Footnotes:

[10] Medicina Nautica, p. 324.

[11] It has been a common practice with many families, in New-York and Philadelphia, for several years past, to lay in a winter store of oysters in their cellars in the fall of the year. May not a part of these oysters, left in these cellars from forgetfulness, or from being unfit for use, become, by putrifying there, the cause of malignant fevers in the succeeding summer and autumn?

[12] The following fact, communicated to me by Mr. Samuel Lyman, a member of congress from the state of Massachusetts, shows the importance of attending to the condition of butchers' meat in our attempts to prevent malignant fevers.

A farmer in New-Hampshire, who had overheated a fat ox by excessive labour in the time of harvest, perceiving him to be indisposed, instantly killed him, and sent his flesh to a neighbouring market. Of twenty four persons who ate of this flesh, fifteen died in a few days. The fatal disease produced by this aliment fell, with its chief force, upon the stomach and bowels.

[13] Medical Journal, vol. iv.

[14] I have once known this breath, in a gentleman who had carried the seeds of the yellow fever in his body from Philadelphia into its neighbourhood, create sickness at the stomach in his wife; and I have heard of an instance in which a person, who left Philadelphia when highly impregnated with the miasmata of the same fever, creating sickness at the stomach in four or five persons who sat at the same table with him in the country. None of the above persons were afterwards affected by the fever. In an anonymous history of the plague in London, in the year 1664, in the possession of the author, it is said, the breath was a well-known signal of infection to persons who were not infected, and that whenever it was perceived, individuals and companies fled from it. The sickness in the above-mentioned persons was similar to that which is sometimes excited by the smell of a sore leg, or a gun-shot wound, upon the removal of its first dressing. It does not produce fever, because there is no predisposition to it.

[15] Desportes, vol. i. p. 140.

[16] Account of the Yellow Fever in 1793, vol. iii.

[17] Account of the Yellow Fever in 1793, vol. iii.

[18] Burserus.

[19] Vol. I. p. 161.

[20] Sur les Maladies des Climats Chauds.

[21] The above disease appears to have been the camp fever, the origin and character of which will be noticed in the next article.

[22] A proposal was made to replace the houses that had been burnt, by similar buildings, and upon the same space of ground. Sir Christopher Wren opposed it, and with the following argument: “By so doing, you will show you have not deserved the late fire!”


FACTS,
INTENDED TO PROVE
THE YELLOW FEVER
NOT TO BE CONTAGIOUS.

When fevers are communicated from one person to another, it is always in one of the following ways. 1. By secreted matters. 2. By excreted matters. The small-pox and measles are communicated in the former way; the jail, or, as it is sometimes called, the ship, or camp, and hospital fever, is communicated only by means of the excretions of the body. The perspiration, by acquiring a morbid and irritating quality more readily than any other excretion, in consequence of its stagnation and confinement to the body in a tedious jail fever, is the principal means of its propagation. The perspiration[23] is, moreover, predisposed to acquire this morbid and acrid quality by the filthiness, scanty, or bad aliment, and depression of mind, which generally precede that fever. It is confined to sailors, passengers, soldiers, prisoners, and patients, in foul and crowded ships, tents, jails, and hospitals, and to poor people who live in small, damp, and confined houses. It prevails chiefly in cool and cold weather, but is never epidemic; for the excreted matters which produce the fever do not float in the external atmosphere, nor are they communicated, so as to produce disease, more than a few feet from the persons who exhale them. They are sometimes communicated by means of the clothes which have been worn by the sick, and there have been instances in which the fever has been produced by persons who had not been confined by it, but who had previously been exposed to all the causes which generate it. It has been but little known in the United States since the revolutionary war, at which time it prevailed with great mortality in the hospitals and camps of the American army. It has now and then appeared in ships that were crowded with passengers from different parts of Europe. It is a common disease in the manufacturing towns of Great-Britain, where it has been the subject of several valuable publications, particularly by Dr. Smith and Dr. John Hunter. Dr. Haygarth has likewise written upon it, but he has unfortunately confounded it with the West-India and American yellow fever, which differs from it in prevailing chiefly in warm climates and seasons; in being the offspring of dead and putrid vegetable and animal matters; in affecting chiefly young and robust habits; in being generally accompanied with a diseased state of the stomach, and an obstruction or preternatural secretion and excretion of bile; in terminating, most commonly, within seven days; in becoming epidemic only by means of an impure atmosphere; and in not furnishing ordinarily those excretions which, when received into other bodies, reproduce the same disease.

I have been compelled to employ this tedious description of two forms of fever, widely different from each other in their causes, symptoms, and duration, from the want of two words which shall designate them. Dr. Miller has boldly and ingeniously proposed to remedy this deficiency in our language, by calling the former idio-miasmatic, and the latter koino-miasmatic fevers, thereby denoting their private or personal, and their public or common origin[24]. My best wishes attend the adoption of those terms!

