[XXV-20] Alvarado, Relacion, in Barcia, i. 161-2; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 175; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 230-1; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Oviedo, iii. 480-1; Juarros, Guat., ii. 277-80; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 652-5. In a memorial addressed by the chiefs of Atitlan to Philip II., and dated February 1, 1571, it is stated that when Alvarado came into the country he was received in a friendly spirit at Atitlan; that no one took up arms against him, but that valuable presents were made, while each town and village paid tribute according to its means. Numbers of their principal men accompanied him on his future campaigns, and lost their lives in his service. Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., 419-20. Though the Atitlan campaign was less sanguinary than the previous ones, this contradiction of all accounts, in stating that the Spaniards were peaceably received, must have proceeded from anxiety on the part of the natives to gain some favor or obtain some redress.

[XXV-21] One witness at the trial of Alvarado in 1528-9 states that he heard this person was a sister of the king, but from the statement contained in the charge, and supported by many witnesses, it can only be inferred that she was one of the wives of the monarch. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 7, 22, passim. Brasseur de Bourbourg's version is that Suchil was the wife of one of the highest dignitaries of the crown. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 656.

[XXV-22] The defence set up by Alvarado when charged with this outrage is exceedingly weak. He had been deceived by the Cakchiquel nobles, he said, who, not wishing him to march farther south, made false representations regarding the difficulties he would meet with. A Spanish soldier named Falcon reported that a slave girl described the country as fair and rich; upon which Alvarado commanded her to be brought forward. This was persistently refused by the chiefs, until he seized one; then an Indian girl of noble birth was produced, but not the right one. 'He, however, importuned them much,' and finally Suchil was delivered up to him. The reader will appreciate the probability of this story when he considers how likely it was that the Cakchiquel nobles would seek to deter Alvarado from proceeding against their national enemies. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado. See question and charge, xvii. and xix., pp. 7 and 57, Alvarado's reply, p. 77-8, and testimony.

[XXVI-1] The native name of the chief town, Panatacat, was known in the time of Vazquez as Isquintepeque. Alvarado calls it Iscuyntepeque, Relacion, i. 162; Herrera, Yzquintepec, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Gomara, Izcuintepec, Hist. Mex., 231. Its modern appellation is Escuintla. See also Native Races, v. 607.

[XXVI-2] 'Diciendoles, què adonde iban, i que eran locos, sino que me dejasen à mi ir allà, i que todos me darian Guerra.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 162; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 231.

[XXVI-3] Juarros, followed by Brasseur de Bourbourg, states that the army, when in Itzcuintlan, consisted of 250 Spanish infantry, 100 cavalry, and 6000 Guatemalan and other Indians. Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 229. Now, Alvarado a little later in this campaign states that he had 150 infantry, 100 horse, and 5000 or 6000 Indian auxiliaries. This number of infantry is more probably correct than that given by Juarros. Alvarado had only 300 infantry when he left Mexico, and, though few had been killed, numbers were wounded, and he had left garrisons at various places. Relacion, i. 163. That he should leave Itzcuintlan with 250 Spanish foot-soldiers and lose 100 of them in a few weeks is a supposition that cannot be entertained. Juarros appears to have followed Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232, who gives the above figures.

[XXVI-4] No summons of surrender was sent, which omission was brought forward as a charge against the commander at a later date. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 7, 57 et seq.

[XXVI-5] Juarros states that this was a night attack, and that the inhabitants were asleep when the Spaniards entered; Bernal Diaz says that it occurred in the morning.

[XXVI-6] 'Tambien me han dicho, que cinco Jornadas adelante de vna Ciudad mui grande, que està veinte Jornadas de aqui, se acaba esta Tierra ... si asi es, certisimo tengo que es el Estrecho.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 160. Pelaez erroneously makes this campaign follow the reduction of Mixco, Sacatepeque, Mazatenango, etc. Mem. Guat., i. 45-46. Vazquez thus describes it: 'Sin dejar las armas de las manos, ni dia alguno de batallar en los Pueblos de la Costa, corrió como un rayo, el y su Exercito.' Chronica de Gvat., 7.

[XXVI-7] Laet, Ogilby, and Kiepert write R. Michatoya.

[XXVI-8] Called Atiepar by Alvarado; Caetipar by Gomara; Atiquipaque by Juarros; Aticpac by Brasseur de Bourbourg; and by Ixtlilxochitl, in Horribles Crueldades, 69, Cala. Alvarado states that both the language and race of people were here different.

[XXVI-9] Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 7-8 et seq. The account given by Juarros differs so much from Alvarado's that I can give the former but little consideration in the text. It is to this effect: After crossing the river the Spaniards were attacked by a large body of Indians, and an obstinate battle ensued, in which Alvarado was dismounted by a chief, who wounded his horse with a lance. Alvarado then attacked the Indian on foot and killed him. The victory was for some time doubtful, but passed finally to the Spaniards. On the following day they entered the deserted town, where before long they were again attacked by a fresh body of the enemy. Cooped in the narrow streets, the Spaniards could not act, and retreated to open ground, where they soon threw the Indians into disorder.

