103.  Fränkel, Inschriften, v. Perg. no. 5, 18 et passim.

104.  Mitteis und Wilcken, Grundzüge und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde, I. v. i, pp. 14 seq.

105.  Mitteis-Wilcken, op. cit. p. 15.

106.  Xenophon, De Reditibus, ii. 4-7.

107.  Josephus often refers to the Jews of Alexandria as oἱ ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ Ἰουδαῖοι (Ant. XIII. iii. 4) or oἱ ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ κατοικούντες Ἰουδαῖοι (Ant. XIV. vii. 2), but he refers similarly to the Greeks there (Ant. XVIII. viii. i), and plainly understands κατοικεῖν simply as “inhabit.” The question is fully discussed in Contra Ap. ii. 5, where the general statement is made that Jews might and did become Alexandrian citizens, but that Egyptians were at first excluded.

108.  Jewish Μακεδόνες, Berliner Griechische Urkunden (B. G. U.), iv. 1068 (62). In other classes of citizenship, B. G. U. iv. 1140; iv. 1151, 7. For humbler classes of Jews cf. ch. VII., n. 2. A Jewish house-slave is manumitted in Oxyrhyncus Pap. ix. 1205.

109.  The discussion is fully set forth by Brandis, s. v. Arabarches in the Pauly-Wissowa Realenzyklopädie, ii. 342. The word “alabarch” or “arabarch” impressed the Romans somewhat as “mogul” impresses the English, and was used with the same jocular intent. Cic. ad Att. II. xvii. 3. Juvenal, Satires, i. 130.

110.  Apuleius, Met. xi. 30. Drexler in Roscher’s Lexikon Myth., s. v. Isis, ii. 409 seq. gives a list of the cities through which the worship of Isis spread.

111.  Sarapis was not Osiris-Apis, but a deity of Sinope in Asia Minor, duly “evoked” into Alexandria by Ptolemy. The matter is left an open question by Cumont, Les religions orientales dans le paganisme romain, p. 112, but the general consensus of opinion is in favor of the theory just mentioned. The opposition referred to in the text was less an aggressive one than it was an assertion of the distinction between Greeks and Egyptians. It broke down with the fourth Ptolemy, and Sarapis was more or less officially identified with Osiris.

112.  Alexandronesus. Cf. Reinach, in Mélanges Nicolle, p. 451; Pap. of Magdola, n. 35.

113.  Greek Pap. of the Brit. Mus. iii. 183, the ἄρχοντες α Ἰουδαίων προσευχῆς pay their water tax.

114.  B. G. U. iv. n. 562.

115.  The cartouches representing the Ptolemies contain all the royal titles of the Pharaohs.

116.  Mitteis-Wilcken, Grundzüge und Chrestomathie, I. p. 42.

117.  Ecclesiasticus xxxi. 12-30; vi. 2-4.

118.  Cf. ch. III., n. 14.

119.  A full bibliography is given in Schürer, Geschichte der Juden 4^th ed., iii. 472 seq.

120.  Flinders Petrie Pap. iii. 31, g, 13.

121.  By Mishnic tradition Antigonus was a pupil of Simon the Just (Abot i. 3). A later legend makes him the founder of the Sadducees (Abot R. N. v.). The saying of Antigonus is: “Be not like servants who minister to their master for the sake of a reward, but be like servants who minister to their master without the expectation of reward, and let the fear of Heaven be upon you.”

122.  Andronicus (Hibeh Pap. i. 96), Helenus and Trypho (B. G. U. iv. 1140), Dionysius (Dittenberger, Syll. no. 73).

123.  Cf. Oesterley’s edition of Ecclesiasticus, pp. xxiv-xxv.

124.  Josephus, Ant. XII. iv.

125.  Abot i. 4; Shab. 46 a; Eduy. viii. 4; Pes. 15 a.

126.  Polybius, XXVI. i. 1: Ἀντίοχος ὁ ν Ἐπιφανὴς μὲν κληθεὶς Επιμανὴς δ’ ἐκ τῶν πράξεων ὀνομασθείς. Cf. also Athenaeus, v. 5 (193), and x. 10 (439).