I return to remark, that the yellow fever is not contagious in its simple state, and that it spreads exclusively by means of exhalations from putrid matters, which are diffused in the air. This is evident from the following considerations:

1. It does not spread by contagion in the West-Indies. This has been proved in the most satisfactory manner by Drs. Hillary, Huck, Hunter, Hector M'Lean, Clark, Jackson, Borland, Pinckard, and Scott. Dr. Chisholm stands alone, among modern physicians, in maintaining a contrary opinion. It would be easy to prove, from many passages in the late edition of the doctor's learned and instructive volumes, that he has been mistaken; and that the disease was an endemic of every island in which he supposed it to be derived from contagion. A just idea of the great incorrectness of all his statements, in favour of his opinion, may be formed from the letter of J. F. Eckard, Esq. Danish consul, in Philadelphia, to Dr. James Mease, published in a late number of the New-York Medical Repository[25].

2. The yellow fever does not spread in the country, when carried thither from the cities of the United States.

3. It does not spread in yellow fever hospitals, when they are situated beyond the influence of the impure air in which it is generated.

4. It does not spread in cities (as will appear hereafter) from any specific matter emitted from the bodies of sick people.

5. It generally requires the co-operation of an exciting cause, with miasmata, to produce it. This is never the case with diseases which are universally acknowledged to be contagious.

6. It is not propagated by the artificial means which propagate contagious diseases. Dr. Ffirth inoculated himself above twenty times, in different parts of his body, with the black matter discharged from the stomachs of patients in the yellow fever, and several times with the serum of the blood, and the saliva of patients ill with that disease, without being infected by them; nor was he indisposed after swallowing half an ounce of the black matter recently ejected from the stomach, nor by exposing himself to the vapour which was produced by throwing a quantity of that matter upon iron heated over a fire[26].

To the first four of these assertions there are some seeming exceptions in favour of the propagation of this fever by contagion. I shall briefly mention them, and endeavour to explain them upon other principles.

The circumstances which seem to favour the communication of the yellow fever from one person to another, by means of what has been supposed to be contagion, are as follow:

1. A patient being attended in a small, filthy, and close room. The excretions of the body, when thus accumulated, undergo an additional putrefactive process, and acquire the same properties as those putrid animal matters which are known to produce malignant fevers. I have heard of two or three instances in which a fever was produced by these means in the country, remote from the place where it originated, as well as from every external source of putrid exhalation. The plague is sometimes propagated in this way in the low and filthy huts which compose the alleys and narrow streets of Cairo, Smyrna, and Constantinople.

2. A person sleeping in the sheets, or upon a bed impregnated with the sweats or other excretions, or being exposed to the smell of the foul linen, or other clothing of persons who had the yellow fever. The disease here, as in the former case, is communicated in the same way as from any other putrid animal matters. It was once received in Philadelphia from the effluvia of a chest of unwashed clothes, which had belonged to one of our citizens who had died with it in Barbadoes; but it extended no further in a large family than to the person who opened the chest. I have heard of but two instances more of its having been propagated by these means in the United States, in which case the disease perished with the unfortunate subjects of it.

To the above insolated cases of the yellow fever being produced by the clothing of persons who had died of it, I shall oppose a fact communicated to me by Dr. Mease. While the doctor resided at the lazaretto, as inspector of sickly vessels, between May, 1794, and the same month in 1798, the clothing contained in the chests and trunks of all the seamen and others, belonging to Philadelphia, who had died of the yellow fever in the West-Indies, or on their passage home, and the linen of all the persons who had been sent from the city to the lazaretto with that disease, amounting in all to more than one hundred, were opened, exposed to the air, and washed, by the family of the steward of the hospital, and yet no one of them contracted the least indisposition from them.

I am disposed to believe the linen, or any other clothing of a person in good health that had been strongly impregnated with sweats, and afterwards suffered to putrify in a confined place, would be more apt to produce a yellow fever in a summer or autumnal month, than the linen of a person who had died of that disease, with the usual absence of a moisture on the skin. The changes which the healthy excretions by the pores undergo by putrefaction, may easily be conceived, by recollecting the offensive smell which a pocket-handkerchief acquires that has been used for two or three days to wipe away the sweat of the face and hands in warm weather[27].

3. The protraction of a yellow fever to such a period as to dispose it to assume the symptoms, and to generate the peculiar and highly volatilised exhalation from the pores of the skin which takes place in the jail fever. I am happy in finding I am not the author of this opinion. Sir John Pringle, Dr. Monro, and Dr. Hillary, speak of a contagious fever produced by the combined action of marsh and human miasmata. The first of those physicians supposes the Hungarian bilious fever, which prevailed over the continent of Europe in the seventeenth century, was sometimes propagated in this way, as well as by marsh and other putrid exhalations. Dr. Richard Pearson, in his observations upon the bilious fevers which prevailed in the neighbourhood of Birmingham, in England, in the years 1797, 1798, and 1799, has the following remark: “In its first stage, this fever did not appear to be contagious, but it evidently was so after the eleventh and fourteenth day, when the typhoid state was induced[28].” As this protracted state of bilious fever rarely occurs in our country, it has seldom been communicated in this way.

It is not peculiar, I believe, to a bilious and yellow fever, when much protracted beyond its ordinary duration, to put on the symptoms of the jail fever. The same appearances occur in the pleurisy, and in other, of what Dr. Sydenham calls intercurrent fevers, all of which I have no doubt, under certain circumstances of filth, confinement, and long duration, would produce a fever in persons who were exposed to it. This fever, if the weather were cold, would probably put on inflammatory symptoms, and be added, in our nosologies, to the class of contagious diseases.