Alvarado's despatches to Cortés, Relacion de Alvarado, form the base of that portion of the conquest of Guatemala which begins with the departure of the Spaniards from Soconusco and terminates with the founding of the Ciudad de Santiago at Patinamit. Two only of these reports are extant; that there was at least one more is certain from the opening line of the first, wherein Alvarado states that he had written from Soconusco; 'de Soncomisco escrivì à Vuestra Magestad.' It might be supposed, from the expression 'Vuestra Magestad,' that the letter was addressed to the king of Spain; the conclusion, however, proves that such was not the case, as Alvarado requests Cortés to report his services to his Majesty. 'Magestad' is probably a misprint for 'Merced,' or an incorrect reading of the manuscript. These despatches were first published at Toledo, October 20, 1525, with the fourth report of Cortés to the king of Spain. They were afterward translated into Italian by Ramusio and published at Venice in 1565. In 1749 Barcia, a member of the royal council, reproduced them, in Madrid, in his collection of the works of the chroniclers, and it may be remarked that Ramusio's translation does not always agree with this Spanish edition. Ternaux-Compans translated Ramusio's version into French and published the letters at Paris, in 1838, in his Collection of Voyages. Alvarado's style is clear and simple, terse and vigorous, and his descriptions are vivid. That he did not report all his proceedings to Cortés is evident from the Proceso contra Alvarado, already frequently quoted, in which numerous acts of cruelty, outrage, and embezzlement are charged against him. Yet there is no just reason to doubt the truthfulness of his narrations so far as they go, since they are supported by good authorities. It is suppression and not misrepresentation of facts that can be charged against him. In these two despatches the writer has portrayed his own character most clearly. His energy, recklessness, and indomitable will, his bravery, religious superstition, and ambition, are all distinctly displayed; but in bold relief, prominent above all other traits, is recognized his cruelty: whenever the carnage on the battle-field has been unusually dreadful he delights to report it to Cortés, sometimes even mentioning the matter twice; and when the natives have managed to escape him with comparatively small loss, he regretfully enters into explanations and gives the reasons why so few lives were taken. These despatches are particularly interesting for their evidence relative to the site of the first city founded by the Spaniards in Guatemala. They moreover correct many errors committed by Remesal, Fuentes, and Juarros, who, strange to say, could never have seen these reports, or even Oviedo's almost verbatim copy of them. Another narrative of the conquest was written by Gonzalo de Alvarado, which work Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 47, considers that Herrera must have seen. It was never published; Juarros thus describes it: 'MS. de Gonzalo de Alvarado, que paraba en poder de D. Nicolas de Vides y Alvarado, su descendiente.'

[XXVI-10] Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 7-8 et seq.

[XXVI-11] 'Me recibieron de paz, i se alçaron dende à vna hora.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 163.

[XXVI-12] Juarros states that the army halted near the city, and was almost immediately attacked by three strong bands of natives, one descending from the heights of Nextiquipac, another from Taxisco, and the third from Guazacapan. It required all the skill and strength of the Spaniards to resist the combined onset. But the division from Guazacapan abandoned the field, while that which came down from the mountains was broken and put to flight; whereupon the Taxisco party submitted, and the town remained in the possession of the Spaniards. Juarros, Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 231.

[XXVI-13] Called by Alvarado Nacendelan, and Necendelan by Gomara; in Mercator's Atlas, 1574, Nacendelen, and in the West-Indische Spieghel, 64, Nacedelan. Its modern name is Nancintla.

[XXVI-14] These consisted of cloth, cross-bow strings, horseshoes, nails, and other iron articles. Alvarado states at a later date that the nails and horseshoes were cast with copper by the Indians, who believed that the iron would melt with it. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 79-80. The clothing, he says, could not be recovered, as it had been torn up for breech-clouts. Relacion, i. 163; Oviedo, iii. 483.

[XXVI-15] Herrera affirms that they were from Nancintlan, and had the custom of fighting with little bells, 'sendas campanillas,' in their hands. Juarros states that all inquiries to discover the reason of this practice have been useless. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Juarros, Guat. (ed. London, 1823), 232; also Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232.

[XXVI-16] Referred to as Don Pedro, one of Cortés' most trusted officers. See Hist. Mex., chap. vi., this series. He is mentioned more than once by Alvarado, and important commands were intrusted to him. Relacion, i. 163-4.

[XXVI-17] Juarros says this stay was made at Guazacapan, a town passed on the way to Nancintlan. The army would have been, thus far, about 25 days on the campaign of discovery: Four days from Patinamit to Itzcuintlan, eight days at this latter place, four days in passing through the towns of Atiquipac, Tacuylula, and Taxisco, to Nancintlan, and eight at this latter place.

[XXVI-18] Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 8, 58, 79 et seq. Brasseur de Bourbourg is of opinion that only certain of the chiefs were captured after having fled, and that they were hanged. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 660. I give the narrative as derived from the evidence in Alvarado's trial.

