[XXVI‑4] Voy. round the World, passim. Neither word was used at the time Drake was making raids on the Isthmus.

[XXVI‑5] 'The word flibustier is merely the French mariner's mode of pronouncing the English word freebooter, a name which long preceded that of buccaneer.' Burney's Hist. Bucc., 43. Some authorities derive the term from the Dutch word fluyts, that is to say fly-boats; but, as Burney remarks, it would not readily occur to any one to purchase such craft for corsairs. It is curious to note that the French translator of Esquemelin still adhered to the mispronunciation of the word, '& prirent le nom de Flibustiers, du mot Anglois Flibuster.' Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., i. 20.

[XXVI‑6] Russell's Hist. Amer., i. 528. This author gives a sketch of the origin of the buccaneers and their customs, showing considerable research, and is endorsed in most material points by Burney's Hist. Bucc., 38 et seq. Both authors draw largely from Du Tertre, Hist. des Antilles, and the former from Raynal, Histoire Philosophique.

[XXVI‑7] While his comrades divided the booty, he gloated over the mangled bodies of the objects of his hate. Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier's Lives, 179-80; Burney's Hist. Bucc., 55.

[XXVI‑8] In the English translation of Exquemelin is the following interpolation: 'Tortuga, the common Refuge of all sort of Wickedness, and the Seminary, as it were, of Pirats and Thieves.' Bucaniers of Amer., i. 53.

[XXVI‑9] 'Siende dat 'er oock geen quartier voor hem over was, alsoo hy 't niet ontloopen konde, door dien hy alreede gequetst was, bemorste hy hem met bloedt, en kroop onder de dooden die daer lagen.' Exquemelin, Americaensche Zee-Roovers, 48.

[XXVI‑10] Or Sars River. Rio de Jagua, a river emptying into the gulf of Honduras. I. de Laet, 1633, R. Xagua; West-Ind. Spieghel places on the north coast of Yucatan, Xagua. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 308.

[XXVI‑11] 'L'Olonois y perdit environ trente hommes, et en eut bien vingt de blessés.' Exquemelin (or Oexmelin, as in the French version the author is styled), Hist. des Flib., i. 207. The pirates would not encumber themselves with the indigo: 'L'Olonois ... en auroit en pour plus de 40,000 écus; mais il ne cherchoit que de l'argent.' Id., 208.

[XXVI‑12] The French translator says: 'Leur canon étoit en batterie au nombre de cinquante-six pieces.' Id., 219. The original work of Esquemelin gives the same number as that in the text. De Americaensche Zee-Roovers, 70.

[XXVI‑13] This band proceeded along the coast to the town of Veragua which they captured and pillaged. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., i. 223.

[XXVI‑14] The French version, contrary to Exquemelin's narrative, says that all the men left, the greater number in the long-boat and the remainder in canoes. Id., i. 228.

[XXVI‑15] Exquemelin, Americaensche Zee-Roovers, 1678, 73, thus describes the death of L'Olonnois: 'Maer het scheen dat Godt niet langer de godtloosheden van desen mensch konde toelaten, maer hem door een wreede doodt straffen wilde voor alle de wreedtheden, die hy aen soo veel onnoosele menschen hadde gepleeght; want in de Golfe van Darien Komende, is hy met sijn volck vervallen in de handen der Wilden, by de Spanjaerden Indios Bravos genaemt. Sy hebben hem aen stucken gekapt en gebraeden, naer het verhael van een sijner meedemackers, die het selve soude geleeden hebben, hadde hy sijn leven niet met de vlucht gesalveert.' His English translator says: 'The Indians ... tore him in pieces alive, throwing his Body limb by limb into the Fire, and his Ashes into the Air, that no trace or memory might remain of such an infamous inhuman Creature.' Bucaniers of America, i. 77. The French edition adds that L'Olonnois was eaten by the Indians. Exquemelin, Hist. des Flib., i. 230.

[XXVI‑16] Exquemelin, Bucaniers of Amer., i. 79. According to French translator of Exquemelin, Mansvelt had 600 men. Hist. des Flib., ii. 3.

[XXVI‑17] This island was used as a penal settlement by the Spaniards who employed the convicts on the works of the fortifications. Here Mansvelt expected to find some one familiar with the road to Natá. Id., 4-5.

[XXVI‑18] Or Moin, where they landed 1,200 men in the year 1666. Juarros, Guat. (London, ed. 1823), 344. According to Exquemelin they sailed along the coast as far as the river Zuere. Hist. des Flib., ii. 7. According to Haya, Informe, 11, the corsair Manflas landed 800 men. Consult Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., i. 142.

[XXVI‑19] In Haya, Informe, MS., 11, is found the following strange statement: The maestro de campo, Juan Lopez de la Flor, the governor, sent Major Alonso de Bonilla with eight men, for there were neither arms nor provisions for a greater number, who caused the corsairs to retire from the province.

[XXVI‑20] About ten leagues distant from Cartago.

[XXVI‑21] Juarros, Guat. (London, ed. 1823), 344-5. Bonilla took two men who were foot-sore. When asked the reason of their precipitate flight from so small a number, they stated that they had seen a numerous army marching against them. Haya, Informe, MS., 11-12.

[XXVI‑22] According to Juarros the prisoners made this confession under torture. Haya does not mention this.

[XXVI‑23] 'Ujarraz, pueblo en otro tiempo considerable, pero en el dia mui desdichado.' Juarros, Guat., i. 58-9. It is two leagues distant from Cartago. Id.