From the necessary influence of time, in thus rendering fevers of all kinds now and then contagious by excretion, it follows, that the yellow fever, when of its usual short duration, is incapable of generating that excretion, and that, instead of being considered as the only form of bilious fever that possesses a power of propagating itself, it should be considered as the only one that is devoid of it.

4. Miasmata, whether from marshes, or other external sources, acting upon a system previously impregnated with the excreted matters which produce the jail or ship fever. Mr. Lempriere informs us, that he saw what were supposed to be cases of yellow fever communicated by some sailors who brought the seeds of the ship fever with them to the island of Jamaica. The fevers which affected most of the crews of the Hussar frigate, mentioned by Dr. Trotter[29], and of the Busbridge Indiaman, described by Mr. Bryce[30], appear to have been the effect of the combined operation of foul air in those ships, and human excretions, upon their systems. The disease was barely tinged with bilious symptoms, and hence the facility with which it was cured, for the jail fever more readily yields to medicine than the yellow fever. The former was probably excited by some latent exhalation from dead matters in the holds of the ships, and hence we find it ceased on shore, where it was deprived of its exciting cause. It is true, great pains were taken to clean the hold and decks of the Busbridge, but there are foul matters which adhere to the timbers of ships, and which, according to Dr. Lind, are sometimes generated by those timbers when new, that are not to be destroyed by any of the common means employed for that purpose. Of this Dr. Kollock has furnished us with a most satisfactory proof, in his history of the yellow fever, which prevailed on board of the frigate General Greene, on her voyage to the Havanna, in the year 1799. “The air in the hold of the vessel (says the doctor) was so contaminated, as to extinguish lights immediately, and candles in the cockpit were almost as useless from the same cause. The fish were thrown overboard, and the decks washed and scoured, the ventilator and wind sails put in motion, and every measure of purification adopted that their situation allowed; notwithstanding these precautions disease invaded us. The men were unceasing in their exertions to purify the ship; washing, scouring with vinegar, burning powder and vinegar, old junk, and sulphur, added to constant ventilation, proved unequal even to the amelioration of their calamities, while they were in the latitude of great heat. After the removal of the sick, the ship was disburthened of her stores, ballast, &c. cleansed and white-washed throughout; still new cases occurred for nearly two months. Some days, two, three, or four were sent off to the hospital, which would seem to indicate the retention of some portion of this noxious principle, which was lodged beyond the reach of the cleansing process.” That this noxious principle or matter existed in the ship, and not in the bodies of the crew, is evident from its not having been communicated, in a single instance by a hundred of them who were sent to an hospital on Rhode-Island, notwithstanding an intercourse sufficient to propagate it was necessarily kept up with the inhabitants. Even their nurses did not take it[31].

5. A fifth instance in which contagion has been supposed to take place in the yellow fever is, where the exhalation from the excretions of a patient in that disease acts as an exciting cause, in persons previously impregnated with the marsh, or other external miasmata, which produce it. The activity of this exhalation, even when it is attended with no smell, is so great, as to induce sickness, head-ach, vertigo, and fainting. It is not peculiar to the exhalations from such patients to produce morbid effects upon persons who visit them. The odour emitted by persons in the confluent small-pox has been known to produce the same symptoms, together with a subsequent fever and apthous sore throat. This has been remarked long ago by Dr. Lind, and latterly by Dr. Willan, in his Reports of the Diseases of London[32]. That the yellow fever is often excited in this way, without the intervention of a supposed specific contagion, I infer from its sometimes spreading through whole families, who have breathed the same impure atmosphere with the person first infected by the fever. This is more especially the case where the impression made by the exhalation from the sick person is assisted by fear, fatigue, or anxiety of mind in other branches of the family. In favour of this mode of exciting the yellow fever, Dr. Otto communicated to me the following fact. In the autumn of the year 1798, it prevailed upon the shores of the Delaware, in Gloucester county, in New-Jersey. A mild remittent prevailed at the same time on the high grounds, a few miles from the river. During this time, the doctor observed, if a person who had inhaled the seeds of the yellow fever in Philadelphia afterwards came into a family near the river, the same disease appeared in several instances in one or more branches of that family; but where persons brought the fever from the city, and went into a family on the high grounds, where the mild remittents prevailed, there was not a single instance of a yellow fever being excited by them in any of its members. This fact is important, and of extensive application. It places the stimulus from the breath, or other exhalations of persons affected by the yellow fever, upon a footing with intemperance, fatigue, heat, and all the common exciting causes of the disease; none of which, it is well known, can produce it, except in persons who have previously inhaled the putrid miasmata, which in all countries are its only remote cause. The city of Philadelphia has furnished, in all our yellow fever years, many additional proofs of the correctness of Dr. Otto's remark. In the months of July and August, when miasmata are generally local, and float chiefly near to their hot beds, the docks and holds of ships, persons who are affected by these miasmata, and sicken in other parts of the city, never communicate the disease; but after the less prepared and heterogeneous filth of our whole city has been acted on by an autumnal, as well as summer sun, so as to emit pestilential exhalations into all our streets and alleys, the fever is now and then excited in the manner that has been mentioned, by a single person in a whole family. The common intermittents of the southern states are often excited in the same way, without being suspected of spreading by contagion. Even the jail or hospital fever is vindicated by Dr. Hunter from the highly contagious nature which has been ascribed to it, upon the same principle. His words, which are directly to my purpose, are as follow: “In considering the extent and power of the contagion [meaning of the jail or hospital fever], I am not inclined to impute to this cause the fevers of all those who are taken ill in one family after the first, as they are all along exposed to the same vitiated air which occasions the first fever. In like manner, when a poor woman visits some of her sick neighbours, and is taken ill herself, and afterwards some of her children, I would not impute the disease to infection alone; she and her family having previously lived in the same kind of vitiated air which originally produced the fever. If the cases in which the infection meets with the poison already half formed be excepted, the disease in itself will be found to be much less infectious than has been commonly supposed[33].” By the modes of communicating the yellow fever which have been admitted, the dysentery, and all the milder forms of autumnal fevers, have been occasionally propagated, and perhaps oftener than the first-named disease, from their being more apt to run on to the typhus or chronic state. Of this I could adduce many proofs, not only from books, but from my own observations; but none of these diseases spread by contagion, or become epidemic from that cause in any country. A contrary opinion, I know, is held by Dr. Cleghorn, and Dr. Clarke; but they have deceived themselves, as they formerly deceived me, by not attending to the difference between secreted contagions and morbid excretions from the body, produced by the causes which have been enumerated, and which are rare and accidental concomitants of bilious or summer diseases.