127.  Ptolemy Euergetes II (Athenaeus, x. 10, 438 D).

128.  It is usual to speak of the Seleucid kingdom as Syria. That, however, conveys a wholly wrong impression of either the pretensions of the house or the actual extent of its dominion. Seleucus himself actually maintained his authority within what is now Hindustan and was styled “king of Asia,” where he was not called simply “the king” as Alexander and the Persians had been before him. Even when Antiochus the Great gave up all his Asiatic possessions north of the Taurus, he did not renounce his claim to the Persian and Oriental patrimony of Alexander.

129.  Zeitschr. d. deut. morg. Gesell. xxiii. 371; Nöldeke, Die sem. Spr. 41 f.; Zeitschr. f. Assyr. vi. 26. Cf. also Gardner, Greek and Scythic Kings of Bactria and India.

130.  The full title is Θεὸς Επιφανής, as it appears upon coins.

131.  The στρατηγός ἐπὶ τὰ ὅ πλα i.e. “general of infantry,” was at that time practically equivalent to the chief magistracy. Athenian coins of the year 175 B.C.E. bear his name and the elephant which was the heraldic emblem of his house. Reinach, Rev. d. et. gr. 1888, 163 f.

132.  Josephus, Ant. XII. v.

133.  The titles ἀγοράνομος and δήμαρχος are translations of “aedilis” and “tribunus,” which Antiochus sought to transfer to his capital. Polyb. XXVI. i. 5-6. Livy XLI. xx.

134.  Livy (loc. cit.), Polyb. (loc. cit.), Athenaeus, x. 438 D and E.

135.  Hybristas is mentioned in Livy XXXVII. xiii. 12.

136.  Polyb. XXXI. xi. 3; Josephus, Ant. XI. ix.

137.  I Macc. i.

138.  Cf. ch. I., n. 22.

139.  Cf. the article Druidae, Pauly-Wissowa, Realenzykl.

140.  Isocrates Nicocles (III), 54. King Nicocles of Salamis in Cyprus, the type and exemplar of a benevolent despot, states to his subjects: ἑταιρείας μὴ ποιεῖσθε μήτε συνόδους ἄνευ τῆς ἐμῆς γνώμης αἱ γὰρ τοιαῦται συστάσεις ἐν μἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις πολιτείαις πλεονεκτοῦσιν, ἐν δὲ ταῖς μοναρχίαις κινδυνεύουσιν.

141.  Jerome in Dan. xi. 21 f.

142.  So the Spartans actively assisted the oligarchical party in Megara, Argos, Sicyon, and Achaea (Thuc. iv. 74; v. 81; v. 82).

143.  Cumont, Les religions orientales dans le paganisme romain, gives the best and clearest account of the spread of these foreign cults. The Cabiri came from Samothrace. They were generally referred to as Θεοὶ μεγάλοι, and are found in many parts of the empire.

144.  Athenian criminal statutes often contain in the penalty clause καὶ τὸ γένος αὐτοῦ. Cf. Glotz, La solidarité de la famille dans le droit Ath. Cf. for Teos C. I. G. 3044.

145.  Homer, Odys. xi. 489-491.

146.  Frequently pictured relief (Gardner, Greek Sculpt. p. 136) formerly in the Sabouroff Coll. Pl. i., Ath. Mitth. 1877. Taf. xx-xxiv.

147.  Il. iii. 243-244; v. 638-651; xviii. 117-119.

148.  Cf. the translation of Menelaus, ch. I, notes 28, 29.

149.  Hymn in Dem. 480-482.

150.  Ben Sira knows of no life after death except Sheol. Perhaps it is better to say that he refuses to acknowledge any. His repeated affirmations have the air of consciously repudiating a doctrine advanced by others. The author of Wisdom (iii. 4) is sure of an immortality of the elect. It is in the apocryphal literature generally, in Enoch, the Testaments of the Patriarchs—most of them written in the first century B.C.E.—that the scattered and contradictory references to a future life are to be found.

151.  Josephus, Wars, II. viii. 14. His words are (οἱ Σαδδουκαῖοι) ψυχῆς τε τὴν διαμονὴν καὶ τὰς καθ’ Ἄδου τιμωρίας καὶ τιμὰς ἀναιροῦσι. The passages in Josephus are our only contemporary authority for the sects and their differences; and Josephus was a Pharisee. The word αναιροῦσι would in this context naturally have the meaning “deny,” but it might also simply indicate that the Sadducean belief on the subject was, in his opinion, so vague or so qualified as to render their whole transcendental scheme ineffectual. It is, however, more natural to give the word its dialectic sense (Cf. Plato, Rep. 533 c).