[XXVI‑24] According to an account of this recapture of Santa Catarina by a Spanish engineer, it occurred in August 1665. A translation of the Spanish version of the affair is to be found in Exquemelin, De Americaensche Zee-Roovers, 76-80, and in the English translation of the latter work in Bucaniers of America, i. 82-5. In the French edition of Exquemelin the Spanish narrative is thus dismissed: 'J'aurois pu la traduire, & en gaossir ce Volume, mais comme elle n'est remplie que de bagatelles & de rodomontades Espagnoles, je ne m'en fuis pas donné la peine, ne voulant rien raconter ici que de véritable.' Hist. des Flib., ii. 10.

[XXVII‑1] Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 349-50.

[XXVII‑2] In 1604 Andrés Cortés was alcalde ordinario, Francisco Terii alguacil mayor, and Capt. Damian Mendez and others regidores. The names of the members for 1605 are also mentioned. Id., 228-32.

[XXVII‑3] 'A peculiar kind of wine very much in use at Seville,'says Salva, in Dic. Leng Cast., 54, 784; Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 228-30.

[XXVII‑4] The penalties were 50 pesos for the first offence; 100 for a second offence, and for the third perpetual banishment. The law was passed Sept. 23, 1605, and was approved by the audiencia. Id., 230-3. The evil increased, and in Dec. 1614 an act declared offenders punishable by fine of 50 pesos for the first offence, and 100 pesos and banishment for the second. Recop. de Indias, ii. 362.

[XXVII‑5] In West Indies, Geog. and Hist. Descr., the number of men aboard is stated at 300. In an appendix to Carranza, Descr. Coast W. Indias, 118, containing Parker's own account of the taking of Portobello, the latter mentions that he landed with 150 men, and it may be presumed that he left at least 50 in charge of his ships.

[XXVII‑6] In the appendix to Carranza just quoted Parker gives 'A Table made in the manner of an Alphabett. for the easier findinge of the Streates, and chiefest Places portraited in the Drafte of Portabell, beinge in the West-Indies, standing in tenne Degrees, which was taken by Captaine William Parker, of Plymouth, Gentleman, the seaventh Daye of Februarie 1601,' etc. In Panamá, Descrip., Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc. x., the year 1602 is given on p. 105, and 1601 on p. 108. The year 1601 is also given in Casttell's Am., in Churchill's Col. Voy., viii. 762. The town 'was pillaged by the English under Captain Parker, in the year 1601,' says Heylyn, Cosmog., 1086. The date of sailing from Plymouth, November 1601, is given in Harris' Col. Voy., i. 747; in West Indies, Geog. and Hist., 79; in Purchas' Pil., iv. 1243, and in Holmes' Annals Am., i. 117. The landing at Portobello is placed on the 7th of Feb. 1602. The author of West Indies, Geog. and Hist., 79-80, gives both dates, but in speaking generally of the expedition styles it of 1601, as on pp. 67, 78, and elsewhere.

[XXVII‑7] He was great-nephew of the Pedro Melendez who barbarously murdered Ribault, Landouiere, and others of the French who fell into his hands in Florida. West Indies, Geog. and Hist., 82-3.

[XXVII‑8] West Indies, Geog. and Hist., 82; Harris' Col. Voy., i. 747; Casttell's Am. in Churchill's Col. Voy., viii. 762.

[XXVII‑9] On hearing of the capture of Portobello, the governor of Cartagena is said to have sworn to give 'a Mules lading of Silver to have a fight of Captain Parker and his Company,' and as Harris remarks: 'Had they been sure he would have parted with what he had upon so easie terms as they at Porto Belo did, 'tis very likely they might have sold him that favour, but his strength being uncertain as well as his pay, they did not think fit to attempt him.' Col. Voy., i. 747.

[XXVII‑10] Deputies were to receive 400 ducats yearly. In 1608, the bonds of treasury officials were reduced from 20,000 ducats to one half that amount. In a decree of Sept. 11, 1610, the fiscal is directed to go to Portobello on the arrival of the galleons and tarry during the season; all other officials to perform their usual duties and make the requisite reports. Among other duties the fiscal was authorized to prevent improper persons landing. 'Estorbando que los cassados y pasajeros que fueron con licencia, y mulatas moriscas y estrangeras y otras personas prohibidas á pasar á estas partes, no lo hagan, executando en ellos y en los que los lleban, las penas que estan impuestas.' Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 311-12.

[XXVII‑11] 'When I came into the Haven,' says Thomas Gage who was at Portobello in 1537, 'I was sorry to see that as yet the Galeons were not come from Spain, knowing that the longer I stayed in that place, greater would be my charges.... A kind Gentleman, who was the King's Treasurer, falling in discourse with me, promised to help me, that I might be cheaply lodged even when the ships came, and lodgings were at the highest rate. He, interposing his authority, went with me to seek one, which at the time of the Fleets being there, might continue to be mine. It was no bigger than would contain a Bed, a Table, and a Stool or two, with room enough besides to open and shut the door, and they demanded of me for it, during the foresaid time of the Fleet, six-score Crowns, which commonly is a fortnight.... I knew a Merchant who gave a thousand Crowns for a shop of reasonable bigness, to sell his wares and commodities that year that I was there, for fifteen days only, which the Fleet continued to be in that Haven. I thought it much for me to give the six-score Crowns which were demanded of me for a room, which was but a Mouse-hole.' New Survey, 444-5.

[XXVII‑12] The length of anchorage ground is about 3,000 geometrical paces; the width from 1,500 to 1,800 paces, and the average depth 17 fathoms. Large ships ride at anchor opposite Castle Santiago, while frigates can move nearer the mole. There is room for 300 galleons and 1,000 smaller vessels within, while 2,000 ships may anchor with tolerable safety without the forts. Panamá, Descrip., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 118-19.