[XXVI-19] The present town of Pasaco, called Pacoco by Oviedo, iii. 483, and Pazùco by Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x., and Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232.

[XXVI-20] These were placed slantwise, and projected two or three fingers' width above the surface. They were smeared with so noxious a poison that if but a drop of blood were drawn the wounded man died insane, on the second, third, or seventh day, suffering intense thirst. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Native Races, ii. 744.

[XXVI-21] Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x. On a previous occasion they had met with this indication of hostility, but in this instance they seem to have had an opportunity of witnessing the ceremony. Alvarado, Relacion, i. 163.

[XXVI-22] 'I seguimos el alcance todo lo que se pudo seguir.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 163. Juarros states that this victory did not decide the conquest of the district; some towns submitted, but others retained their liberty. Among those which sought for peace was the large town of Tejutla, four leagues from Guazacapan, which was taken possession of as an arsenal. After the conquest it gradually lost its ancient importance, and was abandoned about the middle of the seventeenth century.

[XXVI-23] Near Bay of Sonsonate. See maps of Colon, 1527, and Ribero, 1529, having at or near this point r. Ciego; also Kiepert's Map of Central America, 1858. R. Paza forms the boundary between Salvador and Guatemala. Paza is evidently an abbreviation of the native name Pazaco, and Paz a Spanish corruption of Paza.

[XXVI-24] Alvarado calls it Mopicalco; Herrera and Gomara, Mopicalãco. Brasseur de Bourbourg remarks that it seems to correspond with the present village of Nahuizalco, not far from Sonsonate, in Salvador. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 661.

[XXVI-25] Mentioned by the conqueror as Acaxual, 'donde bate la Mar del Sur en èl.' Relacion, i. 163. Gomara calls it Acaiucatl; Herrera, Cayacatl; and Oviedo Acarval, while Ixtlilxochitl gives it the name of Acayncatl. Its modern appellation is Acajutla. Juarros incorrectly states that Alvarado did not discover it before 1534. Guat., i. 254. Fernando Colon, 1527, and Diego de Ribero, 1529, write las matas. Mercator's atlas, 1574, town and bay Acaxutla; Ogilby, 1671, P^to d' Acaxutla; Laet, 1633, P^o de Acaxutla; West-Indische Spieghel, 1624, Caxulta; Jefferys, 1776, Sonsonate or Trinidad City, Rio S^t. Jago, and the southern point Izalcos, southern cape P^t. de los Remedios, northern cape P^t. Dacaxutla, on the coast near the latter point Guacapa, and in the interior Chiquimula. A little north river and city las Esclavos; Kiepert, 1858, B. de Sonsonate, also a like named city on the R. S^t. Jago. On the coast, Acajutla city, and eastward, P. de los Remedios, Puerto Libertad, and P^t. de la Concordia. The coast is called Cuesta del Balsamo.

[XXVI-26] 'Parecian bien con los sacos como eran blancos, y de colores, con muy buenos penachos q̃ lleuauan en las cabeças.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232.

[XXVI-27] It is on this occasion that Alvarado gives the number of his forces. Ixtlilxochitl says there were not more than 7000 Mexicans and Tezcucans ... and Alvarado had not more than 250 Spanish foot and 100 horse, and some few thousand Quauhtemaltecs. Horribles Crueldades, 69.

[XXVI-28] Gomara states that Alvarado dared not attack them, because they were so strong and well drawn up, but that the Indians charged the Spanish army as it was moving by. Hist. Mex., 232. Ixtlilxochitl's account is similar to that of Gomara: 'Pasaron por un lado del ejército de los enemigos; y como los vieron á la otra parte, envistieron con ellos.' Horribles Crueldades, 69-70.

[XXVI-29] Brasseur de Bourbourg, misled by Ternaux's translation from Ramusio of Alvarado's letter, says: 'Sans que l'inégalité du terrain permît aux Espagnols de leur opposer beaucoup de résistance.' Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 662. See also Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164, and Alvarado, Lettres, in Ternaux-Compans, série i. tom. x.

[XXVI-30] For armor they wore a sack, with sleeves reaching down to the feet, of hard twisted cotton, three fingers in thickness. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232; Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164; Native Races, ii. 742.

[XXVI-31] He had been pierced through the thigh with an arrow, which was shot with such force as to penetrate the saddle. His leg was shortened in consequence to the extent of four fingers' width, and he remained lame for life. Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164. Remesal erroneously states that Alvarado received this wound in Soconusco. Hist. Chyapa, 7.

[XXVI-32] This is Alvarado's own statement: 'I fue tan grande el destroço, que en ellos hicimos, que en poco tiempo no havia ninguno de todos los que salieron vivos;' and lower, 'I en caiendo la Gente de pie, los mataba todos.' Relacion, i. 164. Gomara says, 'Y casi no dexaron ninguno dellos viuo.' Hist. Mex., 232.

[XXVI-33] Tacusocalco. Oviedo, iii. 484.