6. The last instance of supposed contagion of the yellow fever is said to arise from the effluvia of a putrid body that has died of that disease. The effluvia in this case act either as the putrified excretions mentioned under the first head, or as an exciting cause upon miasmata, previously received into the system. A dead body, in a state of putrefaction from any other disease, would produce, under the same circumstances of season and predisposition, the same kind and degrees of fever.

The similarity of the fever induced by the means that have been enumerated, with the fever from which it was derived, has been supposed to favour the opinion of its being communicated by a specific contagion. But let it be recollected that the yellow fever is, at the time of its being supposed to be thus received, the reigning epidemic, and that irritants of all kinds necessarily produce that disease. The morbid sweats which now and then produce an intermitting fever, and the alvine excretions which occasionally produce a dysentery, act only by exciting morbid actions in the system, which conform in their symptoms to an immutable and universal law of epidemics. It is only when those two diseases generally prevail, that they seem to produce each other.

Thus have I explained all the supposed cases of contagion of the yellow fever. To infer from the solitary instances of it thus excited, is to reason as incorrectly as to say the small-pox is not contagious, because we now and then meet with persons who cannot be infected by it.

From the explanation that has been given of the instances of supposed contagion of the yellow fever, we are compelled to resort to certain noxious qualities in the atmosphere, as the exclusive causes of the prevalence, not only of that fever, but (with a few exceptions) of all other epidemic diseases. It is true, we are as yet ignorant of the precise nature of those qualities in the air which produce epidemics; but their effects are as certainly felt by the human body as the effects of heat, and yet who knows the nature of that great and universal principle of activity in our globe?

That the yellow fever is propagated by means of an impure atmosphere, at all times, and in all places, I infer from the following facts:

1. It appears only in those climates and seasons of the year in which heat, acting upon moist animal and vegetable matters, fills the air with their putrid exhalations. A vertical sun, pouring its beams for ages upon a dry soil; and swamps, defended from the influence of the sun by extensive forests, have not, in a single instance, produced this disease.

2. It is unknown in places where a connection is not perceptible between it, and marshes, mill-ponds, docks, gutters, sinks, unventilated ships, and other sources of noxious air. The truth of this remark is established by the testimonies of Dr. Lind and Dr. Chisholm, and by many facts in Lempriere's excellent History of the Diseases of Jamaica. Dr. Davidson furnished me with a striking confirmation of their remarks, in the following extract from a letter, dated November 12th, 1794. “I have mentioned (says the doctor) an instance of the remarkable good health which the 66th regiment enjoyed at St. Vincents for several years, upon a high hill above the town, removed from all exhalations, and in a situation kept at all times cool by the blowing of a constant trade wind. They did not lose, during eighteen months, above two or three men (the regiment was completed to the peace establishment), and during eight years they lost but two officers, one of whom, the quarter-master, resided constantly in town, and died from over fatigue; the other arrived very ill from Antigua, and died within a few days afterwards.”

In the United States, no advocate for the specific nature or importation of the yellow fever, has ever been able to discover a single case of it beyond the influence of an atmosphere rendered impure by putrid exhalations.

It is no objection to the truth of this remark, that malignant bilious fevers sometimes appear upon the summits of hills, while their declivities, and the vallies below, are exempted from them. The miasmata, in all these cases, are arrested by those heights, and are always to be traced to putrefaction and exhalation in their neighbourhood. Nor is it any objection to the indissoluble connection between putrid exhalations and the yellow fever, which has been mentioned, that the disease sometimes appears in places remote from the source of miasmata in time and place. The bilious pleurisies, which occur in the winter and spring, after a sickly autumn, prove that they are retained in the body for many months, and although they are sometimes limited in their extent to a single house, and often to a village, a city, and the banks of a creek or river, yet they are now and then carried to a much greater distance. Mr. Lempriere, in his valuable Observations upon the Diseases of the British Army in Jamaica, informs us, that Kingston is sometimes rendered sickly by exhalations from a lagoon, which lies nine miles to the eastward of that town[34]. The greater or less distance, to which miasmata are carried from the place where they are generated, appears to depend upon their quantity, upon the force and duration of currents of wind which act upon them, and upon their being more or less opposed by rivers, woods, water, houses, wells, or mountains.