[XXVII‑13] Panamá contained in 1610, eleven streets, three squares, a cathedral, five convents, a hospital, seven royal houses, a casa de cabildo, two hermitages, court-house with jail, 332 houses covered with tiles, 40 small houses, 112 Indian huts, a meat market and slaughter-house. All but eight of the houses were made of stone. Panamá, Descrip., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 86. The statement that all but eight were of stone seems improbable. It is certain that they were nearly all of wood about the middle of the 16th century, and that most of them were of cedar when Panamá vieja was destroyed during Morgan's raid in 1671.

[XXVII‑14] It will be remembered that Cruces was the town at which treasure from Panamá was shipped in barges for the mouth of the Chagre. The casa de Cruces was established in 1536.

[XXVII‑15] In response to frequent addresses, the king, on the 14th of August 1610, directed Governor Mercedo by all means in his power to develop mining operations in Panamá and Veragua. 'Para que los que tienen quadrillas do negros las refuerzen y acrecienten, y los que no las tienen las procuran.' Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 211-12.

[XXVII‑16] The office of corredor de lonja was farmed out for 1,000 pesos, those of corredor devinos and auctioneer for 75 pesos each per annum. Panamá, Descrip., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 90. In fact the king prohibited monopolies in which he did not participate. On the 29th of March 1621, Felipe III. decreed that as flour must be brought from Peru, and the corregidores had a monopoly of the trade, the viceroys must abolish that system so that dealers might purchase without restriction for the Panamá market. Recop. de Ind., ii. 64.

[XXVII‑17] In 1605, appropriations include 6,000 ducats for the governor, 2,000 pesos each for four oidores and a fiscal, and 400,000 maravedís each for the tesorero, contador, and factor. Others were in proportion. See Panamá, Descrip., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 105-7.

[XXVII‑18] 'Por este camino se podrá poner freno á la entrada de los enemigos.' Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 214.

[XXVII‑19] 'Advirtiendo que todo este se a de hacer sin que dello se siga ninguna costa a mi hacienda.' Id., xvii. 213-14.

[XXVII‑20] Forced loans were frequently extorted by Felipe III., and merchants resorted to all sorts of devices to conceal their specie. Commerce suffered great depression, and on April 10, 1643, Felipe IV., in a letter to the governor, says that under no circumstances would any further exaction be made, but that he would be satisfied with the stipulated dues. Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 249-52.

[XXVII‑21] Id., xvii. 249-52. Alcedo, who is by no means reliable either as to names or dates, says that Don Rodrigo de Vivero y Velasco, a native of Lima, succeeded Don Diego de Orozco. He adds that during Velasco's administration the subjugation and spiritual conquest of the Guaimi Indians in Veragua was effected, and that his rule ended in 1624. Dic., iv. 41. Diego de Haya in his Datos para la Historia del Istmo makes no mention of either of the Velascos.

[XXVII‑22] In 1651 it was common to ship bullion from Peru as though destined for Panamá, and thence have it smuggled into Spain. This gave rise to several decrees. Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 194-5. Another device was to ship silver in bale goods. Dampier's Voy., i. 185. A common method of collusion between Spanish and English contrabandists was for an English vessel to coast off Portobello until visited from the shore by those prepared to trade. Having marked selections of goods the latter returned with their money when ready to purchase, often under the disguise of peasants. Univ. Col. Voy., ii. 373-4. The king on Sept. 23, 1652, says that frauds were committed in 1651, in deducting from the schedule of Callao, lots and parcels, under pretence that they were for residents of Panamá and Portobello; and that there was a dispensation to the merchants in 'el mero que hauian de hazer, supliendos por imaginaria en el registro los 600,000 pesos que se obligaron á mi Virrey del Peru.' He also demands a report of the reasons why 'no hicesteis enterar la suma que el Consulado, y comercio de Lima se obligo a suplir por ynmaxinaria, a lo efectibo del rexistro que salió de aquella ciudad.' Panamá, Real Cédula, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 194-5.

[XXVII‑23] Provincia del Sto Evangelio MS., No. 16. See also Torquemada, iii. 280; and Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., iv. 32.

[XXVII‑24] Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 58, states that he held office for 15 years, and Alcedo, Dic., iv. 34, repeats the statement; and yet both are evidently mistaken. Chroniclers of the seventeenth century leave the order of succession to the see of Panamá in doubt, though they are agreed as to the date of Ábrego's death. Dávila mentions the elevation of Fray Pablo de Torres as the seventh bishop probably in 1559, and that he certainly entered upon the duties in the following year. In this Alcedo concurs. Both speak of his successor Fray Juan Vaca, but without giving the date of the decease of the former or of the appointment of the later. Vaca died on the voyage out, and the vacant see was not filled until Ábrego's appointment.

[XXVII‑25] Alcedo says that his full name was Bartolomé Martinez Menacho. Previous to his appointment the bishopric had been offered to and declined by Fray Pedro de Pravia, a distinguished theologian. Dávila Padilla, Fvnd. Santiago de Mex., 595.

[XXVII‑26] According to Alcedo this occurred in 1593. Id.

[XXVII‑27] This see was created in 1602. Bishop Calderon died at Salinas when upwards of 100 years old and was buried in the convent of San Agustin of which he had been a great benefactor. Dávila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 58, 118.

[XXVII‑28] The sum of 3,770 pesos having been subscribed, the licentiate Terrin of Panamá offered to erect the buildings if a suitable site were provided, and expended for that purpose some 24,000 pesos. He further added an annual endowment of 2,000 pesos, reserving founder's rights (patronazgo) for himself. Panamá, Descrip., Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 107; Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 74.

