1459 L. Burgund. Tit. VII.—The other allusions to torture in this code, Tit. XXXIX. §§ 1, 2, and Tit. LXXVII. §§ 1, 2, also refer only to slaves, coloni, and originarii. Persons suspected of being fugitive slaves were always tortured to ascertain the fact, which is in direct contradiction to the principles of the Roman law.

1460 L. Baioar. Tit. VIII. c. xviii. §§ 1, 2, 3.

1461 L. Salic. First Text, Tit. XL. §§ 1, 2, 3, 4.—L. Emend. Tit. XLII. §§ 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.—In a treaty between Childebert and Clotair, about the year 593, there is, however, a clause which would appear to indicate that in doubtful cases slaves were subjected, not to torture, but to the ordeal of chance. “Si servus in furto fuerit inculpatus, requiratur a domino ut ad viginti noctes ipsum in mallum præsentet. Et si dubietas est, ad sortem ponatur” (Pact. pro Tenore pacis cap. v.—Baluz.). This was probably only a temporary international regulation to prevent frontier quarrels and reprisals. That it had no permanent force of law is evident from the retention of the procedures of torture in all the texts of the Salic law, including the revision by Charlemagne.

1462 First Text, Tit. XL. § 4.—MS. Monaster. Tit. XL. § 3.—L. Emend. Tit. XLII. § 6.

1463 Grimnismal, Thorpe’s Sæmund’s Edda, I. 20.

1464 Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc. Lib. VII. c. xx.; Lib. VIII. cap. xxxi. Also, Lib. V. cap. xxxvii.—Aimoin. Lib. III. c. xxx. xlii. li. lxiv. lxvii.—Flodoard. Hist. Remens. Lib. ii. c. ii.—Greg. Turon. Miraculorum Lib. I. cap. 73.

1465 Gregor. Turon. Hist. Franc. Lib. V. c. xlix.

1466 Edict. Theodor. cap. c. ci. cii.

1467 Cassiodor. Variar. iv. xxii. xxiii.

1468 L. Wisigoth. Lib. VI. Tit. i. l. 5.

1469 Ibid.

1470 Ibid. II. iv. 4.

1471 Ibid. VI. i. 4; VII. vi. 1; VIII. iv. 10, 11.

1472 L. Wisigoth. VI. i. 1.

1473 Ibid. VI. i. 2.

1474 Concil. Toletan. XIII. ann. 683, can. ii.

1475 See the Fuero Juzgo, Lib. I. Tit. iii. l. 4; Tit. iv. l. 4.—Lib. III. Tit. iv. ll. 10, 11.—Lib. VI. Tit. i. ll. 2, 4, 5.—Lib. VII. Tit. i. l. 1; Tit. vi. l. 1. The only points in which these vary from the ancient laws are that, in Lib. VI. Tit. i. l. 2, adultery is not included among the crimes for suspicion of which nobles can be tortured, and that the accuser is not directed to conduct the torture. In Lib. VII. Tit. i. l. 1, also, the informer who fails to convict is condemned only in a single fine, and not ninefold; he is, however, as in the original, declared infamous, as a ladro; if a slave, the penalty is the same as with the Wisigoths.

1476 Jacobi Regis constitutio adversus Judæos, etc. c. xiii. (Marca Hispanica, p. 1416).

1477 Partidas, P. VII. Tit. i. l. 26.

1478 Ibid. P. VII. Tit. ix. l. 16.

1479 Ca por los tormentos saben los judgadores muchas veces la verdad de los malos fechos encubiertos, que non se podrian saber dotra guisa.—Ibid. P. VII. Tit. xxx. l. 1.

1480 Por premia de tormentos ó de feridas, ó por miedo de muerte ó de deshonra que quieren facer á los homes, conoscen á las vegadas algunas cosas que de su grado non las conoscerien: e por ende decimos que la conoscencia que fuere fecha en algunas destas maneras que non debe valer nin empesce al que la Face.—Ibid. P. III. Tit. xiii. l. 5.

1481 Partidas, P. VII. Tit. xxx. l. 4.—Porque la conoscencia que es fecha en el tormento, si non fuere confirmada despues sin premia, non es valedera.

1482 Alvari Pelagii de Planctu Ecclesiæ, Lib. II. Art. xli.

1483 Partidas, P. VII. Tit. xxx. l. 2. Except the favor shown to the learned professions, “por honra de la esciencia,” which afterwards became general throughout Europe, these provisions may all be found in the Roman law—Const. 4 Cod. IX. viii.; L. 3, Dig. XLVIII. xix.; L. 10, Dig. XLVIII. xviii.; Const. 11 Cod. IX. xli.