3. It is destroyed, like its fraternal diseases, the common bilious and intermitting fevers, by means of long-continued and heavy rains[35]. When rains are heavy, but of short duration, they suspend it only in warm weather; but when they are succeeded by cold weather, they destroy all the forms of bilious fever. The malignant tertians, described by Dr. Cleghorn, always ceased about the autumnal equinox; for at that time, says the doctor, “Rain falls in such torrents as to tear up trees by the roots, carry away cattle, break down fences, and do considerable mischief to the gardens and vineyards; but, after a long and scorching summer, they are very acceptable and beneficial, for they mitigate the excessive heat of the air, and give a check to epidemical diseases[36].” There are facts, however, which would seem to contradict the assertion that miasmata are suspended or destroyed by heavy rains. Dr. Lind, in his Treatise upon the Diseases of Hot Climates, mentions instances in which they suddenly created fevers. It is probable, in these cases the rains may have had that effect, by disturbing the pellicle which time often throws over the surface of stagnating pools of water, and putrid matters on dry land. I was led to entertain this opinion by a fact mentioned in a letter I received from Dr. Davidson, dated November 4th, 1794. “Being ordered (says the doctor) up to Barbadoes, last November, upon service, I found that the troops had suffered considerably by that formidable scourge, the yellow fever. The season had been remarkably dry. It was observed, a rainy season contributed to make the season healthier, excepting at Constitution-Hill, where the sixth regiment was stationed, and where a heavy shower of rain seldom failed to bring back the fever, after it had ceased for some time. I found the barrack, where this regiment was, surrounded by a pond of brackish water, which, being but imperfectly drained by the continuance of the drought, the surface was covered with a green scum, which prevented the exhalation of marshy putrefaction. After a heavy shower of rain, this scum was broken, and the miasmata evolved, and acted with double force, according to the time of their secretion.”

4. It is completely destroyed by frost. As neither rains nor frosts act in sick rooms, nor affect the bodies of sick people, they must annihilate the disease by acting exclusively upon the atmosphere. Very different in their nature are the small-pox and measles, which are propagated by specific contagion. They do not wait for the suns of July or August, nor do they require an impure atmosphere, or an exciting cause, to give them activity. They spread in the winter and spring, as well as in the summer and autumnal months: wet and dry weather do not arrest their progress, and frost (so fatal to the yellow fever), by rendering it necessary to exclude cold air from sick rooms, increases the force of their contagion, and thereby propagates them more certainly through a country.

5. It is likewise destroyed, by intense heat, and high winds. The latter, we are sure, like heavy rains and frost, do not produce that salutary effect by acting upon the bodies, or in the rooms of sick people.

It is worthy of notice, that while the activity of miasmata is destroyed by cold, when it descends to frost; by heat, when it is so intense as to dry up all the sources of putrid exhalation; by heavy rains, when they are succeeded by cool weather; and by high winds, when they are not succeeded by warm weather; they are rendered more active by cool, warm, and damp weather, and by light winds. The influence of damp weather, in retaining and propagating miasmata, will be readily admitted, by recollecting how much more easily hounds track their prey, and how much more extensively odours of all kinds pervade the atmosphere, when it is charged with moisture, than in dry weather.

It has been asked, if putrid matters produce malignant bilious fevers in our cities, why do they not produce them in Lisbon, and in several other of the filthiest cities in the south of Europe? To this I answer, that filth and dirt are two distinct things. The streets of a city may be very dirty, that is, covered with mud composed of inoffensive clay, sand, or lime, and, at the same time, be perfectly free from those filthy vegetable and animal matters which, by putrefaction, contaminate the air. But, admitting the streets of those cities to abound with the filthy matters that produce pestilential diseases in other countries, it is possible the exhalations from them may be so constant, and so powerful, in their impressions upon the bodies of the inhabitants, as to produce, from habit, no morbid effects, or but feeble diseases, as was remarked formerly, is the case in the natives and old settlers in the East and West-Indies. But if this explanation be not satisfactory, it may be resolved into a partial absence of an inflammatory constitution of the air, which, I shall say presently, must concur in producing pestilential diseases. Such deviations from uniformity in the works of Nature are universal. In the present instances, they no more invalidate the general proposition of malignant fevers being every where of domestic origin, than the exemption of Ireland from venomous reptiles, proves they are not generated in other countries, or that the pleurisy and rheumatism are not the effects of the alternate action of cold and heat upon the body, because hundreds, who have been exposed to them under equal circumstances, have not been affected by those diseases. There may be other parts of the world in which putrid matters do not produce bilious malignant diseases from the causes that have been mentioned, or from some unknown cause, but I am safe in repeating, there never was a bilious epidemic yellow fever that could not be traced to putrid exhalation.