[XXVII‑29] A cédula of July 1, 1580, stigmatizes this conduct as 'an abuse that must be stopped.' Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 488.

[XXVII‑30] While still a friar, Carabajal went to Spain and became prior of the royal convent of Valladolid, and during his attendance at court he was chosen assistant-general of all the provinces of Spain and the Indies, and reformador of the provinces of Bolonia and Romania by authority of Pope Clement VIII. Dicc. Univ., Hist. Geog., viii. 522. According to this authority he was a native of the city of Mexico, but Dávila, in Teatro Ecles., ii. 59, says he was a native of Cáceres in Estremadura.

[XXVII‑31] Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 237-9.

[XXVII‑32] At this time Panamá had convents belonging to the Dominicans, the Franciscans, the Mercenarios, and the Jesuits, a flourishing nunnery, and a number of secular ecclesiastics. Its cathedral tithes amounted to 7,632 pesos, of which the prelate received 2,331. In the first named convent there were 10, in the second 11 religious; while the Mercenarios had 13 and the Jesuits 11. The nunnery had 24 nuns and 32 negroes of both sexes. The cathedral had two chapels, Santa Anna and San Cristóbal. Panamá, Descrip., in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., ix. 108. Some years later, from 1625-27, Gage says there were 8 convents and monasteries for friars and nuns. Voyage, ii. 78-91.

[XXVII‑33] Instituted in Granada in 1538 for special service in hospital work. They followed the rules of San Agustin. In 1572 Pope Clement V. approved the order and thenceforward the fraternity labored in their specialty.

[XXVII‑34] Cámara founded scholarships in the college of San Agustin and left an annuity of three hundred pesos to the Jesuit college, a sum for the maintenance of two chaplains in the choir, and 4,000 pesos for the church building fund. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 59, and Alcedo, Dic., iv. 35.

[XXVII‑35] The former lived to an advanced age, dying in 1649. He was a great ascetic, and refused a bishopric. His funeral was attended by the audiencia and all the noble families of the province. Santos, Chron. Hist., i. 303.

[XXVII‑36] In 1636 they refused to deliver up the bodies of some persons who had died in the hospital, and prevented their interment in the chapel of La Concepcion. Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 243.

[XXVII‑37] On the 17th of January 1626 he was consecrated at Valladolid in the Dominican convent of San Pablo. Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., ii. 59-60; Alcedo, Dic., iv. 35-6.

[XXVII‑38] In a letter dated March 26, 1638, Felipe IV. approves of this measure. Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 241.

[XXVII‑39] 'Mandamos á los Presidentes y Oidores, y á todos los demas Ministros de nuestras Reales Audiencias, que ninguno de los susodichos, ni sus mujeres entren en la clausura de los Monasterios de Monjas á ninguna hora del dia, ni la noche: y asimismo, que no vayan á hablar por los locutorios, y puertas Reglares á horas extraordinarias, y esto se guarde con la precision necesaria y conveniente á la decencia de los Monasterios.' Recop. de Indias, i. 393.

[XXVII‑40] In 1624 Alvaro de Quiñones Osorio, marqués de Lorenzana and knight of the order of Santiago, was appointed governor, and in 1632 was promoted to the governorship of Guatemala. His successor was Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, who held office only two years, Alcedo, Dicc., iv. 41, and was succeeded by Sotomayor, who died in 1639, Inigo de la Mota Sarmiento, a knight of the order of Santiago and a member of the supreme council, being the next in succession. Sarmiento died in 1642. There are no incidents worthy of note connected with any of them except Sotomayor, and it is by no means certain that Alcedo is right as to date or order of succession, but there are no other authorities on this point. Bazan succeeded Sarmiento.

[XXVII‑41] The date of the fire was the 21st of February 1644. Two days later another one broke out but was speedily controlled. Both were looked upon as the work of incendiaries, but if so they escaped detection. Panamá, Reales Cédulas (published 14th of May 1645), in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 273.

[XXVII‑42] On May 13, 1645, the king says that in the face of royal orders Bazan had appointed Estévan Gallejos, his wife's nephew, warden of the castle of San Felipe, Portobello; and on the 5th of August 1647 that other relatives and dependents had been appointed to lucrative places. One nephew was alcalde mayor of Nasa; another, warden of the castle of Chagre; one servant was captain of the companies of the garrison, and another was factor. He was censured, and again commanded to obey, 'porque demas que bos se ara la demonstracion que conbenga, sereis castigado con toda seberidad.' Panamá, Reales Cédulas, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xvii. 275-81.

[XXVII‑43] Id., 269-71. Alcedo styles him Don Juan de Bitribeante y Navarra, knight of the order of Calatrava. Dic., iv. 42.

[XXVIII‑1] Captain Morgan said: 'If our number is small, our hearts are great; and the fewer Persons we are, the more Union and better shares we shall have in the Spoil.' Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 93.

[XXVIII‑2] Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 96.

[XXVIII‑3] Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 44, and Hist. Bucaniers, 98.

[XXVIII‑4] Burney's Buccaneers of America, 62, and Archenholtz' Hist. Pirates, 116, give the plunder at 250,000 pesos, besides slaves and merchandise, but Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 119, probably through a typographical error, at 25,000 pesos, apart from slaves and merchandise.

[XXVIII‑5] Six vessels with 350 men under the command of Vice-Admiral Collier, according to Sharp's Voyages, 124.

[XXVIII‑6] In Sharp's Voyages, 125-126, it is stated that the expedition was absent 52 days, and made prizes of two Spanish vessels, and that Morgan ascertained from the prisoners that the president of Panamá had granted commissions against the English to a number of Spanish privateers.

