronger than desire. Even at the worst times, a word from the Duke, or a report that he was coming, sufficed to produce a silence and a steadiness, as perfect as if on parade in a barrack-square. For those who were present, Waterloo was thus a double victory,—over their enemies, and over themselves. True discipline is a succession of such victories.

With the noble charge of the 52nd, followed by the general advance of the whole line, the French retreat became a rout,—the most disastrous, as has been said, on record: but the record referred to did not include the Titanic battles of the last few years. The Prussians took up the pursuit, and the Allied Army bivouacked on the field of battle.

So much detail connected with the services of the Artillery at Waterloo must of necessity be given in the Appendix, that it has not been thought advisable to anticipate it here. But there are several interesting Regimental matters connected with the battle, for the insertion of which this seems the most suitable place.

In the first place, the names of the officers belonging to the troops and brigades, which were present, may be given.

Total Number of all ranks of the following Troops and Brigades present at Waterloo, according to MS. Returns to Board of Ordnance, dated Paris, 18th September, 1815.

This and all the other Field Brigades were armed, each with five 9-pounders and one 5½-inch howitzer.

These were the only troops and brigades which were engaged. There were others, which were in the vicinity, but not present at the battle; and there were also detachments of other brigades present with small-arm ammunition. Lieutenants E. Trevor, W. Lemoine, J. Bloomfield, and others already named, were present on staff or unattached duty.

Of the officers named above, the following were killed or wounded at the battle of Waterloo:—

The numerical losses, as shown by Sir George Wood in his official return to the Ordnance, were as follows:—

There were two field brigades, which formed part of the Duke of Wellington’s army, but which were not brought up in time for the battle, although they were of great importance during the subsequent siege operations against the fortresses. Their armament was the same as that of the Vide ‘Hist. R.A.’ vol. i. p. 221. others; and one of them, Captain Brome’s, would appear to have been in position, although not engaged;—possibly detached at Hal. The officers with these, and their numbers, were as follows:-

These brigades received the boon service granted for the battle of Waterloo under a Horse Guards’ decision, which was promulgated in Paris on the 5th September, 1815, including among Waterloo men all troops, which had on the 18th June been employed either in the village of Waterloo, or had been detached to the right to prevent the advance of the enemy towards Brussels by Hal.

The companies which were present with small-arm ammunition, or which furnished detachments for that service, will be found in the chapters on the various battalions.

The commendations passed on the corps generally for its services at Waterloo will be found in Appendix A, in support of the argument therein contained. But it may be interesting to the friends or descendants of individual officers, who were present, and who specially distinguished themselves, to read extracts from the reports sent to the Ordnance. These Dated Le Cateau, 24 June, 1815. will be given without comment. “I feel,” wrote Sir George Wood, “that I should particularly mention that I wish Lieutenant-Colonel Sir John May may succeed to one of the vacant troops; and I do assure you the conduct of Major Lloyd was conspicuous to the whole army. This officer and Captain Mercer48 are candidates for the other vacant troop. Captain Mercer was the senior second captain in the field, and behaved nobly. I must also mention that Lieutenant Louis commanded Major Bull’s troop for some time. Lieutenant Sandilands was the only officer left with the command of poor Major Ramsay’s troop, the rest of the officers being wounded. I beg to mention him to your protection, as well as Lieutenants Coles and Wells, whom I have appointed to do duty with the Horse Artillery, and I beg you will use your interest with the Master-General that they may be confirmed.... I shall certainly give in the name of Captain Macdonald for brevet promotion; it was with great difficulty that he could be made quit the field when severely wounded,—as well as Lieutenant Brereton, who remained in the field of battle until Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonald ordered him to the rear, to have his wounds dressed.... Although Lieutenant-Colonel Gold was in command of a Division of Artillery in the field, I beg you will mention to the Master-General that I have received great benefit from his advice and zeal, during the time I have commanded the Artillery in the Pays-Bas.... I beg leave to mention that Lieutenant Bloomfield was both days in the field with me; and should he wish at some future time to be posted to the Horse Brigade, I hope he will not be forgot.” In another despatch to General Macleod, Sir George Wood wrote as follows: “I must call your particular attention to the officers who attended me personally in the field, whose merits I beg to recommend to the consideration of His Lordship the Master-General.” These officers were Lieutenant-Colonel Sir A. Frazer, Lieutenant-Colonel Sir J. Hartmann, Lieutenant-Colonel Sir A. Dickson, Lieutenant-Colonel Sir J. May, Captain Baynes, Brigade Major, Lieutenants Coles, Bloomfield, Bell, and Meëlmann—all of whom were mentioned by name.