[XXVI-34] The three brothers who accompanied Alvarado from Mexico are now brought more into notice. There are three other Alvarados mentioned by Fuentes in his list of conquerors, but their names do not correspond to those of the other brothers of the lieutenant-general. Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 25-7; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 14.

[XXVI-35] 'Que verla de lejos era para espantar, porque tenian todos los mas lanças de treinta palmos, todas en Arboledas.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164. Herrera adds that the spears were poisoned: 'Las lanças eran mayores, con yerua.' dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.

[XXVI-36] 'Peleò despues con otro exercito mayor, y mas peligroso.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.

[XXVI-37] Called by Alvarado, Miaguaclan; by Herrera, Mautlan; by Ixtlilxochitl and Gomara, Mahuatlan.

[XXVI-38] Atehuan, Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164; Lechuan, Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.; Atlechuan, Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232; Athehuan, Oviedo, iii. 484.

[XXVI-39] 'Yo los recibí pensando que no me mentirian como los otros.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164. Oviedo, on the contrary, says, 'Pensando que mentirian, como los otros.' i. 485.

[XXVI-40] 'Los mas de los pueblos fueron quemados e destruidos.' Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 26 et seq.

[XXVI-41] Written Cuitlachan by Gomara and Ixtlilxochitl. Cuzcatlan, meaning Land of Jewels, Juarros, Guat., i. 23, was the ancient name of the province, as well as the city represented by the modern San Salvador. Native Races, v. xii. In Ogilby's America, 1671, is written town S. Salvador, and south of it a town La Trinidad; Laet, 1633, S. Saluador, and on the opposite side of the river La Trinidad, and in the interior to the north a city Gratias a Dios; Jeffreys, 1776, San Salvador or Cuzcatlan, west Nexapa Guaymoco, east Chontales, north Istepec; Kiepert, 1858, San Salvador, state, town and volcano.

[XXVI-42] The Spaniards entertained some suspicions of treachery. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the prince and all his suite were seized and kept prisoners. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 664. The testimony of Alvarado's letter tends on the contrary to prove that they escaped from the town with the rest of the population: 'I mientras nos aposentamos, no quedò Hombre de ellos en el Pueblo, que todos se fueron à las Sierras. E como vi esto, Yo embiè mis Mensageros à los Señores de alli à decirles, que no fuesen malos.' Relacion, i. 164. Compare, however, Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 9 et seq.

[XXVI-43] Alvarado, Relacion, i. 164-5; Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 58-9 et seq. Brasseur de Bourbourg, regardless of all Spanish evidence, boldly assumes that the king 'ainsi que tous les seigneurs de sa cour' were in fact put to death, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 666-7, when in reality they were fugitives in the mountains and merely condemned. It is absurd to suppose that in the Cuzcatlan charge, No. xxvi., referred to above, Alvarado's accusers would have failed to bring against him the deaths of the king and chiefs.

[XXVI-44] The branding of slaves at Cuzcatlan was one of the charges brought against Alvarado at his trial. The Spaniards appear to have seized upon a number of the natives when they first entered the town. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 9-59, passim. Las Casas uses these words: 'Stigma enim Regium, iis, qui non evaserunt, inustum est. Ego etiam præcipuo totius civitatis viri filio vidi imprimi.' Regio. Ind. Devastat., 38.

[XXVI-45] 'Huuo poco despojo.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x. 'Poco oro y riquezas hallaron en este viage.' Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades, 70.

[XXVI-46] 'I supe de los Naturales como esta Tierra no tiene cabo.' Alvarado, Relacion, i. 165.

[XXVI-47] 'Padecieron hartos trabajos, hambre y calamidades los nuestros, y los españoles.' Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades, 70; also Gomara, Hist. Mex., 232.

[XXVII-1] Alvarado's report of the campaign bears this date, and as he mentions in it that on his return he founded the 'Ciudad del Señor Santiago,' he must have arrived at least several days previous to the above date. Brasseur de Bourbourg, after pointing out a misconception of Fuentes, exhibits some confusion in his own mind as to dates and time. Hist. Nat. Civ., 667.