1484 Partidas, P. VII. Tit. xxx. l. 5.—Imitated from L. 18, Dig. XLVIII. xviii.

1485 Partidas, P. VII. Tit. xxx. l. 7. Cf. Tacit. Annal. XIV. xliii.-xlv.

1486 Partidas, P. VII. Tit. xxx. l. 16.

1487 Ibid. P. III. Tit. xvi. l. 43.—P. VII. Tit. xxx. l. 8.

1488 Partidas, P. VII. Tit. i. l. 26, “Home mal enfamado.”—P. VII. Tit. xxx. l. 3, “Et si fuere home de mala fame ò vil.”

1489 Ibid. P. VII. Tit. i. l. 26.

1490 Ibid. P. VII. Tit. xxx. l. 4; Tit. ix. l. 16.

1491 Ibid. P. VII. Tit. xxx. l. 9.

1492 Ibid. P. III. Tit. xxiii. l. 13.

1493 Partidas, P. VII. Tit. xxx. l. 1.

1494 Ordenamiento de Alcalà, Tit. xxviii. l. 1.

1495 Simancas, however, states that a single repetition of the torture was allowable.—De Cathol. Instit. Tit. LXV. No. 76.

1496 De Cathol. Instit. Tit. LXV. No. 44-48. Cf. Novísima Recopilacion, Lib. VI. Tit, ii. leis 4 y 5 (Ed. 1775).

1497 Villadiego, Gloss, ad Fuero Juzgo, Lib. VI. Tit. i. l. 2, Gloss. c, d, e, f, g.

1498 Novísima Recopilacion, Lib. II. vii. leis 1 y 13.

1499 Villadiego, op. cit. Lib. VI. Tit. i. 1. 5, Gloss. b, c.

1500 Simancæ de Cathol. Instit. Tit. LXV. No. 8.

1501 Novísima Recopilacion, Lib. II. Tit. vi. lei 6; Lib. VIII. Tit. i. lei 4. Aragon is said to have been an exception as regards the use of torture (Gomez Var. Resolut. T. III. c. 13—ap. Gerstlacher. de Quæst. per Torment. p. 68). In Navarre there is no trace of the use of torture prior to the fifteenth century.—G. B. de Lagrèze, La Navarre Française, II. 342.

1502 Capit. Carol. Mag. II. ann. 805, § xxv. (Baluz.). No other interpretation can well be given of the direction “diligentissime examinatione constringantur si forte confiteantur malorum quæ gesserunt. Sed tali moderatione fiat eadem districtio ne vitam perdant.”

1503 Capitul. Lib. VI. cap. cxxix.

1504 Non solum se tradunt sed ultro etiam non admoti quæstionibus omnem technam hujus rebellionis detegunt.—Goldast. Constit. Imp. I. 151.

1505 Non licet presbytero nec diacono ad trepalium ubi rei torquentur stare.—Concil. Autissiodor. ann. 578, can. xxxiii.

Ad locum examinationis reorum nullus clericorum accedat.—Concil. Matiscon. II. ann. 585, can. xix.

1506 Under Charlemagne and Louis le Débonnaire seems to have commenced the usage of holding the court under shelter. Thus Charlemagne, “Ut in locis ubi mallus publicus haberi solet, tectum tale constituatur quod in hiberno et in æstate observandus esse possit” (Capit. Carol. Mag. II. ann. 809, § xiii.). See also Capit. I. eod. ann. § xxv. Louis le Débonnaire prohibits the holding of courts in churches, and adds, “Volumus utique ut domus a comite in locum ubi mallum teneri debet construatur ut propter calorem solis et pluviam publica utilitas non remaneat” (Capit. Ludov. Pii. I. ann. 819, § xiv.).

1507 In 769, we find Charlemagne commanding the presence of all freemen in the general judicial assembly held twice a year, “Ut ad mallum venire nemo tardet, unum circa æstatem et alterum circa autumnum.” At others of less importance, they were only bound to attend when summoned, “Ad alia vero, si necessitas fuerit, vel denunciatio regis urgeat, vocatus venire nemo tardet” (Capit. Carol. Mag. ann. 769, § xii.).