152.  Joseph. Ant. XIII. x. 10. Kid. 43 a.

153.  The vision of a Messianic age in Isaiah ii. 4, and Micah iv. 1, expressly includes the gentiles. This is the more important as it is highly likely that both Micah and Isaiah are here quoting an ancient and widely-accepted prophecy.

154.  There is no direct evidence about the extent of proselytizing in pre-Maccabean times. But there are two forms of proselytizing which always seemed natural and even inevitable to a man of ancient times. The slave, and the stranger actually resident under the roof of a head of a household, were, however foreign in blood, practically members of that household, and it was a small step when they were brought formally into it by appropriate ceremonies. So the first Biblical reference to circumcision especially notes that not merely Abraham but all his household, the slaves born there and those bought of strangers, were circumcised (Gen. xvii. 23, 27).

The גר, μέτοικος, the sojourning stranger, is expressly held to the observance of the religious prohibitions. Ex. xii. 43; Lev. xvii. 12. And the relative frequency with which such a stranger became a full proselyte is indicated by Ex. xii. 48, and Num. ix. 14. It is true that the נכר or “stranger in blood” is treated with extreme rigor by Nehemiah, xiii. 30, but it is this same נכר who is referred to as a proselyte in Deutero-Isaiah (Is. lvi. 3, 6).

155.  Ab. R. Nat. ii. 1.

156.  Josephus, Ant. XV. viii.

157.  Josephus, Wars IV. iv.; VII. viii.

158.  Cf. Catullus, LXIII. The archigallus was not permitted to be chosen from Roman citizens till the time of Claudius.

159.  This genre seems to have first taken literary form at the hands of Bion of Borysthenes, a pupil of Crates, who was himself a pupil of Diogenes.

160.  Wisdom of Solomon xiv. 12-14. Cf. also the entire thirteenth and fourteenth chapters of Wisdom.

161.  In Dan. x. 13-20 angels, or “princes,” are the patrons of the various nations, as also in the Testaments of the Patr. (Test. Naph. 9). That fact of itself indicates a belief in the reality of the divine protectors of the heathen nations. And the “devils,” שדים (Deut. xxxii. 17), and שעירים (Lev. xvii. 7), are very likely the local gods.

162.  Philo, De Specialibus Legibus, ch. 7.

163.  We have already noted the ancient prophecy cited in Is. ii. 4 and Micah iv. 1. The fullest statement of this universalist aspiration is in Malachi i. 11, and i. 14.

164.  The Messenians also expelled the Epicureans (Athen. xii. 547), and Antiochus (VI) Dionysius, or rather Tryphon in his name, expelled all philosophers from Antioch and all Syria (Athen. ibid.). The latter document has been questioned by Radermacher, Rh. Mus. N. F. lvi. (1901), 202, but on insufficient grounds. It is probably genuine, but the king referred to is uncertain. It will be remembered that the Epicurean Philonides claimed to have converted Epiphanes and to have been a favorite of Demetrius (Crönert, Stzb. Berl. (1900), 943, and Usener Rh. Mus. N. F. lvi. (1901), 145 seq.) Alexander Balas professed Stoicism.

165.  Josephus, Ant. XVIII. ix.

166.  Dio Cassius, lviii. 32; Ens. Chron. ii. 164. The account in its details is not free from doubt.

167.  Josephus, Ant. XIV. x.

168.  Senatusconsultum de Bacch. C. I. L. i. 43, n. 196. Bruns Fontes, n. 35, ll. 14-16.

169.  Cf. the instances cited in Cumont, Les rel. or. dans le pag. rom., p. 122, and the articles on Isis in the Pauly-Wissowa Realenzykl, the Dar.-Saglio Dict., and Roscher’s Lexikon.

170.  In Greek διαβολή. Cf. Aristotle, Rhetoric, II. iii. 30; Syrianus, In Hermogenem, ii. (134, 3). Of this διαβολή, a favorite form was ἐπηρεασμός, “mockery” (Arist. op. cit. II. ii. 3), and “Commonplaces,” κοινοὶ τόποι, on the subject are cited in Aristotle (op. cit. III. xv. 1).