It has been asked, if the yellow fever be not imported, why does it make its first appearance among sailors, and near the docks and wharves of our cities? I answer, this is far from being true. The disease has as often appeared first at a distance from the shores of our cities as near them, but, from its connection with a ship not being discovered, it has been called by another name. But where the first cases of it occur in sailors, I believe the seeds of it are always previously received by them from our filthy docks and wharves, or from the foul air which is discharged with the cargoes of the ships in which they have arrived, which seeds are readily excited in them by hard labour, or intemperance, so as to produce the disease. That this is the case, is further evident from its appearing in them, only in those months in which the bilious fever prevails in our cities.

It has been asked further, why were not these bilious malignant fevers more common before the years 1791, 1792, and 1793? To this I answer, by repeating what was mentioned in another place[37], that our climate has been gradually undergoing a change. The summers are more alternated by hot and cool, and wet and dry weather, than in former years. The winters are likewise less uniformly cold. Grass is two or three weeks later in the spring in affording pasture to cattle than it was within the memory of many thousand people. Above all, the summer has encroached upon the autumn, and hence the frequent accounts we read in our newspapers of trees blossoming, of full grown strawberries and raspberries being gathered, and of cherries and apples, of a considerable size, being seen, in the months of October and November, in all the middle states. By means of this protraction of the heat of summer, more time is given for the generation of putrid exhalations, and possibly for their greater concentration and activity in producing malignant bilious diseases.

It has been asked again, why do not the putrid matters which produce the yellow fever in some years produce it every year? This question might be answered by asking two others. 1st. Why, if the yellow fever be derived from the West-Indies, was it not imported every year before 1791, and before the existence, or during the feeble and partial operation of quarantine laws? It is no answer to this question to say, that a war is necessary to generate the disease in the islands, for it exists in some of them at all times, and the seasons of its prevalence in our cities have, in many instances, had no connection with war, nor with the presence of European armies in those and in other sickly parts of the globe. During the seven years revolutionary war it was unknown as an epidemic in the United States, and yet sailors arrived in all our cities daily from sickly islands, in small and crowded vessels, and sometimes covered with the rags they had worn in the yellow fever, in British hospitals and jails. I ask, 2dly, why does the dysentery (which is certainly a domestic disease) rise up in our country, and spread sickness and death through whole families and villages, and disappear from the same places for fifteen or twenty years afterwards?

The want of uniformity in the exhalations of our country in producing those diseases depends upon their being combined with more or less heat or moisture; upon the surface of the earth being completely dry, or completely covered with water[38]; upon different currents of winds, or the total absence of wind; upon the disproportion of the temperature of the air in the day and night; upon the quantity of dew; upon the early or late appearance of warm or cold weather; and upon the predisposition of the body to disease, derived from the quality of the aliments of the season. A similar want of uniformity in the annual operations of our climate appears in the size and quality of grain, fruits, and vegetables of all kinds.

But the greater violence and mortality of our bilious fevers, than in former years, must be sought for chiefly in an inflammatory or malignant constitution of the atmosphere, the effects of which have been no less obvious upon the small-pox, measles, and the intercurrent fevers of Dr. Sydenham, than they are upon the summer and autumnal disease that has been mentioned.

This malignant state of the air has been noticed, under different names, by all the writers upon epidemics, from Hippocrates down to the present day. It was ascribed, by the venerable father of physic, to a “divine something” in the atmosphere. Dr. Sydenham, whose works abound with references to it, supposes it to be derived from a mineral exhalation from the bowels of the earth. From numerous other testimonies of a belief in the influence of the insensible qualities of the air, altering the character of epidemics, I shall select the following:

“It is certain (says Dr. Mosely) that diseases undergo changes and revolutions. Some continue for a succession of years, and vanish when they have exhausted the temporary, but secret cause which produced them. Others have appeared and disappeared suddenly; and others have their periodical returns.”

The doctor ascribes a malignant fever among the dogs in Jamaica (improperly called, from one of its symptoms, hydrophobia), to a change in the atmosphere, in the year 1783. It was said to have been imported, but experience, he says, proved the fact to be otherwise[39].

“This latent malignity in the atmosphere (says Baron Vansweiten) is known only by its effects, and cannot easily be reduced to any known species of acrimony.” In another place he says, “It seems certain that this unknown matter disposes all the humours to a sudden and bad putrefaction[40].”

Dr. John Stedman has related many facts, in his Essay upon Insalutary Constitutions of the Air, which prove, that diseases are influenced by a quality in it, which, he says, “is productive of corruption,” but which has hitherto eluded the researches of physicians[41].

Mr. Lempriere, after mentioning the unusual mortality occasioned by the yellow fever, within the last five or six years, in the island of Jamaica, ascribes it wholly “to that particular constitution of atmosphere upon which the existence of epidemics, at one period rather than another, depend[42].”

Not only diseases bear testimony to a change in the atmosphere, but the whole vegetable and animal creation concur in it, proofs of which were mentioned in another place. Three things are remarkable with respect to this inflammatory constitution of the air.

1. It is sometimes of a local nature, and influences the diseases of a city, or country, while adjoining cities and countries are exempted from it.

