262. See Chapter Seven, Section 18.

263. International Journal of Ethics, April, 1908.

264. Arbeiter in Council, pp. 38–39.

265. Don Juan, VIII., IX.

266. E. C. Stedman: “Alice of Monmouth.”

267. Works, passim.

268. See Census Report, 1900, Vol. 2, p. CXCII.

269. Autobiographical Note.

270. Isaiah: Chapter II., par. 4.

271. “Biglow Papers.”

272. The Kingdom of God.

273. Quoted by John A. Hobson: John Ruskin—Social Reformer, p. 346. Italics mine except for “The Real War.” G. R. K.

274. See Index: “Christ.”

275. See The World To-Day, p. 956, Sept., 1905.

276. Italics mine. G. R. K.

277. See Chapters Nine and Eleven.

278. American Brigadier, November, 1907.

279. Frederic Harrison: National and Social Problems, pp. 237–40. Written in 1880.

280. Ernest Crosby: Swords and Ploughshares. Published by Funk and Wagnalls, New York.

281. See Prose-Poems and Selections from the Writings and Sayings of Robert G. Ingersoll. Published by C. P. Farrell, New York.

282. See William Shakespeare, Part Third, Book III; M. B. Anderson’s Translation. Published by A. C. McClurg and Company, Chicago; and An Oration on Voltaire, delivered in Paris, May 30, 1878. It is worthy of remark that the orator was repeatedly applauded while delivering the oration, and at the close the entire audience rose and wildly cheered. In the declamation, as here arranged in two parts (to be given together, if desired), the excerpt from the oration begins, “Whoever says today.”

283. Slightly abbreviated excerpt from an Oration at the Soldiers and Sailors’ Reunion, Indianapolis, September 21, 1876. Reprinted from Prose-Poems and Selections from Writings and Sayings of Robert G. Ingersoll. Published by C. P. Farrell, New York.

284. Very slightly abbreviated excerpt from a Decoration Day Oration, delivered at the Metropolitan Opera House, New York City, May 30, 1888. Reprinted from Vol. IX., p. 453, Dresden Edition of Ingersoll’s Complete Works. Published by C. P. Farrell, New York.

285. See Chapter Four, Section Two, “The Cost of War in Cash.”

286. “Documents of the American Association for International Conciliation,” 1907–08.

287. See Chapter Eight, Section 13 and 14.

288. It is mildly encouraging to reflect that very heavy and very general international investments in national and industrial bonds would have at least some tendency to dampen the bond-buying capitalists’ enthusiasm for war; because, in some cases, a disastrous war might result in the repudiation of bonds and, in most cases, might easily result in a great temporary reduction of dividends from industrial investments. Another thing to be noted here is that sometimes the investors in the bonds of an unstable nation about to go to war, may regret the threatening war and urge against it and even decline to buy war bonds, before the war is declared, in order to protect their investments already made. But after the war is once entered upon these same regretful investors feel almost compelled to purchase the new issue of war-bonds in order to make victory more certain for the nation whose bonds they already hold, and thus protect the market value of their original investments. French investors in Russian bonds and enterprises to the extent of more than a billion dollars found themselves in this predicament in the case of the recent Russian-Japanese war. See Index: “Bankruptcy, Danger of.”

289. See Chapter Seven, Section 17.

290. Swinburne: “A Word for the Country.”

291. See Index: “The Hague Peace Conference.”

292. See Chapter Four, Section One.

293. See Index: “Another War.”

294. Published by Ginn and Company, New York.

295. Italics mine. G. R. K.

296. Voltaire’s Philosophical Dictionary.

297. The Psychology of Jingoism, pp. 41, 133.

298. National and Social Problems, pp. 252–53.

299. The New York World, editorial, August 15, 1907. Italics mine. G. R. K.

300. Newer Ideals of Peace, pp. 114–15. Italics mine. G. R. K.

301. Social Control, pp. 376–79. Italics mine. G. R. K.

302. General Sociology, p. 233.

303. Dynamic Sociology, Vol. I., p. 582. Italics mine. G. R. K.

304. See The Theory of the State, Bk II., Chs. 17, 18.

305. Introduction to Sociology, pp. 132–36.

306. See Chapter Three, The Explanation.

307. “Classes differ in readiness to twist social control to their own advantage.... In general, the more distinct, knit together, and self-conscious the influential minority, the more likely is social control to be colored with class selfishness.”—Professor E. A. Ross, Department of Sociology, University of Wisconsin, Social Control, p. 86.