171.  Reinach, Textes, p. 49.

172.  Eratosthenes was head of the Alexandrian Academy.

173.  Apollo is the god named and ascribed to Dora, which, as Josephus remarks, is not in Idumaea at all. Nor does Apollo appear as the god of Dora on the coins of that city. According to Josephus (Ant. XV. vii. 9) the Idumean god was named Koze, who might of course have been identified with the Seleucid patron Apollo. It may be a title connected with קצין (Josh. x. 24, Micah iii. 1, 9).

174.  An inscription forbidding the approach of gentiles has been found at Jerusalem, and is now in Constantinople: μηθένα ἀλλογενῆ εἰσπορεύεσθαι ἐντὸς τοῦ περὶ τὸ ιερὸν τρυφάκτου καί περιβόλου · ὅς δ’ ἂν ληφθῇ ἑαυτῷ αἴτιος ἔσται διὰ τὸ ἐξακολουθεῖν θάνατον.

175.  Reinach, Textes, p. 56. For an estimate of the importance of Posidonius for his time, cf. Wendland, Hellenist. Kult. p. 60 seq. and 134 seq.

176.  Molo in Reinach, Textes, p. 60 seq. Damocritus, ibid. p. 121.

177.  Reinach, Textes, p. 131.

178.  Plutarch, Moralia, ii. 813; Reinach, Textes, p. 139.

179.  Pseud-Opp. Cyn. iv. 256. Lact. Inst. i. 21-27.

180.  Cf. also Aelian Var. Hist. xii. 34. Strabo, xv. 1057.

181.  Pseudo-Plut. Sept. Sap. Con. 5. Apul. Met. xi. 6. Ael. Hist. An. x. 28.

182.  Juvenal, Sat. xv. 1-3. Quis nescit Volusi Bithynice qualia demens Aegyptos portenta colat? crocodilon adorat pars haec, illa pavet saturam serpentibus ibïn; cf. also latrator Anubis (Verg. Aen. viii. 698, Prop. iv. 11, 41).

183.  It is not to be inferred that ancient historians as such were unreliable. In those times, as in ours, the value of an historical narrative must be judged by estimating the character and capacity of the writer and the means at his disposal. Many modern historians have been special pleaders, some consciously, like Froude and von Treitschke, and most have been impelled by personal sympathies and antipathies of many kinds.

It is, however, a fact that the writers of antiquity consciously used falsehoods in what they believed to be details, if they supposed that they could thereby more forcibly present the essential character of a transaction, or better enforce a moral lesson. The extreme danger of such a practice need not be insisted on, nor did all writers engage in it. But Panaetius and Cicero (Cic. De Orat. ii. 59; De Off. ii. 14), Quintillian (ii. 26-39) and the Church Fathers, unhesitatingly defend it (Eusebius, Praep. Evan., John Chrysost. De Sac. i. 6-8, Clemens Alex. Strom, vii. 9).

184.  Polybius shares the general estimate of Syrians (XVI. lx. 3), but that does not prevent him from acknowledging the loyalty and devotion of the people of Gaza, whom he classes as Syrians.

185.  Horace, Sat. I. v. 100.

186.  Apuleius, Florida, i. 6.

187.  Anthol. Pal. v. 160. Reinach, Textes, p. 55.

188.  Fg. hist. gr. iii. 196; Reinach, Textes, p. 42.

189.  Journ. Hell. Stud. xii. 233 seq.

190.  Pausanius, X. xii. 9; Suidas, s. v. Σαμβήθη; Sibyllina, iii. 818.

191.  Valerius Maximus, I. iii. 3.

192.  Shab. vi. 2, 4, but cf. Demai iii. 11, and Erub. i. 10.

193.  Cf. above, ch. VII., n. 2.

The letter of Dolabella to the Ephesians, cited in Josephus, Ant. XIV. x. 12, makes it perfectly clear that if the Sabbath restriction had actually been enforced in the sense indicated, Jews would have been wholly useless for the army. But we have seen that they not merely fought their own battles, but engaged freely as mercenaries. We can therefore understand the passage in Josephus only in the sense of an attempt to escape conscription with the other Ephesians, by alleging an extreme application of the Sabbath principle.

The other passage in Josephus (XVIII. iii.) is in direct contradiction with other sources, and will be discussed later.