[XXVII-2] Vazquez observes, 'Llegó â Vulvusya que oy llaman Almolonga; y auiendo en la falda de su bolcan assentado el Real a los 25 de Jullio de 1524, diò su primer ser a la Ciudad de Guatemala, con Nõbre de Villa que le duró muy pocos dias.' Chronica de Gvat., 7. Remesal also states that the city was founded on the slopes of the Volcan de Agua, at a place called Panchoy, which signifies Great Lagoon, the valley there being surrounded by mountains. The material of which the first houses were built consisted, he says, of forked posts for the corner pillars, of canes and mud for the walls, while the roofs were thatched with dry grass. By the aid of the Mexicans they were rapidly thrown up. A sufficient number for the accommodation of all the army being completed, they waited for the day of the Apostle Santiago, in order to found the city on that day and dedicate it to their patron saint. It fell on Monday, the 25th of July, when the founding was consummated. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 4. I have elsewhere shown that Patinamit was the city which Alvarado called Guatemala. Now there is positive evidence from his own despatch that he founded the city of Santiago at or upon that same city of Guatemala. 'Antes acorde me bolver à esta Ciudad de Guatemala, ... asi que Yo soi venido à esta Ciudad ... hice, i edifiquè, en nombre de su Magestad, vna Ciudad de Españoles, que se dice la Ciudad del Señor Santiago,' he writes. The use of the expression 'esta Ciudad de Guatemala' in other portions of the despatch proves that it was written at the capital of the Cakchiquel king, while at the conclusion it is dated thus: 'De esta ciudad de Santiago, à veinte i ocho de Julio de mil i quinientos i veinte i quatro Años.' Thus it is clear that the city of Guatemala and the city of Santiago were one, and that Alvarado appropriated to himself Sinacam's capital. Alvarado, Relacion, i. 161-2, 165-6. It may be here stated that in direct opposition to Alvarado's application of the term ciudad to the new settlement, both Vazquez and Remesal assert that it was a villa, the latter adding that it retained this title eighteen days, and was erected into a city on the 12th of August. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 4, 6. Pelaez says the city was called 'Ciudad de Santiago de los caballeros,' but not till November 22, 1527. Vazquez affirms, Chronica de Gvat., 11, that it was so called on the 29th of July, 1524, while Remesal gives August 12th of the same year. Pelaez, in his introduction to vol. i., states that Guatemala took its name from the expression of Guhatezmalhá, that is to say 'the hill which throws out water.' From the acts of the cabildo we know that it was called a city on the 29th of July, 1524. Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 8.

[XXVII-3] Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 25; Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 7; Zabarrieta, according to Remesal.

[XXVII-4] This right to appoint alcaldes and regidores was maintained and exercised by Alvarado whenever he was present, as is proved by the cabildos of 1525 and 1526. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 4. Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 11-18.

[XXVII-5] The cabildo, as an assumption of its official prerogatives, entered into session the same day, and arranged legal prices for provisions. Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 4. On July 27th we find that an act was passed regulating the blacksmith's rates. Two dollars was to be his charge for making 100 nails, the iron being furnished to him. The charge for shoeing a horse one gold dollar, and the same for bleeding. It is curious to observe that the price of horseshoes in Alvarado's army in April, 1524, was $190 a dozen, at which rate they were bought and sold in his camp. Alvarado, Relacion, i. 160. Remesal says that operatives, knowing the necessity of their services, charged what they liked. The tailor charged a real a stitch, and shoemakers worked only at such high wages that while soling other people's shoes with leather they might have used silver for their own; and the blacksmith could have made his tools of gold had he wished. On the 12th of December, 1524, the cabildo deemed it necessary to establish fixed rates for labor of all kinds. The measures adopted were punctually carried out by those in power. The regulations were modified as time required, and every two years, at most, new rates were adapted to the condition of affairs, with which even the lords of estates were compelled to comply. The artisans, however, still contrived to cause the other colonists much inconvenience by refusing all payment for work except in gold coin, the tailor otherwise retaining his customer's clothes, even on a feast-day, and the shoemaker his shoes. This state of things lasted till 1529, when the corporation on the 19th of February made the aboriginal currency of the country, cacao, feathers, and clothing, legal tender. Hist. Chyapa, 6; Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 8-67, passim. Another of the first acts of this new corporation was the appointment of a town-crier, his salary being fixed at $100 a year. Id., 7-8. With regard to this office of crier, Remesal states that it had to be accepted by the person selected to fill it under pain of death. Hist. Chyapa, 4. On the present occasion the person chosen was Diego Diaz, who strongly objected to the calling, but was compelled to accept. Remesal, with his death penalty, goes beyond the act of the corporation, which says 'so pena de cient azotes.' Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 8. As an instance of the dearness of provisions, we find an act passed on the 6th of May, 1525, limiting the price of eggs to one gold real apiece. Id., 12, 14.

[XXVII-6] Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 8. But Remesal, who is continually at variance with the best authorities, says on the 29th of July.

[XXVII-7] Vazquez says there were enrolled as settlers at the founding less than 200 Spaniards, for, though very few had fallen in battle, detachments had been left at Quezaltenango and Patinamit. With regard to this latter place it must be borne in mind that Vazquez believed the city to have been founded on the Volcan de Agua. Chronica de Gvat., 10-11; see also Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 8-19.

[XXVII-8] 'Cortes ... confirmo los repartimientos, y ayudo a pedir aquella gouernacion.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 233; see also Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. x.

[XXVII-9] It will be seen in the narrative that the Spaniards were soon obliged to abandon Patinamit and locate elsewhere, and that the city of Santiago had no permanent site until its establishment in Panchoy in 1527.

[XXVII-10] 'Pedro de Alvarado les mando que dentro de cierto termino le diesen mill hojas de oro de a quinze pesos cada hoja.' Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 59. Brasseur de Bourbourg states that the king and royal family were commanded to bring vases filled with the precious metals, and to deliver up even their crowns and personal ornaments. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 673.