[XXVIII‑7] Two thousand two hundred. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 105. An intercepted despatch from the president of Panamá, translated in Sharp's Voyages, 145, gives the number of men at 3,000.

[XXVIII‑8] Twenty-four heavy guns and eight brass pieces. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 105.

[XXVIII‑9] Indorsed by the governor of Jamaica. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 110. But this statement is not confirmed in other places. The Hist. Bucaniers, 126, implies that Morgan had no right to grant such commissions. See also Sharp's Voyages, preface. The governor must have been aware of the treaty pending between England and Spain.

[XXVIII‑10] It was agreed that one hundredth part of all the booty should be set aside for the commander's portion; that each captain should draw, besides his own, the shares of 8, 10, or 12 men, according to the size of his vessel, and that the surgeon should receive 200 pesos, and each carpenter 100 pesos, in addition to their regular pay. For those who should be maimed in action compensation was thus provided: for the loss of both eyes, 2,000 pesos; of one eye, 100; of both arms, 1,800; of both legs, 1,500; of a single arm or leg, 500; and of a finger, 100 pesos; or an equivalent in slaves—on the basis of one slave for each one hundred pesos. He who should be the first to force his way into a Spanish castle, or to haul down the Spanish colors and plant the English standard on the walls, was to receive 50 pesos; he who should take a prisoner from whom serviceable news could be obtained, 100 pesos; he who should throw hand-grenades among the enemy, 5 pesos for each one thrown; and he who in action should capture an officer of rank, risking his life thereby, was to be rewarded according to the degree of his valor. All rewards and extra allowances were to be paid over before a general division should be made of the booty. I find nothing set aside for Christ or the church. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 108-110; Hist. Bucaniers, 126.

[XXVIII‑11] Exquemelin, Hist. Flibustiers, ii. 117, and Hist. Bucaniers, 129, 130.

[XXVIII‑12] Three ships and 470 men, according to Sharp's Voyages, 130.

[XXVIII‑13] The account given in Sharp's Voyages, 130, is that the buccaneers, in plying their hand-grenades, set fire to a guard-house that stood on the wall of the castle. This seems improbable, for they were separated from the fort by the crevasse, by the palisades beyond, and by the space between the palisades and the castle walls, which must have been beyond reach of such missiles.

[XXVIII‑14] In Sharp's Voyages, 133, it is stated that Morgan left only 300 men to guard the castle, and started for Panamá with 1,400 buccaneers, 7 small ships, and 36 boats. The intercepted despatch from the president of Panamá, translated in the same work, states (page 153) that Morgan reached Panamá with 2,300 men. In Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., i. 137, the number is given at 1,300.

[XXVIII‑15] Authorities differ materially in their accounts of this skirmish. Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 141, and Archenholtz, Hist. Pirates, 135, speaks of a flight of 3,000 or 4,000 arrows; but there is no evidence that a body of several thousand Indians was ever assembled at a given point, and if this were so it does not appear how they managed to shoot such a flight of arrows down a narrow ravine. The Hist. Flibustiers, i. 153, says the pass was cut through the rock, in order to shorten and render less difficult the route between Panamá and Chagre; in that case it could not have been of any great length. In Sharp's Voyages, 134, it is stated that none of the buccaneers were killed, and only three slightly wounded.

[XXVIII‑16] See intercepted letter from the president of Panamá translated in Sharp's Voyages, 151-52.

[XXVIII‑17] The old town of Panamá was destroyed by Morgan in January 1671. Exquemelin's Hist. Bucaniers, 148. In Sharp's Voyages, 142, January 1670 is given as the date.

[XXVIII‑18] Translation of the president's letter in Sharp's Voyages, 155. There is considerable discrepancy in the various accounts of the action before Panamá; but there is no evidence that Guzman acquitted himself in the least like a soldier. Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 160, and Hist. Buccaniers, 140, Sharp, Voyagers, 138 (in the author's own account of the battle), and Archenholtz, Hist. Pirates, 140, all agree that the cavalry bore the brunt of the fight, and not one of these authorities has a word to say in favor of the pusillanimous captain-general.

[XXVIII‑19] Here again authors differ essentially in their narrative. Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 147, states that the freebooters suffered severely from the Spanish artillery as they approached the city. Archenholtz, Hist. Pirates, 141, makes the same statement; but the Hist. Flib., ii. 164, says that they encountered no opposition; and this version is probably correct, for as remarked in Burney's Buccaneers of America, 67, Panamá had no regular fortifications, and in parts lay open, and was to be won or defended by plain lighting. Sharp, Voyages, 141, indorses the Hist. Flib.

[XXVIII‑20] It is difficult to decide, amidst a conflict of authorities, whether the burning of Panamá was due to the Spaniards or to Morgan's orders. In Exquemelin, Hist. Bucaniers, 148, it is implied that Morgan gave such an order secretly, and for private reasons. In Hist. Flib., ii. 169, it is positively stated that Morgan, fearing the Spaniards might surprise him by night, caused the city to be fired. In Archenholtz' Hist. Pirates, 143, the blame is also laid to Morgan's charge. On the other hand, in the president's despatch, translated in Sharp's Voyages, 156, it is admitted that the city was fired by slaves and by some of the inhabitants. It is acknowledged by all these writers that the freebooters attempted to stay the conflagration. There seems no good reason why Morgan, who had now at his disposal 28 pieces of artillery, should have feared an attack from the Spaniards, or why he should commit an act which destroyed his chance of receiving a ransom. In Robles, Documentos para la Historia de Méjico, série i. tom. ii. 117, it is mentioned that a letter from the president of Panamá, dated April 3, 1671, nearly six weeks after Morgan's departure, was received in Mexico in December of that year. The letter confirms the intercepted despatch in many particulars, and adds that when the city was burned the buccaneers 'found themselves without provisions and supplies, and on that account did not carry out their main intention, which was to pass to Portobello by land, besiege it with vessels by sea, and capture it by blockade, and that they brought with them in anticipation a boy whom they styled the prince, and intended to crown king of Tierra Firme.'