308. See Chapter Eleven for suggestions on the origin of large-scale parasitic aggression; and on the origin and history of the working class and of the class-labor form of society.

309. See Dynamic Sociology, Vol. I., pp. 581–97; Psychic Factors in Civilization, Chapter 24.

Note carefully the quotation on methods of social parasites at the head of the present chapter from Dr. Ross’s Social Control. Professor Ross is generally recognized as one of the most profound and brilliant writers on Sociology.

It is important to consider, too, that, as a Socialist, Dr. Franklin H. Giddings, Head of Department of Sociology in Columbia University, recognizes the capitalist class’s parasitic relation to society. Dr. Giddings is recognized in all the universities of the world as having few equals as a sociologist.

The social parasites of the world will never forgive the learned Socialist, Dr. Thorstein Veblen, recently of the University of Chicago, for writing his bold and astonishing book, The Theory of the Leisure Class. The screaming mockeries and glittering pretensions of the “princely-fortune” parasites of capitalism are mercilessly explained by him.

It is noteworthy too that the Editor-in-Chief of the American Journal of Sociology, and Head of the Department of Sociology in the University of Chicago, Dr. Albion W. Small, has for many years been calling attention, in lectures, to the parasitic nature of one of the forms of capitalist income, thus: “There is no moral justification for the taking of interest incomes.” In his General Sociology, pp. 268–69, Dr. Small says: “In the first place, capital produces nothing. It earns nothing.” See also his suggestions on social parasites on page 266, where he is clearly in considerable degree in agreement with Dr. Ward.

Gustavus Myers’ History of Great American Fortunes is here again commended as an extraordinary record of remarkable social parasitism in American history.

310. See Twenty-Eight Years in Wall Street, p. 388; by Henry Clews, a very well known banker of Wall Street.

311. See Chapter Three, “Explanation”—Surplus.

312. Andrew Carnegie is a sample of a profit-stuffed tyrant whose parasitic industrial income is tens of millions per year without rendering industrial service, whose legally parasitic heirs, rendering no industrial service, will, like leeches, suck up many millions per year. The audacity of his hypocrisy is typical of his class. In recent international peace congresses Carnegie has been steadily grinning and chattering in the spot light. But study this man for a moment:

(1) In the Homestead industrial civil war, in 1892, Pinkertons received $5 per day and expenses for murdering Carnegie steel workers.

(2) The Carnegie Company furnished the Russian Government steel armor for warships at about one-half the price the same company patriotically charged Carnegie’s own dear, dear country.

(3) “Our records show that the companies governed by Mr. Carnegie received more rebates [in anarchistic defiance of his country’s laws] during the time when rebates were given by our road, than any other shipper in any line of business.”—First Vice-President Green of the Pennsylvania Railway Company. Quoted in the New York Independent.

(4) This same crafty gentleman recently provided enormous old-age pension funds for college and university professors. This will perhaps tightly seal the lips of thousands of teachers on the raging civil war in industry in which war Carnegie is already a blood-stained tzar. Fearing to lose their old age pensions, teachers may find it easier and more “respectable” to desert the working class in its struggle against the capitalist class—Carnegie’s class. (See Index: “Hague Peace Conference”; also Chapter Two, pages 24–25.)

313. “If, however, there occurs some general industrial disturbance of a serious sort, such as a condition of over-production, ... it is likely to turn out that these vocational groupings will be weakened or even destroyed. In their place the economic classes will enter the political arena, and carry on the conflict with great energy.... It may be that the standard of life of an industrial class may be so seriously threatened that this class struggle will reach the extreme of absolute hostility.”—Professor Albion W. Small, Head of Department of Sociology, University of Chicago: General Sociology, p. 264. Italics mine. G. R. K.

314. Reread first page of Preface.

315. William E. Gladstone.

316. “... Non-resistance would be fatal.... If ever war is done away, it will be when the spirit of aggression, not of protection, shall have been quenched.”—Lester F. Ward: Dynamic Sociology, Vol. I., p. 684.