[XXVII-11] The Indians appear to have brought in pyrites not unfrequently. Las Casas, speaking of the Cuzcatecs, says: 'Indiani igitur magnum hastarum ex orichalcho inaurato, numerum, quæ aureæ esse videbantur ... congregarunt. Capitaneus eas Lydio lapide probari jussit, cumque orichalcum esse cerneret,' etc. Regio. Ind. Devastat., 38. 'Alvarado no tomava syno oro fino e lo rescebia por el toque.' Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 59.

[XXVII-12] See Bancroft's Native Races, ii. 732.

[XXVII-13] Brasseur de Bourbourg gives August 27, 1524, as the date of this abandonment of Patinamit by the Cakchiquels. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 676. This date would be about two months earlier than that assigned to the event in Alvarado's evidence for defence, where it is shown to have occurred six or seven months after his seizure of Queen Suchil. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 100, 146-7, passim.

[XXVII-14] The high price of food during this war is evident from an act of the cabildo, passed May 6, 1525, limiting the charge for a hog weighing 120 pounds to twenty pesos de oro, equivalent to nearly $300 of our day; while eggs were one real de oro each, that is over $1.50. Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 13-14.

[XXVII-15] Las Casas tells a frightful story of reprisal, wherein the Spaniards drove all their captives, man, woman, or child, into these staked pits. Regio. Ind. Devastat., 36.

[XXVII-16] Brasseur de Bourbourg imagines this place to have been situated in the Zutugil territory. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 678.

[XXVII-17] Brasseur de Bourbourg takes the view that both the later Zacatepec war and the capture of Mixco occurred during the suppression of the Cakchiquel revolt. But he seems to me somewhat inconsistent. He makes the subjugation of the Cakchiquels last 'pendant plusieurs mois' after Alvarado's return to Patinamit, and yet a little later he points out that during the first months of the year 1525 Salvador was reconquered and a Spanish town founded there. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 680-1. It is scarcely to be supposed that a second campaign into Salvador could have been undertaken while the Cakchiquel war was going on. Moreover, according to his interpretation of the Cakchiquel manuscript, the town of Zumpango was one of many which submitted to the Spaniards after the destruction of Mixco; and, as will be seen later, the reduction of Zacatepec was owing to the hostile incursions from that district against Zumpango while Alvarado was absent on a campaign. The Cakchiquel manuscript is the production of Francisco Ernandez Arana Xahila, and contains a brief history of the Cakchiquel nation from the earliest times. The author was the grandson of King Hunyg of the Ahpotzotzil line, and it is written in his hand down to the year 1562, from which time it is continued somewhat further by Francisco Gebuta Queh, of the same family. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Bib. Mex. Guat., 13, says that it was translated into French in 1856 at Rabinal in Guatemala.

[XXVII-18] This city had been founded by the Pocoman Indians, during their early wars with the Quichés and the Cakchiquels, the site selected being on account of its natural strength. Native Races, i. 787; Juarros, Guat., ii. 245. It was situated in the valley of Xilotepec, on a ridge between the Pixcayatl and the Rio Grande de Motagua, the former river being a tributary of the latter, and meaning 'guardian stream.' Juarros, Guat., ii. 350; Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 680.

[XXVII-19] Juarros states that two defenders, by rolling stones down the steep path from the heights above, could prevent an army from entering. Guat., ii. 284.

[XXVII-20] Fuentes says 30 cavalry, serving on foot, and 200 Tlascaltecs. Recordacion Florida, MS., 14-5.

[XXVII-21] Macario, Xecul MS., 7; Juarros, Guat., ii. 285.

[XXVII-22] In this engagement, for the Indians were pursued after Aguilar's rescue, more than 200 Chignautecs fell, says Juarros. On the side of the Spaniards many Tlascaltecs were slain, among whom were two illustrious chiefs, Juan Xuchiatl and Gerónimo Carrillo—the Spanish name of this Indian chief—while of the Spaniards themselves a considerable proportion received severe wounds. Guat., ii. 285. Besides Aguilar and the three captains, whose names are given in the text, Fuentes mentions also Gutierre de Robles and Pedro de Olmos as having greatly signalized themselves in this action. Recordacion Florida, MS., 16.

[XXVII-23] Fuentes, who wrote between 1690 and 1700, gives a partial description of a cavern, the entrance to which was on a small ridge by the side of the ruins of Mixco. The door-way was of clay, three feet wide and three high. Thirty-six stone steps led down to a spacious chamber, having at its end another flight of stairs, down which no one had passed far, for the reason that the ground began to tremble as the explorer proceeded. Eighteen steps had, however, been descended, and an arched opening on the right side discovered, leading by six steps into a long cavern. No further explorations had been made. Ubi sup., cap. ii.; Juarros, Guat., ii. 350-1 Native Races, iv. 119-20.