In 809, he desired that none should be forced to attend unless he had business, “Ut nullus ad placitum venire cogatur, nisi qui caussam habet ad quærendam” (Capit. I. ann. 809, § xiii.).

In 819, Louis ordered, that the freemen should attend at least three courts a year, “et nullus eos amplius placita observare compellat, nisi forte quilibet aut accusatus fuerit, aut alium accusaverit, aut ad testimonium perhibendum vocatus fuerit” (Capit. Ludov. Pii. V. ann. 819, § xiv.).

1508 Placuit ut adversus absentes non judicetur. Quod si factus fuerit prolata sententia non valebit.—Capit. Lib. V. § cccxi.

1509 This right of appeal was not relished by the seigneurs, who apparently foresaw that it might eventually become the instrument of their destruction. It was long in establishing itself, and was resisted energetically. Thus the Kings of England who were Dukes of Aquitaine, sometimes discouraged the appeals of their French subjects to the courts of the King of France by hanging the notaries who undertook to draw up the requisite papers.—Meyer, Instit. Judiciaires, I. 461.

1510 Annalist. Saxo ann. 928.

1511 Dithmari Chron. Lib. VII. ad. fin.

1512 Multa dissimulatione renitebant, adeo ut nullis suppliciis possent cogi ad confessionem.—Synod. Atrebatens. ann. 1025 (Hartzheim III. 68).

1513 Hermannus de S. Mariæ Lauden. Mirac. Cf. Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita Sua. cap. xvi.

1514 “Cumque captum eduxissit Isaac, virgis et vinculis coactum et flagellatum constringit, et ita extorsit ab eo ut reos in comitis traditione proderet.”—Galberti Vit. Caroli Boni cap. ix. n. 66.

1515 Chron. Montis Sereni (Mencken. Script. Rer. Germ. II. 172).

1516 Radulf. de Coggeshale Chron. Anglic. ann. 1192.

1517 Hildebert. Cenoman. Epist. xxx.

1518 Feudor. Lib. II. Tit. xxvii. § 8.

1519 Fred. II. Lib. Rescript. II. §§ 1, 6. (Goldast. Constit. Imp. II. 54).

1520 Erphurdianus Variloquus, ann. 1125.

1521 Annal. Bosovienses, ann. 1129.

1522 Cod. Epist. Rudolphi I. p. 216-7 (Lipsiæ, 1806).

1523 Cosmæ Pragens. Lib. III. ann. 1108.

1524 Annalist. Saxo ann. 1123. See also, about the same date, the Chron. S. Trudon. Lib. XII. (D’Achery II. 704); and the Epist. Friderici Episc. Leodiens. in Martene, Ampliss. Collect. I. 654.

1525 Gerardi Hist. Compostellan. Lib. II. cap. 80.

1526 Anglo Saxon Chronicle, ann. 1137.

1527 Pike, History of Crime in England, I. 427.

1528 Jaffé Regesta p. 884.

1529 Matt. Paris. Hist. Ang. ann. 1210.

1530 Synod. Roman. ann. 384, can. 10.

1531 Innocent PP. I. Epist. III. cap. iii.

1532 De Civ. Dei Lib. XIX. cap. vi.

1533 Gregor. PP. I. Lib. VIII. Epist. xxx.

1534 Nicolai PP. I. Epist. xcvii. § 86.

1535 Pseudo-Alexand. decret. “Omnibus orthodoxis.”

1536 Ministrorum confessio non sit extorta sed spontanea.—Ivon. Panorm. IV. cxvii.

1537 Quod vero confessio cruciatibus extorquenda non est.—C. I. Decreti Caus. XV. q. vi.

1538 Cæsarius of Heisterbach, writing in 1221, gives a story of an occurrence happening in 1184 which, if not embellished by some later transcriber, would seem to indicate that the judicial use of torture was known at an earlier period than is stated in the text. A young girl, in the disguise of a man, was despatched with letters to Lucius III. by the partisans of Wolmar in his struggle with Rudolph for the bishopric of Trèves. Near Augsburg she was joined by a robber, who, hearing his pursuers approaching, gave her his bag to hold while he retired on some pretext to a thicket. Captured with the stolen property she was condemned, but she told her story to a priest in confession, the wood was surrounded and the robber captured. He was tortured until he confessed the crime. Then he retracted, and the question between the two was settled, at the suggestion of the priest, by the ordeal of hot iron, when the robber’s hand was burnt, and the girl’s uninjured. The tale is a long one, very romantic in its details, and may very probably have been ornamented by successive scribes.—Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. Dist. I. c. xl.