317. See Chapter Seven, Section 12.

318. William Howard Taft: Present-Day Problems, pp. 162–63:—

“... It is also true that had the Elkins bill never been passed, the same acts could and doubtless would have been prosecuted ... under the Interstate Commerce Act of 1889 which the Elkins law supplanted.... Under the 1889 amendment, however, the individuals convicted could have been sent to the penitentiary, whereas under the Elkins Act the punishment by imprisonment was taken away.... The chief effect of the Elkins law had on these particular prosecutions ... was ... to save the guilty individual perpetrators from imprisonment.

“It was well understood that the Elkins bill was passed without opposition by, and with the full consent of, the railroads, and the chief reason was the elimination of the penitentiary penalty for unjust discriminations.... The imprisonment of two or three prominent officers of a railway company, or a trust ... would have greater deterrent effect for the future than millions in a fine.”

Theodore Roosevelt knows a good deal about the capitalist class. He wrote on pages 5, 6, 9, 10 of his book, American Ideals, as follows:

“The people that do harm in the end are not the wrong-doer whom all execrate.... The career of Benedict Arnold has done us no harm as a nation.... The foes of order harm quite as much by example as by what they actually accomplish. So it is with the equally dangerous criminals of the wealthy classes. The conscienceless stock speculator who acquires wealth by swindling his fellows, by debauching judges, and corrupting legislatures, and who ends his days with the reputation of being among the richest men in America, exerts over the minds of the rising generation an influence worse than that of the average murderer or bandit, because his career is even more dazzling in its success, and even more dangerous in its effects upon the community. Any one who reads the essays of Charles Francis Adams and Henry Adams, entitled A Chapter of Erie, and the Gold Conspiracy in New York, will read about the doings of men whose influence for evil upon the community is more potent than that of any band of anarchists or train robbers.... Too much cannot be said against men who sacrifice everything to getting wealth. There is not in the world a more ignoble character than the mere money getting American, insensible to every duty, regardless of every principle, bent only on amassing a fortune ... whether ... to speculate in stocks and wreck railroads himself, or to allow his son to lead a life of foolish and expensive idleness and gross debauchery, or to purchase some scoundrel of high social position, foreign or native, for his daughter. Such a man is only the more dangerous if he occasionally does some deed like founding a college or endowing a church which makes those good people, who are also foolish, forget his real iniquity.” Italics mine. G. R. K.

319. Theodore Roosevelt: in a speech at the State Fair, Minneapolis, Minnesota, September 3, 1901.

320. “If the public economy of a people be an organism, we must expect to find that the perturbations, which affect it, present some analogies to the diseases of the body physical. We may, therefore, hope to learn much that may be of use in practice, from the tried methods of medicine.” Roscher: Political Economy, Vol. I., pp. 85–86.

321. It must be added for the sake of clearness (and fairness):

(1) That some members of the capitalist class detest the capitalist system; that these regret their unsocial relation to the social body; and that while they are living under the capitalist system they are in somewhat the same difficulty that a democrat is in Russia. One can believe in democracy in Russia, but he can not practice democracy under the autocratic form of Russian government. So under Capitalism: one may believe in industrial democracy, but he cannot practice it under an industrial despotism.

(2) That some members of present society belong partly to the capitalist class and partly to the working class.

(The Theory of the Leisure Class, a brilliant book by Dr. Thorstein Veblen, helpful in understanding social parasites, is urged upon the reader’s attention. Also W. J. Ghent’s Mass and Class.)

322. “The government which has the right to do an act and has imposed upon it the duty of performing the act, must, according to the dictates of reason, be permitted to select the means.”—Supreme Court of the United States, March 7, 1819. See Supreme Court Reports, Vol. 17, pp. 409, 430.

323. Political Science and Constitutional Law, Vol. I., p. 87.

324. Sociology, pp. 45, 47.

325. “It is the peculiarity of the social struggle that it must be conducted by a collective whole ... EVERY SOCIETY [OR CLASS] MUST SECURE SOME SUITABLE ORGAN FOR CONDUCTING THE SOCIAL STRUGGLE.

“Thus the ruling classes, through their parliaments, exercise the legislative power and are able, by legal institutions, to further their interests at the cost of others.... Thus the rulers themselves forge the weapons with which the ruled and powerless classes successfully attack them and complete the natural process.”—Gumplowitz: Outlines of Sociology, pp. 145–146. Italics mine. G. R. K.

