[762] Jamblichus, Vit. Pythagor. c. 9, p. 33; c. 35, p. 210.
[763] Athenæus, xii, 541.
[764] This date depends upon Timæus (as quoted by Skymnus Chius, 210) and Solinus; there seems no reason for distrusting it, though Thucydidês (i, 13) and Isokratês (Archidamus, p. 316) seem to conceive Massalia as founded by the Phokæans about 60 years later, when Ionia was conquered by Harpagus (see Bruckner, Historia Reip. Massiliensium, sect. 2, p. 9, Raoul Rochette, Histoire des Colonies Grecques, vol. iii, pp. 405-413, who, however, puts the arrival of the Phokæans, in these regions and at Tartêssus much too early).
[765] Aristotle, Μασσαλιώτων πολιτεῖα, ap. Athenæum, xiii, p. 576; Justin, xliii, 3. Plutarch (Solon, c. 2) seems to follow the same story as Justin.
[766] Strabo, iv, pp. 179-182: Justin, xliii, 4-5; Cicero, Pro Flacco. 26. It rather appears from Aristotle (Polit. v, 5, 2; vi, 4-5), that the senate was originally a body completely close, which gave rise to discontent on the part of wealthy men not included in it: a mitigation took place by admitting into it, occasionally, men selected from the latter.
Some authors seem to have accused the Massaliots of luxurious and effeminate habits (see Athenæus, xii, p. 523).
[767] Strabo, vi, p. 269: compare Timæus, Fragm. 49, ed. Göller; Fr. 53, ed Didot.
[768] Thucyd. i, 25.
[769] Strabo, l. c.; Plutarch, Quæst. Græc. c. 11; a different fable in Conon. Narrat. 3, ap. Photium Cod. 86.
[770] Herodot. iii, 49.
[771] Thucyd. i, 108; iii, 102.
[772] Thucyd. i, 13.
[774] Thucyd. i, 25-37.
[775] Herodot. vii. 155.
[776] Thucyd. iii, 85. These fortifications are probably alluded to also i, 45-54. ἢ ἐς τῶν ἐκείνων χωρίων.
[777] Thucyd. i, 47.
[778] Strabo, vii, p. 325, x. p. 452; Skymn. Chi. 453, Raoul Rochette, Hist. des Colon. Grecq. vol. iii, p. 294.
[779] Aristot. Polit. v, 3, 5; v, 8, 9.
[780] About Leukas, see Strabo, x, p. 452; Skylax, p. 34; Steph. Byz. v. Ἐπιλευκάδιοι.
Strabo seems to ascribe the cutting through of the isthmus to the original colonists. But Thucydidês speaks of this isthmus in the plainest manner (iii, 81), and of the Corinthian ships of war as being transported across it. The Dioryktos, or intervening factitious canal, was always shallow, only deep enough for boats, so that ships of war had still to be carried across by hand or machinery (Polyb. v, 5): both Plutarch (De Serâ Num. Vind. p. 552) and Pliny treat Leukadia as having again become a peninsula, from the accumulation of sand (H. N. iv, 1): compare Livy, xxxiii, 17.
Mannert (Geograph. der Gr. und Röm. part viii, b. 1, p. 72) accepts the statement of Strabo, and thinks that the Dioryktos had already been dug before the time of Thucydidês. But it seems more reasonable to suppose that Strabo was misinformed as to the date, and that the cut took place at some time between the age of Thucydidês and that of Skylax.
Boeckh (ad Corp. Inscriptt. Gr. t. i, p. 58) and W. C. Müller (De Corcyræor Republicâ, Götting. 1835, p. 18) agree with Mannert.
[781] Skymn. Chius, 458; Thucyd. i, 55; Plutarch, Themistoklês, c. 24.
[782] Thucyd. i, 46; Strabo, x, p. 452. Before 220 B. C., the temple of Apollo Aktius, which in the time of Thucydidês belonged to Anaktorium, had come to belong to the Akarnanians; it seems, also, that the town itself had been merged in the Akarnanian league, for Polybius does not mention it separately (Polyb. iv, 63).
[783] Thucyd. iii, 94, 95, 115.
[784] Thucyd. i, 24-26.
[785] The rhetor Aristeidês pays a similar compliment to Kyzikus, in his Panegyrical Address at that city,—the god Apollo had founded it personally and directly himself, not through any human œkist, as was the case with other colonies (Aristeidês, Λόγος περὶ Κυζίκου, Or. xvi, p. 414; vol. i, p, 384, Dindorf).
[786] Thucyd. i, 24. ἐγένετο μεγάλη καὶ πολυάνθρωπος; Strabo, vii, p. 316, viii, p. 357; Steph. Byz. v. Ἀπολλωνία; Plutarch, De Serâ Numin. Vind. p. 553; Pausan. v, 22, 2.
Respecting the plain near the site of the ancient Apollonia, Colonel Leake observes: “The cultivation of this noble plain, capable of supplying grain to all Illyria and Epirus, with an abundance of other productions, is confined to a few patches of maize near the villages,” (Travels in Northern Greece, vol. i, ch. vii, p. 367.) Compare c. ii, p. 70.
The country surrounding Durazzo (the ancient Epidamnus) is described by another excellent observer as highly attractive, though now unhealthy. See the valuable topographical work, “Albanien, Rumelien, und die Oesterreichisch-montenegrinische Gränze,” von Dr. Joseph Müller (Prag. 1844), p. 62.