[XXVII-24] The distance of the outlet from the camp must have been considerable, as Fuentes states that a day was allowed for the arrival of Loarca's force at the cave. Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 17.

[XXVII-25] The account given by Fuentes is somewhat confused. From his version on page 17 the reader is led to suppose that Loarca's party were to ascend by the cavernous passage, and in the order given in the text, while on page 19 he states that those who fled by the cave were attacked by the party 'stationed in ambush.'

[XXVII-26] Fuentes says that Lopez de Villanueva and two others quickly took his place.

[XXVII-27] Tezump, Quiché MS., 7; Juarros, Guat., ii. 284-8; Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 14-9.

[XXVII-28] The Mixco of to-day is distant from the present city of Guatemala about two leagues, and nine or ten leagues from the ruins of the Mixco destroyed by Alvarado. Its destruction was followed by the submission of various towns, among which, according to the Cakchiquel MS., were Xilotepec, Yampuk, Papuluka, and Zumpango.

[XXVII-29] Cakchiquel MS., 5; Juarros, Guat., ii. 281; Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 12. Jimenez makes a marginal note in the manuscript of Fuentes, stating that 'this is false, because they had rebelled previous to the arrival of the Spaniards and made their capital at Yampuk.' Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 12-3.

[XXVII-30] Fuentes asserts that they were wont to celebrate their feasts, during which these victims were immolated, on hills in full view of the Indians who were friendly to the Spaniards, in order to provoke them.

[XXVII-31] Juarros assigns too early a date, January 1525, for the events which follow, but he appears to be quite unconscious of this first Cakchiquel revolt. Guat., ii. 281. Jimenez has made a marginal note in the manuscript of Fuentes as follows: 'This town,' meaning Xinaco, 'was founded some time afterward—therefore this is false.'

[XXVII-32] Fuentes states that the Spaniards at this time were engaged in the Atitlan war. Recordacion Florida, MS., 13. This is a mistake. Atitlan was subdued in 1524, and Alvarado, who gives a detailed account of the affair, would have mentioned this war with the Zacatepecs had it occurred at that time. Juarros says Alvarado was engaged in the Atitlan war or that of the Pipiles. Guat., ii. 282. This latter conjecture is doubtless right. There is evidence that Alvarado undertook his second campaign along the coast against Salvador during the early part of 1525, conquered the country, and founded the city of San Salvador. No records of the events remain, but from an act of the cabildo of Guatemala, dated the 6th of May, 1525, we learn that one Diego Holguin had previously left the city to 'reside in the villa de San Salvador, of which he was alcalde.' Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 13.

[XXVII-33] Fuentes, followed by Juarros, states that this was done by the advice of an aged Indian named Choboloc. He had observed that the Spaniards did not engage with all their forces at once, but always kept a body of men in reserve, and suggested to the chiefs of his nation the adoption of similar tactics.

[XXVII-34] Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 12-14; Juarros, Guat., ii. 281-3.

[XXVII-35] This ruler, says Gonzalo de Alvarado, displayed in his person the nobility of his blood and was about 40 years of age. Alvarado, Gonzalo de, Memoria, MS.; Juarros, Guat., ii. 319.

[XXVII-36] The Cakchiquels are said to have applied the word Mem to the Maya-speaking tribes. This word, meaning 'stutterers,' was corrupted by the Spaniards into Mames. They occupied that portion of the country which lay between the Quiché territory and Chiapas, now the province of Totonicapan. See Native Races, ii. 128, v., passim.

[XXVII-37] The Hondo, during the dry season, is but a small shallow stream. In the wet season, however, it becomes a deep and dangerous river, hence its name, El Rio Hondo, 'the deep river.'

[XXVII-38] Macario, Xecul MS., 16; Juarros, Guat., ii. 311. The town still exists.

[XXVII-39] Quiché MS., 10; Juarros, Guat., ii. 311-13. A city which remains to the present day under the same name.

[XXVII-40] Like Utatlan and Mixco, this city was situated on a plateau surrounded by ravines. The plateau was twelve miles in circumference, and on it are still to be seen the ruins of Zakuléu, known by the name of Las Cuevas, the caves, about half a league from Huehuetenango. They are only a confused heap of rubbish, overgrown with brushwood. Two pyramidal structures of stone and mortar can, however, be made out. Juarros calls the place Socoleo, which is the present name of a village and stream in the locality. Guat., ii. 313-14; Native Races, iv. 128-30.

[XXVII-41] The Spaniards lost in this engagement 40 Indians and three horses, while eight soldiers were severely wounded, among them Gonzalo de Alvarado. They collected from the bodies of the slain a great quantity of gold medals. Alvarado, Gonzalo de, Memoria, MS.; Juarros, Guat. ii. 315-16.

[XXVII-42] The present Socoleo, a tributary of the river Selegua.

[XXVII-43] This guard consisted of 400 Indians and ten picked Spaniards, under command of Antonio de Salazar. Juarros, Guat., ii. 317.