326. The Communist Manifesto.

327. Reread Chapter Seven, Section 4.

328. Fearing that the powerful suggestion might reach and rouse the slumbering working class the capitalist press of the world kept silent as an oyster on the behavior of the clear-visioned soldiers of Norway and Sweden. Only the working-class press properly reported the sublime event. (See Challenge, page 206 et seq.)

329. For an excellent and convenient discussion of the Socialist Party’s opposition to war and militarism, see Werner Sombart’s Socialism and the Socialist Movement, pp. 193–211; Morris Hillquit’s Socialism in Theory and Practice, pp. 296–302.

330. “It is no easy task to detect and follow the tiny paths of progress which the unencumbered proletarian with nothing but his life and capacity for labor is pointing out for us. These paths lead to a type of government founded upon peace and fellowship as contrasted with restraint and defence.... From the nature of the case, he who would walk these paths must walk with the poor and oppressed, and can only approach them through affection and understanding. The ideals of militarism would forever shut him out from this new fellowship.”—Miss Jane Addams, of Hull House, Chicago: Newer Ideals of Peace, p. 30.

331. The class who despise you so thoroughly that they would be willing to have you murdered on the battlefield—would these hesitate to tell you a lie? Certainly not. And they have lied to you about “different kinds of Socialism,” “Socialists don’t seem to know what they want,” etc., etc. But secretly the capitalists are worrying because they know that the Socialists of all the world do know what they want and also know how to organize the necessary power to get what they want.

332. Christianity and the Social Crisis, p. 350.

333. It is true that even before this time woman occupied a servile position and virtually constituted an industrial class. See August Bebel’s Woman—Past, Present and Future.

334. Professor E. A. Ross (Department of Sociology, University of Wisconsin) gently hints thus (Social Control, p. 86):

“Under the ascendency of the rich and leisured, property becomes more sacred than persons, moral standards vary with the pecuniary status, and it is felt that ‘God will think twice before He damns a person of quality.’”

335. Even great literatures, regarded as divinely inspired and boasted to be The Truth, have been kept from the free access of the people—the “plain people,” too plain to understand the literature said to have life in it. Such literature has been hidden from the people for many hundreds of years—or “rightly divided” and diluted.

336. The inauguration of human slavery was a profound change in human relations—the greatest possible “change in circumstances”—down at the very foundations of society. Vast fundamental changes resulted—inevitably—in changed, and even new, institutions.

“Institutions must change with changing circumstances, since they are of the nature of an habitual method of responding to stimuli which these changing circumstances afford.... The institutions are, in substance, prevalent habits of thought with respect to particular relations and particular functions of the individual and of the community....”—Thorstein Veblen: The Theory of the Leisure Class, p. 190. See quotation from Dr. Small at the head of Chapter Ten. Also consult Ross’s Social Control.

337. See Thomas’s History of the United States, p. 68.

338. See Hyndman: The Economics of Socialism, Lecture 1, Methods of Production.

339. And get these things into the minds of the children. If the teacher at your nearest school does not know these things, have the children teach the teacher.

340. Pure Sociology, p. 61. Italics mine. G. R. K.

341. Ancient Law, p. 164.

342. Folkways, pp. 262–3 and 307. Italics mine. G. R. K.

343. Elementary Economics, pp. 27–33.

344. Laws of Imitation, Parson’s translation, pp. 277–79.

345. American Journal of Sociology, May, 1902, pp. 764–65. Italics mine. G. R. K.

346. Principles of Sociology, Vol. III., pp. 84, 92, 148, 448; Appleton’s Edition, 1899. See also Lester F. Ward: Dynamic Sociology, Vol. I., pp. 287–90. (Italics mine. G. R. K.)

347. Dynamic Sociology, Vol. I., pp. 583–85.

348. The New Basis of Civilization, pp. 67, 69. Italics mine. G. R. K.

349. See discussion of parasites in Chapter Ten.

350. Newer Ideals of Peace, pp. 115–16.

351. National and Social Problems, p. 255.

352. Introduction to Sociology, pp. 136–39.

353. For a powerful argument showing the intellectual equality of the working class and the ruling class see Professor Lester F. Ward’s Applied Sociology. The political foolishness of the working class is not due to lack of brains, but to lack of books—books that tell the truth, the truth that clears the vision and rouses the passion for freedom and points the way.—Suggestions, next chapter.