[XXVIII‑21] Exquemelin, Hist. Flib., ii. 171. The ingots of gold and silver were of course in transit for Spain, and had been placed on board the galleon for safe keeping.

[XXVIII‑22] In Hist. Bucaniers, 152, it is stated that he was then hung up by the private parts, and flogged in that position.

[XXVIII‑23] All the leading authorities agree that the prisoners were subjected to excruciating torture. The author of Sharp's Voyages makes an attempt to clear Morgan's character, and to throw ridicule on the story of these atrocities. The work was published in London in 1684, a few years after Morgan was knighted by Charles II. The writer collected his materials in part from inquiry among the buccaneers themselves, and may therefore be worthy of credence in some matters of detail; but the fact that 16 out of 20 pages of preface are taken up with a sorry effort 'to rescue the Honour of that incomparable Souldier and Seaman,' while the narrative of the raid on Panamá occupies but 20 out of 170 pages, seems to show the purpose for which it was written.

[XXVIII‑24] 'Quatre cent quarante-trois mille deux cens livres, comptant l'argent rompu à dix piastres la livre.' Exquemelin, in Hist. Flib., ii. 191. In pages 197-8 of the same volume there is an explanation of the manner in which Morgan contrived to secrete a large quantity of precious stones. The buccaneers may have believed that such an amount of plunder had been obtained, though its real value was probably less than one third of what they supposed it to be. In Sharp's Voyages, 143, the worth of the spoils is stated at £30,000, a sum almost insufficient to defray the expenses that Morgan must have incurred in obtaining his title from Charles II. There are no reliable data on this point.

[XXIX‑1] 'It is beautified with a great many fair Churches and Religious Houses.' Dampier's Voy., i. 178-9. So in Drake's Univ. Col. Voy., 63, and Coreal, Voy., i. 92.

[XXIX‑2] Under command of captains Harris and Sawkins. Ringrose's Voyage, 2.

[XXIX‑3] The foundation of the friendship between the natives of Darien and the buccaneers was laid by Captain Wright while cruising off the Samballas about 1665. In that year Wright made captive a lad who, in 1679, when the captain was again in those parts, convinced his people that Englishmen hated Spaniards, and would therefore prove useful allies. In proof of their friendly disposition toward the Indians, he instanced the kind treatment he had received. The natives then boarded the privateer; and being judiciously treated, an agreement was made permitting the English to cross this territory to the South Sea. Dampier's Voyage, i. 181-3.

[XXIX‑4] The buccaneers had just captured a packet conveying letters to Portobello, some of which were addressed to Panamá merchants from their correspondents in Spain. These letters alluded to a prophecy at that time current: 'That there would be English Privateers that Year in the West Indies, who would make such great Discoveries, as to open a Door into the South Seas.' This was interpreted by the captors to mean a passage overland through the territory of the Indians, and this interpretation coinciding with the invitation of the natives prompted them to undertake a march on Panamá. Dampier's Voyage, i. 180-1.

[XXIX‑5] Andrés was styled the 'emperor of Darien,' the magnate to whose service the freebooters now claimed to belong. These chieftains at one time ruled a large tract about the gulf of Darien; but had been straitened in their boundaries by the Spaniards, with whom they waged continual war. Sharp's Voyage, 2.

[XXIX‑6] 'Over a Bay.' Ringrose's Voy., 4. 'By the side of a bay.' Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 91. 'En doen over een Inham van byna een Mijl in de lengte.' Exquemelin, Hist. Boecaniers, 148.

[XXIX‑7] Ringrose speaks of this monarch with intense gravity, marred by no trace of irony. Probably this was the first crowned head with whom he had been on intimate terms.

[XXIX‑8] Ringrose calls the beast a 'Tygre,' Voy., 8; but it was more probably a jaguar, or a tiger-cat. It is true there may have been risk in using fire-arms, but why could not the Indians have killed it with their arrows?

[XXIX‑9] An anonymous authority states that the smaller party reached the rendezvous on April 12th, and seeing their friends had not arrived, held a whispered consultation among themselves. Andrés, on observing this, despatched a canoe up the smaller branch of the river, which soon returned with two canoes of the larger body, who all arrived next day. Sharp's Voy., 7-8.

[XXIX‑10] Sharp speaks of the peccary as the 'Warre,' and describes it as a wild animal somewhat resembling the hog in appearance and flavor, but 'the Navels of these kind of animals grew on their backs.' Sharp's Voy., 4, in Hacke, Coll. There is, however, no doubt that it was the peccary. Pascual de Andagoya mentions it, falling into the error common to old writers as regards the 'navel' on the back. Andagoya, Narr., 17. It is also noticed by Acosta, Hist. Ind., lib. iv. cap. xxxviii., and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ii. cap. iv. De Rochfort speaks of it under the name of 'Javaris.' Hist. Nat. des Isles Antilles, 138 (ed. 1665). In Costa Rica the animal is still vulgarly known as the 'warré,' though the name is not found in print, and I have therefore adopted phonetic English spelling, which agrees with that of Captain Sharp.