[XXVII-44] During the battle, which was fought in full view of Zakuléu, the Mames attempted a sally in support of the mountaineers but were repelled by Salazar. Juarros, Guat., ii. 317.

[XXVII-45] Juarros adds that Gonzalo did not adopt this plan at first for the reason that he wanted to avail himself of his cavalry in the assault. Guat., ii. 318.

[XXVII-46] Alvarado, Gonzalo de, Memoria, MS.; Juarros, Guat., ii. 319. Gonzalo de Alvarado affirms that 1800 Mames perished in the defence of Zakuléu. Id.

[XXVII-47] Juarros states that a stone slab formed the door of the fort, and that this was broken up.

[XXVII-48] The authorities that have been consulted for the history of the conquest of Guatemala are the following: Cortés, Cartas [ed. Paris, 1866], 289-90, 304-5, containing information down to the departure of Alvarado for Guatemala; Alvarado, Relacion, in Barcia, Hist. Prim., 157-66, and in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i., tom. x., 107-50, taken as bases of that portion of the history which includes the entrance into Guatemala territory and succeeding events down to the founding of the city of Santiago; Oviedo, iii. 448, 459-60, 475-87, wherein Cortés and Alvarado are closely followed; Peter Martyr, dec. viii. cap. v., relating mainly to the narrative of the messengers sent to Guatemala, merely mentioning Alvarado's departure; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 229-33; Id., Hist. Ind., 266-8, which affords but little additional information to that supplied by Oviedo; Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 100-5, 181-2; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 77, 174-6; Las Casas, Regio. Ind. Devastat., 35-40, and Ixtlilxochitl, Horribles Crueldades, 66-71. The former of these two last authorities is exceptionally severe against Alvarado, and enumerates numbers of atrocities committed by him and his followers, while the latter prominently brings forward the services of the Mexican auxiliaries, and mentions the excessive hardships and cruelties they suffered. Id., Relaciones, 431-3. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. v. cap. viii.-xi., occasionally differs from Alvarado's statements, but is generally reliable. See also Lorenzana, Viage, in Cortés, Hist. N. España, 335-6, 369-70; Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., viii. 17; Arévalo, Actas Ayunt. Guat., 7-15; Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, passim—which work throws much light upon the doings of the conqueror, though contradictory evidence renders it ofttimes difficult to decide on the merits of a charge; Ramusio, Viaggi, iii. 296-8; Atitlan, Requête de plusieurs chefs, in Ternaux-Compans, série i., tom. x., 415-25; Suchimilco, Carta de sus caciques, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xii., 293-4; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 2-7, an author unreliable so far as the conquest of Guatemala goes when not supported by other authorities; Galvano's Discov., 156-7; Voyages, Selection of Curious, Rare, and Early, 31; Fuentes y Guzman, Recordacion Florida, MS., 1-4, 12-19, 25-7, has many errors and is far from reliable; Vazquez, Chronica de Gvat., 1-17, 68, 522-6; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 139; Juarros, Guat., i. 60, 64, 66-7, 79, 253; ii. 240-60, 277-88, 309-20; Id. [ed. London, 1823], 10, 29-30, 124-6, 234-6, 378-404, 419-32, 456-69; Pelaez, Mem. Guat., i. 44-7, 64-5, compiled from various authors, and is inaccurate. Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 612-719; Prescott's Mex., iii. 273-4; Help's Span. Conq., iii. 242-74; Calle, Mem. y Not., 113-5; Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 124-33; Niebla, Mem. de Zapotitlan, MS., 7-8; Larrainzar, Hist. Soconusco, 1-14, 17-8; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., iv. 167-74, 182; Squier's MSS., xvi.; Squier's States Cent. Am., 323-30; Ogilby's Am., 236; Dunn's Guat., 261-4; Laet, Nov. Orb., 317-46; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 9; Larenaudière, Mex. and Guat. [ed. Paris, 1843], 135, 277-85. Minor authorities also consulted are Russell's Hist. Am., i. 389-91; Robert's Narr. Voy., xxi.; Montanus, De Nieuwe Weereld, 273; Crowe's Cent. Am., 28-114; Conder's Mex. and Guat., ii. 178, 183-9, 199, 297; Drie Verscheyde Togten, 18-19, 25-34; Haefkens, Cent. Am., 5-19; Holmes' Annals Am., i. 54; North Am. Rev., xxvi. 132-4; Wagner, Costa Rica, 518-22; Lardner's Hist. Discov., ii. 61; Salvador, Diar. Ofic., April, 1876; Santos, Chronologia Hospitalaria, ii. 478; Findlay's Directory, i. 222; Modern Traveller, Mex. and Guat., ii. 178-90; Gac. Nic., June, 1865, 217; Garcia, Reseña Geog., 6-7; Bussière, L'Empire Hex., 336-7; Montúfar, Mem. Hist. Rev., pp. viii.-x.; Pineda, Descripcion Geog., 10; Gordon's Anc. Mex., ii. 244; Kerr's Col. Voy., 221-34; Vocabulario Geog., in Cartas de Indias, 674.