1539 Assises de Jerusalem, Baisse Court, cap. cclix.

1540 Lib. Juris Civilis Veronæ cap. 75 (p. 61).

1541 Constit. Sicular. Lib. I. Tit. xxvii.

1542 Du Boys, Droit Criminel des Peup. Mod. II. 405.

1543 Monach. Paduan. Chron. Lib. II. ann. 1252-3 (Urstisii Script. Rer. German. p. 594).—Quotidie diversis generibus tormentorum indifferenter tam majores quam minores a carnificibus necabuntur. Voces terribiles clamantum in tormentis die noctuque audiebantur de altis palatiis.... Quotidie sine labore, sine conscientiæ remorsione magna tormenta et inexcogitata corporibus hominum infligebat, etc.

1544 Mevii Comment. in Jus Lubecense, Lib. IV. Tit. vi. Art. 4 (Francofurt. 1664).

1545 Concil. Lateran. IV. can. iii.—Goldast. Constit. Imp. I. 293-5.—Harduin. Concil. VII. 164. See above, p. 89.

1546 Teneatur præterea potestas seu rector omnes hæreticos quos captos habuerit, cogere citra membri diminutionem et mortis periculum, tanquam vere latrones et homicidas animarum et fures sacramentorum Dei et fidei Christianæ, errores suos expresse fateri et accusare alios hæreticos quos sciunt, et bona eorum, et credentes et receptatores et defensores eorum, sicut coguntur fures et latrones rerum temporalium accusare suos complices et fateri maleficia quæ fecerunt.—Innocent IV. Bull. Ad extirpanda § 26.

1547 Alex. P. P. IV. Bull. Ut negotium, 7 Julii, 1256 (MSS. Doat, XXXI. 196).—Ripoll. Bullar. Ord. Prædic. I. 430.—Mag. Bullar. Roman. I. 132.

1548 Trac. de Hæres. Paup. de Lugd. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1787). In the tract, Frederic II., who died in 1250, is spoken of as “quondam imperator.”

1549 Clamor validus et insinuatio luctuosa fidelium subditorum ... processus suos in inquisitionis negotio a captionibus, quæstionibus et excogitatis tormentis incipiens personas quas pro libito asserit hæretica labe notatas, abnegasse Christum ... vi vel metu tormentorum fateri compellit.—Lit. Philip. Pulchri (Vaissette, Hist. Gén. de Languedoc, T. IV. Preuves p. 118).

1550 The fearful details of torture collected by Raynouard (Mon. Hist. rel. à la Condamnation des Chev. du Temple) show that the Inquisition by this time was fully experienced in such work.

1551 Simancæ de Christ. Instit. Tit. LXV. No. 19.—To the Inquisition is likewise attributable another of the monstrous iniquities of criminal justice—the denial to the accused of the assistance of counsel. Under the customary law of the feudal courts, the avocat or “avantparlier” was freely admitted, but such privilege was incompatible with the arbitrary process of which the sole object was to condemn for a crime scarce susceptible of proof. The decretal against heretics issued in 1235 by Gregory IX. forbids all judges, advocates, and notaries from helping the suspected heretic under pain of perpetual deprivation of function—“Item, judices, advocati, et notarii nulli eorum officium suum impendant; alioquin eodem officio perpetuo sint privati” (Harduin. Concil. VII. 164); and the same rule was enjoined “ne Inquisitionis negotium per advocatorum strepitum retardetur” by the Council of Valence (can. xi.) in 1248 and that of Alby (can. xxiii.) in 1254 (Harduin. VII. 426, 461).

1552 Personas autem honestas vel bonæ famæ, etiam si sint pauperes, ad dictum testis unici, tormentis seu quæstionibus inhibemus, ne ob metum falsum confiteri, vel suam vexationem redimere compellantur.—Fontanon, Edicts et Ordonn. I. 701.—A somewhat different reading is given by Isambert, Anciennes Loix Françaises I. 270.

1553 Cil qui est pris et mis en prison, soit por meffet ou por dete, tant comme il est en prison il n’est tenus à respondre à riens c’on li demande fors es cas tant solement por quoi il fu pris. Et s’on li fet respondre autre coze contre se volenté, et sor ce qu’il allige qu’il ne veut pas respondre tant comme il soit en prison; tout ce qui est fait contre li est de nule valeur, car il pot tout rapeler quand il est hors de prison.—Beaumanoir, cap. LII. § xix.