[XXIX‑11] Exquemelin thus relates the incident referred to: 'Hier vonden en verlosten we d'oudste Dogter van de Konink van Darien (van wien hier boven is gewag gemaakt), die zo 't scheen door een van de Soldaten van 't Guarnizoen met geweld uyt haar Vaders Huys was weg genomen; en zwanger by hem was.' Hist. Boecaniers, 153.

[XXIX‑12] The affair is not noticed by Sharp. It seems probable that desire for vengeance might induce the father and grandfather, Antonio and Andrés, to exaggerate the wealth of Santa María.

[XXIX‑13] This massacre is not mentioned by Sharp, but he places the Spanish loss at about 70 in killed and wounded, which would perhaps include those murdered by the Indians. Journal, 6; in Hacke's Coll.

[XXIX‑14] It is stated that disappointment of their booty rendered the rovers more blood-thirsty than usual, 'for though they were faintly opposed, and lost not a man, 26 Spaniards were killed, and 16 wounded in the assault, and many others were deliberately butchered in the woods, subsequent to the surrender by the Indians.' United Service Journal, 1837, pt. ii. 316.

[XXIX‑15] Ringrose's Voy., 11; Sharp, Journal, 7, in Hacke's Coll.; Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 96.

[XXIX‑16] The term piragua is here applied to a large canoe frequently carrying a mast and sails, and quite different from a common 'dug-out.' The buccaneers frequently called this boat a bark.

[XXIX‑17] 'It pleased God, that with extream danger even to those that rescued them, they were all saved. It being a certain truth that those who are born to be hang'd shall never be drown'd, it proving so with us, one of our Company being hang'd at Jamaica on Port Royal; And we were very near it here in London.' Sharp's Voyage, 11.

[XXIX‑18] Sharp says 14 days. Journal, 10, in Hacke's Coll.

[XXIX‑19] Bucaniers of Amer., ii.; Ringrose's Voy., 20-1. The last-named author gives the number of the crew as 137. Hacke, Col. Voy., ii. 10, and Sharp, Voyage, 12, say 130 men.

[XXIX‑20] See Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 98.

[XXIX‑21] Hacke's Col. Voy. Sharp reached Chepillo Island April 23d, but one authority states that the fleet and the bark parted company at this date.

[XXIX‑22] Bucaniers of Amer., ii.; Ringrose's Voy., 21-2. One man killed and five wounded according to Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 10.

[XXIX‑23] According to Bucaniers of Amer., ii.; Ringrose's Voy., 22, all the prisoners escaped except one. But Sharp's statement that his men reported to him 'that there were dead People lying on the Ground, which made them conjecture our Men had had a Fight with the Spaniards,' Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 12; Sharp's Voy., 12, disproves Ringrose's version, which glosses over this atrocity.

[XXIX‑24] The city of Panamá was usually garrisoned by 300 regular troops and 1,100 militia, but when the buccaneers arrived in the bay most of their soldiers were absent from the city, and the people were in the utmost consternation, having only some twelve hours' notice of the impending attack. The best of the soldiers remaining were placed on board the squadron, so it seems highly probable that if the pirates had landed instead of engaging the war-ships they might have gained possession of the place. Bucaniers of Amer., ii.; Ringrose's Voy., 28-9.

[XXIX‑25] Id., 25-6. Another account of this battle differs somewhat from the above: 'We boarded one of them, and carried her; so with her we took the second; and the third had certainly run the same fate, had not she scoured away in time.' Sharp's Voyage, 13-14.

[XXIX‑26] 'We had eleven Men Killed right out, and thirty-four more Wounded dangerously.' Id., 14. Sharp also gives the same numbers, Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 12. Ringrose says their loss was 18 killed and 22 wounded, two of the latter dying afterward, one of whom was 'Captain Peter Harris, a brave and stout soldier ... born in the County of Kent.' Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 27. Burney says '18 were killed, and above 30 wounded,' Hist. Bucc., 99; as also United Service Jour., 1837, pt. ii. 316.

[XXIX‑27] The ships captured in the action were also burned later.

[XXIX‑28] The crew of this vessel had captured another bark, and dismantling the old one and putting their prisoners on board of her without masts or sails turned them adrift. Bucaniers of Amer., ii.: Ringrose's Voy., 30.

[XXIX‑29] According to Sharp in Id., 14, and the anonymous narrator in Sharp's Voy., 15. Ringrose says: 'He drew off with him, to the number of Three-score and Ten of our Men.' Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 30.

[XXIX‑30] Sharp fixes this date at April 29th. Hacke's Col. Voy., 16.

[XXIX‑31] She contained 2,000 jars of wine, 50 jars of gunpowder, and 51,000 pesos according to Ringrose. Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 31. Sharp, who made the capture, says the ship was taken on the 26th of April, having 1,400 jars of wine and brandy, some ammunition, and 50,000 pesos, Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 15.

[XXIX‑32] For 3,000 pesos. Id., 16.

[XXIX‑33] So close was the blockade of the city, and so great the terror inspired by the buccaneers, that the first news received at the city of Mexico affirmed that Panamá was captured, many Spaniards slain, and that the nuns and many other people had fled to the mountains. This intelligence was transmitted by the president of Guatemala, and did not reach Mexico until August 8, 1680. Robles, Diario, ii. 310.

[XXIX‑34] While there Ringrose completed a chart of the bay of Panamá and a portion of the coast, which was more correct than any in the possession of the Spaniards. Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 32-3. The authorities again differ with regard to the date.