194.  Saguntum, Livy, XXI. xiv. Abydus, Livy, XXXI. xvii. Cf. also Livy XXVIII. xxiii.

195.  Cic. De Nat. Deor. ii. 28, 71, his fabulis spretis ac repudiatis....

196.  Reinach, Textes, p. 17. Cf. above, p. 93.

197.  The word itself does not occur in Homer. However, Od. ix. 478, the taunt is flung by Odysseus, the blind monster,

198.  Arrian, Anab. I. ix. 9-10.

199.  Il. iii. 207; Od. iii. 355; vii. 190.

200.  Plutarch, Lycurgus, xxvii.; Ael. V. Hist. xiii. 16; Thuc. i. 144.

201.  Juvenal, Sat. xv. 93-131.

202.  Cf. the undoubted instances of the Gallus-Galla, Graecus-Graeca sacrifices at Rome. See article, Gallus et Galla, in Pauly-Wissowa Realenzykl, especially the unwilling testimony of Livy, XXII. lvii. 6.

203.  The Tauric Artemis was considered a barbarian goddess, but received the veneration of Greeks, and of her we read, Eur. Iph. Taur. 384, αὕτη δὲ θυσίαις ἥδεται βροτοκτόνοις. The sacrifices of the Trojan captives at the funeral of Patroclus, the sacrifice of Polyxena, Astyanax, and Iphigenia are sufficient evidences of the familiarity of the practice to Greeks. An historical instance is the atonement-sacrifice of Epimenides at Athens. Diog. Laert. i. 111, 112; Athen. xiii. 602 C.

204.  For the Gauls, cf. Strabo, iv. 198; the Thracians, vii. 300; the Carthaginians, Verg. Aen. i. 525.

205.  The question of the Molech sacrifices in Palestine is too uncertain and complicated to be treated here in full. Doubtless some Jews at various times sacrificed to Molech; but some Jews in Greek times sacrificed to heathen gods, or, at any rate, adored them while still professing Judaism, and throughout the Middle Ages individual Jews indulged in superstitious practices severely reprobated by the rabbis. The passage in Jeremiah (xxxii. 35) does not necessarily imply that those who took part in these rites deemed themselves to be worshiping Jehovah.

206.  Reinach, Textes, p. 121.

207.  Sat. xv. 78-81 and 93 seq.

208.  Sat. xiv. 103.

209.  It is a curious and instructive fact that Chinese have charged Christian missionaries with precisely this same crime, i.e. of kidnapping and killing children as part of their religious ceremonies.

210.  Cf. the whole Lucianic dialogue on Images, 459-484, and Zeus Tragoedus, 654 seq.

211.  Cicero, De Nat. Deorum, i. 23, 63. Athenag. Supp. xii.

212.  Josephus, Contra Ap. ii. 37.

213.  Euthyphro, viii. 3 (7A).

214.  Sophocles, Oed. Rex, 661.

215.  Cf. ch. XI., n. 19. Also II. Chron. xi. 15. The שדים are mentioned in Psalms cvi. 37 as deities to whom human sacrifices are made.

216.  Isocr. Pan. 155-156; Lycurgus, In Leocr. 80-81.

217.  For the Boeotians cf. the common ὗς Βοιωτία; Pind. Ol. vi. 153; id. Fr. iv. 9, and Hor. Epp. II. i. 244; for Egyptian perfidia, Val. Max. v. 1, 10; for Abdera, Juv. Sat. x. 50; Mart. x. 25, 4; for the Cretans, the famous Κρῆτες ἀεὶ ψευσταί, Call. Hymn in Jov. v. 8., a proverb also quoted from Epimenides by Paul, Ep. ad Tit. i. 13. One may also note in this connection the Greek proverb, τρία κάππα κάκιστα · Καππαδοκία καὶ Κρήτη καὶ Κιλικία.

218.  Livy, XXXIV. xxiv. 4.

219.  Plautus, Rud. v. 50, scelestus, Agrigentinus, urbis proditor.

220.  Cicero, Pro Fonteio, 14, 30.

221.  Cicero, Pro Scauro, 17, 38.

222.  Pliny, Hist. Nat. Praef. 25.

223.  Africanus, ap. Eus. Praep. Ev. x. 10, 490 B, Clemens Alex Strom. i. 22.

224.  Reinach, Textes, p. 122.