2. It much oftener pervades a great extent of country. This was evident in the years 1793 and 1794, in the United States. During the same years, the yellow fever prevailed in most of the West-India islands. Many of the epidemics mentioned by Dr. Sims, in the first volume of the Medical Memoirs, affected, in the same years, the most remote parts of the continent of Europe. Even the ocean partakes of a morbid constitution of its atmosphere, and diseases at sea sympathise in violence with those of the land, at an immense distance from each other. This appears in a letter from a surgeon, on board a British ship of war, to Mr. Gooch, published in the third volume of his Medical and Surgical Observations.

3. The predisposing state of the atmosphere to induce malignant diseases continues for several years, under all the circumstances of wet and dry, and of hot and cold weather. This will appear, from attending to the accounts which have been given of the weather, in all the years in which the yellow fever has prevailed in Philadelphia since 1792[43]. The remark is confirmed by all the records of malignant epidemics.

It is to no purpose to say, the presence of the peculiar matter which constitutes an inflammatory or malignant state of the air has not been detected by any chemical agents. The same thing has been justly said of the exhalations which produce the bilious intermitting, remitting, and yellow fever. No experiment that has yet been made, has discovered their presence in the air. The eudiometer has been used in vain for this purpose. In one experiment made by Dr. Gattani, the air from a marsh at the mouth of the river Vateline was found to be apparently purer by two degrees than the air on a neighbouring mountain, which was 2880 feet higher than the sea. The inhabitants of the mountain were notwithstanding healthy, while those who lived in the neighbourhood of the marsh were annually afflicted with bilious and intermitting fevers[44]. The contagions of the small-pox and measles consist of matter, and yet who has ever discovered this matter in the air? We infer the existence of those remote causes of diseases in the atmosphere only from their effects. Of the existence of putrid exhalations in it, there are other evidences besides bilious and yellow fevers. They are sometimes the objects of the sense of smelling. We see them in the pale or sallow complexions of the inhabitants of the countries which generate them, and we observe them occasionally in the diseases of several domestic animals. The most frequent of these diseases are inflammation, tubercles, and ulcers in the liver. Dr. Cleghorn describes a diseased state of that viscus in cattle, in an unhealthy part of the island of Minorca. Dr. Grainger takes notice of several morbid appearances in the livers of domestic animals in Holland, in the year 1743. But the United States have furnished facts to illustrate the truth of this remark. Mr. James Wardrobe, near Richmond, in Virginia, informed me, that in August, 1794, at a time when bilious fevers were prevalent in his neighbourhood, his cattle were seized with a disease, which, I said formerly, is known by the name of the yellow water, and which appears to be a true yellow fever. They were attacked with a staggering. Their eyes were muddy, or ferocious. A costiveness attended in all cases. It killed in two days. Fifty-two of his cattle perished by it. Upon opening the bodies of several of them, he found the liver swelled and ulcerated. The blood was dissolved in the veins. In the bladder of one of them, he found thirteen pints of blood and water. Similar appearances were observed in the livers of sheep in the neighbourhood of Cadiz, in the year 1799, during the prevalence of the yellow fever in that city. They were considered as such unequivocal marks of an unwholesome atmosphere among the ancients, that they examined the livers of domestic animals, in order to determine on the healthy or unhealthy situation of the spot on which they wished to live.

The advocates for the yellow fever being a specific disease, and propagated only by contagion, will gain nothing by denying an inflammatory constitution of the atmosphere (the cause of which is unknown to us) to be necessary to raise common remittents to that grade in which they become malignant yellow fevers; for they are obliged to have recourse to an unknown quality in the air, every time they are called upon to account for the disease prevailing chiefly in our cities, and not spreading when it is carried from them into the country. The same reference to an occult quality in the air is had by all the writers upon the plague, in accounting for its immediate and total extinction, when it is carried into a foreign port.

In speaking of the influence of an inflammatory constitution of the atmosphere in raising common bilious, to malignant yellow fevers, I wish not to have it supposed, that its concurrence is necessary to produce sporadic cases of that, or any other malignant disease. Strong exciting causes, combined with highly volatilized and active miasmata, I believe, will produce a yellow fever at any time. I have seen one or more such cases almost every year since I settled in Philadelphia, and particularly when my business was confined chiefly to that class of people who live near the wharves, and in the suburbs, and who are still the first, and frequently the only victims of the yellow fever.

It has been said, exultingly, that the opinion of the importation of the yellow fever is of great antiquity in our country, and that it has lately been admitted by the most respectable physicians in Britain and France, and sanctioned by the laws of several of the governments in Europe. Had antiquity, numbers, rank, and power been just arguments in favour of existing opinions, a thousand truths would have perished in their birth, which have diffused light and happiness over every part of our globe. In favour of the ancient and general belief of the importation of the yellow fever, there are several obvious reasons. The idea is produced by a single act of the mind. It requires neither comparison nor reasoning to adopt it, and therefore accords with the natural indolence of man. It, moreover, flatters his avarice and pride, by throwing the origin of a mortal disease from his property and country. The principle of thus referring the origin of the evils of life from ourselves to others is universal. It began in paradise, and has ever since been an essential feature in the character of our species. It has constantly led individuals and nations to consider loathsome and dangerous diseases as of foreign extraction. The venereal disease and the leprosy have no native country, if we believe all the authors who have written upon them. Prosper Alpinus derives the plagues of Cairo from Syria, and the physicians of Alexandria import them from Smyrna or Constantinople. The yellow fever is said to have been first brought from Siam (where there are proofs it never existed) to the West-Indies, whence it is believed to be imported into the cities of the United States. From them, Frenchmen and Spaniards say it has been re-shipped, directly or indirectly, to St. Domingo, Havanna, Malaga, Cadiz, and other parts of the world. Weak and absurd credulity! the causes of the ferocious and mortal disease which we thus thrust from our respective ports, like the sin of Cain, “lie exclusively at our own doors.”