[787] Thucyd. i, 25; Aristot. Polit. ii, 4, 13; iii, 11, 1; iv, 3, 8; v, 1, 6; v, 3, 4.
The allusions of the philosopher are so brief, as to convey little or no knowledge: see O. Müller, Dorians, b. iii, 9, 6; Tittmann, Griech. Staatsverfass. p. 491.
[788] Plutarch, Quæst. Græc. p. 297, c. 29; Ælian, V. H. xiii, 16.
[789] W. C. Müller. De Corcyræor. Repub. ch. 3, pp. 60-63: Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. c. 104;. Hesychius, v. Κερκυραῖοι ἀμφορεῖς; Herodot. i, 145.
The story given in the above passage of the Pseudo-Aristotle is to be taken in connection with the succeeding chapter of the same work (105), wherein the statement, largely credited in antiquity, is given that the river Danube forked at a certain point of its course into two streams, one flowing into the Adriatic, the other into the Euxine.
[790] See the Inscriptions No. 1838 and No. 1845, in the collection of Boeckh, and Boeckh’s Metrologie, vii, 8, p. 97. Respecting the Corinthian coinage our information is confused and imperfect.
[791] Thucyd. ii, 30-66.
[792] See Aristot. Fragm. περὶ Πολιτειῶν, ed. Neumann: Fragm. 2, Ἀκαρνάνων πολιτεία.
[793] Pollux, i, 150; Thucyd. ii. 81.
[794] Thucyd. ii, 102; iii, 105.
[795] Thucyd. ii, 68-102; Stephan. Byz. v. Φοίτιαι. See the discussion in Strabo (x, p. 462), whether the Akarnanians did, or did not, take part in the expedition against Troy; Ephorus maintaining the negative, and stringing together a plausible narrative to explain why they did not. The time came when the Akarnanians gained credit with Rome for this supposed absence of their ancestors.
[796] Polyb. iv, 30: compare also ix, 40.
[797] Diodor. xix, 67; Livy, xxxiii, 16-17; xlv, 31.
[798] Skylax. c. 28-32.
[799] Herodot. ii, 56, v, 92, vi, 127; Thucyd. ii, 80; Plato, Minos, p. 315. The Chaonians and Thesprotians were separated by the river Thyamis (now Kalamas),—Thucyd. i, 46; Stephanus Byz. v. Τροία.
[800] Hekatæus, Fr. 77, ed. Klausen; Strabo, vii, p. 326; Appian, Illyric. c. 7. In the time of Thucydidês, the Molossi and the Atintânes were under the same king (ii, 80). The name Ἠπειρῶται, with Thucydidês, means only inhabitants of a continent,—οἱ ταύτῃ ἠπειρῶται (i, 47; ii, 80) includes Ætolians and Akarnanians (iii, 94-95), and is applied to inhabitants of Thrace (iv, 105).
Epirus is used in its special sense to designate the territory west of Pindus by Xenophon, Hellen. vi, 1, 7.
Compare Mannert. Geographie der Griech. und Römer, part vii, book 2 p. 283.
[801] Strabo, vii, p. 324.
[802] Thucyd. ii, 68.
[803] Strabo, vii, p. 324. In these same regions, under the Turkish government of the present day, such is the mixture and intercourse of Greeks, Albanians, Bulgaric Sclavonians, Wallachians, and Turks, that most of the natives find themselves under the necessity of acquiring two, sometimes three, languages: see Dr. Grisebach, Reise durch Rumelien und nach Brussa, ch. xii, vol. ii, p. 68.
[804] Livy, xlv, 34; Thucyd. i, 47. Phanotê, in the more northerly part of Epirus, is called only a castellum, though it was an important military post (Livy, xliii, 21).
[805] Leake’s Travels in Northern Greece, ch. xxxviii, vol. iv, pp. 207, 210, 233; ch. ix. vol. i, p. 411; Cyprien Robert, Les Slaves de Turquie, book iv, ch. 2.
Βουβόται πρῶνες ἐξόχοι—Pindar, Nem. iv, 81; Cæsar, Bell. Civil. iii, 47.
[806] Polybius, ii, 5, 8.
[807] Plutarch, Pyrrh. c. i; Livy, xlv, 26.
[808] See the description of the geographical features of Epirus in Boué, La Turquie en Europe, Géographie Générale, vol. i, p. 57.
[809] See the account of this territory in Colonel Leake’s Travels in Northern Greece, vol. i. ch. v; his journey from Janina, through the district of Suli and the course of the Acheron, to the plain of Glyky and the Acherusian lake and marshes near the sea. Compare, also, vol. iv, ch. xxxv, p. 73.
“To the ancient sites (observes Colonel Leake) which are so numerous in the great valleys watered by the lower Acheron, the lower Thyamis, and their tributaries, it is a mortifying disappointment to the geographer not to be able to apply a single name with absolute certainty.”
The number of these sites affords one among many presumptions that each must have been individually inconsiderable.
[810] Dêmosthenês, De Haloneso, ch. 7, p. 84 R; Strabo, vii, p. 324.
[811] Skylax, c. 32; Pausanias, i, 11; Justin, xvii, 6.
That the Arrhybas of Justin is the same as the Tharypas of Pausanias,—perhaps, also, the same as Tharyps in Thucydidês, who was a minor at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war,—seems probable.
[812] Thucyd. ii, 81.