1554 Quant tel larrecin sunt fet, le justice doit penre toz les souspeçonneus et fere moult de demandes, por savoir s’il porra fere cler ce qui est orbe. Et bien les doit en longe prison tenir et destroite, et toz cex qu’il ara souspechonneus par malvese renommée. El si’l ne pot en nule maniere savoir le verité du fet, il les doit delivrer, se nus ne vient avant qui partie se voille fere d’aus acuser droitement du larrecin.—Ibid. cap. XXXI. § vi.

1555 Si li bons n’est connoissans de son mesfet, ou s’il l’a coneu et ce a esté par covent, s’en li fait jugement, apeler en puet.—Conseil, ch. xxii. art. 28 (Édition Marnier, Paris, 1846).

1556 Tanon, Registre Criminel de la justice de S. Martin-des-Champs, Introd. p. lxxxvi. (Paris, 1877); Vaissette, Ed. Privat, VIII. 1348.—L’Oiseleur (Les Crimes et les Peines, Paris, 1863, p. 113) says that it was enacted for the baillages of Beauvais and Cahors, but we have seen from Beaumanoir that torture was not used in the Beauvoisis.

1557 Baluz. Concil. Gall. Narbon. p. 75.

1558 Chassaing, Spicilegium Brivatense, p. 92.

1559 Conseil ch. xxi. art. 8.

1560 Fontaines, Conseil, art. 14. Et encor ne puisse li vileins fausser le jugement son seignor.

1561 Actes du Parlement de Paris, I. 382 (Paris, 1863).

1562 Olim. T. II. p. 451.

1563 Olim. III. 49-50.

1564 Ibid. III. 185-6.

1565 Olim. III. 221-2.

1566 Ibid. III. 505-6.

1567 Ibid. III. 751-2.

1568 Ibid. III. 1299.

1569 Guill. de Nangis Continuat. ann. 1304.

1570 Ibid. ann. 1314.

1571 Ibid. ann. 1315.

1572 Grandes Chroniques, T. V. p. 221 (Ed. Paris, 1837).

1573 Isambert, Anciennes Loix Françaises, III. 131, 60, 65.

1574 Ordonnance, 1^ier Avril, 1315, art. xix. (Ibid. III. 58).

1575 Cart. Norman I. Mar. 1315, cap. xi. Cart. II. Jul. 1315, cap. xv. (Ibid. 51, 109).

1576 Ordonn. Mai 1315, art. v. xiv. (Bourdot de Richebourg, III. 233-4).

1577 Ordonn. Mars 1315, art. ix. (Ibid. p. 235). This ordonnance is incorrectly dated. It was issued towards the end of May, subsequently to the above.

1578 Ordonn. Jul. 1319, art. xxii. (Isambert, III. 227).

1579 Tout Lieu de Saint Disier, cap. cclxxii. (Olim, T. II. Append, p. 856).

1580 Ibid. cap. cclxxiii.

1581 Roisin, Franchises, Lois et Coutumes de Lille, p. 119. Thus, “on puet et doit demander de veir et de oir,” but when this is impossible, “on doit et puet bien demander et enquerre de croire et cuidier. Et sour croire et sour cuidier avoec un veritet aparent de veir et d’oir, et avoec l’omechide aparant, on puet bien jugier, lonc l’usage anchyen, car d’oscure fait oscure veritet.”

1582 Rabanis, Revue. Hist, de Droit, 1861, p. 515.—No volgoren los savis antiquament qu’om pergossa sa franquessa ni sa libertat.

1583 Registre Criminel de la Justice de St. Martin-des-Champs, p. 50.

1584 Du Cange s. v. Quæstionarius.

1585 Letters granting exemption from torture to the consuls of Villeneuve for any crimes committed by them were issued in 1371 (Isambert, V. 352). These favors generally excepted the case of high treason.

1586 He pleaded his rank as baron as an exemption from the torture, but was overruled. Dumoulin, however, admits that persons of noble blood are not to be as readily exposed to it as those of lower station.—Desmaze, Les Pénalités Anciennes, d’après des Textes inédits, p. 39 (Paris, 1866).

1587 Du Cange s. v. Quæstio No. 3.

1588 Pour denier mettre à question et tourment.—Jean Desmarres, Décisions, Art. 295 (Du Boys, Droit Criminel II. 48).