[XXIX‑35] 'The Island Quibo or Cabaya, is in lat. 7 d. 14 m. North of the Equator.' Dampier's Voy., i. 212. It is called by Ringrose Cayboa. Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 33. Its modern name is Coquimbo. In crossing thither a storm was encountered and two barks foundered, one containing 15 men and the other seven. This storm and wreck are not mentioned by the anonymous writer of Sharp's Voy., though Sharp himself alludes to it in Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 34.

[XXIX‑36] 'They entered the river with 50 Men ... and on their way up found two vessels, which they abandoned.' South Sea Company: A View of the Coast, 162.

[XXIX‑37] Before quitting Taboga, where they stayed about 14 days, one of the buccaneers, a Frenchman, fled to the enemy and betrayed all his comrades' plans. The stockades were built by the Spaniards on the advice of the runaway Frenchman, Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 33-4.

[XXIX‑38] Besides Sawkins two other men were killed and three more wounded, according to Ringrose. The anonymous writer in Sharp's Voy., 16-17, says that the failure of the enterprise was owing to the 'Rashness and Want of conduct' of Sawkins, who rushed to the assault before one fourth of the men had landed, being a man that nothing upon Earth could terrifie.'

[XXIX‑39] As 'a Man who was as Valiant and Couragious as any could be, and likewise next to Capt. Sharp, the best beloved of all our Company, or the most Part thereof.' Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 33-4. Sharp was not a general favorite among the buccaneers. Burney says that 'Ringrose was not in England when his narrative was published; and advantage was taken of his absence to interpolate in it some impudent passages in commendation of Sharp's valor.' He goes on to say that in the MS. of Ringrose's Journal, preserved in the Sloane Collection, British Museum, the passage quoted concerning Sawkins' character runs: 'Captain Sawkins was a valiant and generous spirited man, and beloved above any other we ever had among us, which he well deserved.' Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 104-5. The inference suggested by Burney, therefore, is that Sharp, or somebody in his interest, foisted in the passages characterized as 'impudent.'

[XXIX‑40] According to Ringrose, page 35, who would have joined them but for the dangers of the journey, 63 men left. loc. cit. Those who departed numbered about 70, while 146 remained with Capt. Sharp. Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 35. 'In this mutiny 75 more of our Men left us, and returned over Land as they came, delivering up their commissions to our Emperour.' Sharp's Voy., 17.

[XXIX‑41] One John Cox took command of Cook's ship, the Mayflower, with a company of 40 men. Sharp's Voy., 17-18. Sharp does not mention Cox at this time.

[XXIX‑42] Ringrose's ship had been burned for her iron.

[XXIX‑43] The reason of the mutiny was that Captain Sharp had now some 3,000 pesos, and wished to return home immediately. Two-thirds of the crew, however, had no money left, having gambled it all away, and they were in no mind to return; so they supported the claims of Watling against Sharp. Sharp's Voy., 49. 'While we lay at the isle of John Fernando, Captain Sharp was by general consent, displaced from being Commander; the Company being not satisfied either with his Courage or Behavior.' Dampier's Voyage, introd., p.v. The story of the mutiny, without any detail, is found in Drake's Univ. Col. Voy., 56. Sharp says the conspiracy against him was mainly the doing of John Cox, whom he had appointed to a separate command under him for old acquaintance's sake. Hacke's Col. Voy., ii. 45-46.

[XXIX‑44] After Watling's death, 'a great number of the meaner sort' wished Sharp once more elected commander, but the more experienced and able men were not satisfied and would not consent. The difference of opinion became so great that it was determined to put the matter to the vote; the majority keeping the ship, and the minority taking the long-boat and canoes, and going where they wished. Captain Sharp's party being in the majority, Dampier joined the smaller body, and taking their share of provisions, etc., they sailed for the Isthmus. Dampier's Voyage, introd., pp. v.-vi.

[XXIX‑45] Sharp asserts that he was unanimously restored to his command after the death of Watling, and does not mention the mutiny. Hacke's Col. Voy., 48.

[XXIX‑46] He carried off also several persons of both sexes, who were afterward ransomed for 1,000 pesos. Haya, Inform. al Rey, MS., 12; Nueva Esp., Breve Resum., MS., ii. 385. Juarros, Guat., i. 58, mentions that Esparza had been previously sacked by a French corsair in 1670. It was again attacked by pirates in 1686 or 1688, when it was abandoned by its inhabitants, who retired to the valleys of Bagaces and Landecho. Haya and Nueva Esp., ut supra.

[XXIX‑47] Their name inspired such dread that the new viceroy of Peru dared not sail from Panamá to his government in a ship of 25 guns, but waited for the arrival of the armada from the south. Bucaniers of Amer., ii. 136.

[XXIX‑48] Las Casas, in his Relation of the Spanish Voyages and Cruelties in the West Indies, 217, distinctly lays down the principle that 'the Spaniards had no Title to the Americans, as their Subjects, by right of Inheritance, Purchase, or Conquest.' Darien, Defence of the Scots Settlement, 5.

[XXIX‑49] Ringrose expressly stated that they acted throughout without any commission. Bucaniers of Amer., ii.; Ringrose's Voy., 178, and Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 123. Burney says: 'From the defectiveness of the evidence produced, they escaped conviction.' Id., iv. 123. Three of Sharp's men were tried at Jamaica, and one was hanged. The narrator said this man was 'wheedled into an open confession: the other two stood it out, and escaped for want of witnesses to prove the fact against them.' Id., iv. 124. See also, for the execution of this man, Sharp's Voy., ii. One of the principal charges was the capture of the Rosario, and killing her captain and another man: 'but it was proved,' says the author of the anonymous narrative, who was one of the men brought to trial, 'that the Spaniards fired at us first, and it was judged that we ought to defend ourselves.' Id., iv. 123-124.