Lastly, it has been asserted, if we admit the yellow fever to be an indigenous disease of our cities, we shall destroy their commerce, and the value of property in them, by disseminating a belief, that the cause of our disease is fixed in our climate, and that it is out of the power of human means to remove it. The reverse of this supposition is true. If it be an imported disease, our case is without a remedy; for if, with all the advantages of quarantine laws enforced by severe penalties, and executed in the most despotic manner, the disease has existed annually, in most of our cities, as an epidemic, or in sporadic cases, ever since the year 1791, it will be in vain to expect, from similar measures, a future exemption from it. Nothing but a belief in its domestic origin, and the adoption of means founded upon that belief, can restore the character of our climate, and save our commercial cities from destruction. Those means are cheap, practicable, and certain. They have succeeded, as I shall say presently, in other countries.

From the account that has been given of the different ways in which this disease is communicated from one person to another, and from the facts which establish its propagation exclusively through the medium of the atmosphere, when it becomes epidemic, we may explain several things which belong to its history, that are inexplicable upon the principle of its specific contagion.

1. We learn the reason why, in some instances, the fever does not spread from a person who sickens or dies at sea, who had carried the seeds of it in his body from a sickly shore. It is because no febrile miasmata exist in the bodies of the rest of the crew to be excited into action by any peculiar smell from the disease, or by fear or fatigue, and because no morbid excretions are generated by the person who dies. The fever which prevailed on board the Nottingham East-Indiaman, in the year 1766, affected those forty men only, who had slept on shore on the island of Joanna twenty days before. Had the whole crew been on shore, the disease would probably have affected them all, and been ascribed to contagion generated by the first persons who were confined by it[45]. A Danish ship, in the year 1768, sent twelve of her crew on shore for water. They were all seized after their return to the ship with malignant fever, and died without infecting any person on board, and from the same causes which preserved the crew of the Nottingham Indiaman[46].

2. We learn the reason why the disease sometimes spreads through a whole ship's crew, apparently from one or more affected persons. It is either because they have been confined to small and close berths by bad weather, or because the fever has been protracted to a typhus or chronic state, or because the bodies of the whole crew are impregnated with morbid miasmata, and thus predisposed to have the disease excited in the manner that has been mentioned. In the last way it was excited in most of the crew of the United States frigate, in the Delaware, opposite to the city of Philadelphia, in the year 1797. It appears to have spread, from a similar cause, from a few sailors, on board the Grenville Indiaman, after touching at Batavia. The whole crew had been predisposed to the disease by inhaling the noxious air of that island.

The same reasons account for the fever expiring in a healthy village or country; also for its spreading when carried to those towns which are seated upon creeks or rivers, and in the neighbourhood of marsh exhalations. It has uniformly perished in the high and healthy village of Germantown, when carried from Philadelphia, and has three times appeared to be contagious near the muddy shores of the creeks which flow through Wilmington and Chester.

3. From the facts that have been mentioned, we are taught to disbelieve the possibility of the disease being imported in the masts and sails of a ship, by a contagious matter secreted by a sailor who may have sickened or died on board her, on a passage from a West-India island. The death in most of the cases supposed to be imported, in this way, occurs within a few days after the ship leaves her West-India port, or within a few days after her arrival. In the former case, the disease is derived from West-India miasmata; in the latter, it is derived, as was before remarked, either from the foul air of the hold of the ship, or of the dock or wharf to which the ship is moored.

Many other facts might be adduced to show the yellow fever not to be an imported disease. It has often prevailed among the Indians remote from the sea coast, and many hundred cases of it have occurred, since the year 1793, on the inland waters of the United States, from the Hudson and Susquehannah, to the rivers of the Mississippi. In South-America, Baron Humboldt assured me, it is every where believed to be an endemic of that country.

These simple and connected facts, in which all the physicians in the United States who derive the yellow fever from domestic causes have agreed, will receive fresh support by comparing them with the different and contrary opinions of the physicians who maintain its importation. Some of them have asserted it to be a specific disease, and derived it from the East and West-Indies; others derive it from Beulam, on the coast of Africa; a third sect have called it a ship fever; a fourth have ascribed it to a mixture of imported contagion with the foul air of our cities; while a fifth, who believed it to be imported in 1793, have supposed it to be the offspring of a contagion left by the disease of that year, revived by the heat of our summers, and disseminated, ever since, through the different cities of our country. The number of these opinions, clearly proves, that no one of them is tenable.

A belief in the non-contagion of the yellow fever, or of its being incommunicable except in one of the five ways that have been mentioned, is calculated to produce the following good effects:

1. It will deliver the states which have sea-ports from four-fifths of the expences of their present quarantine laws and lazarettoes. A very small apparatus, in laws and officers, would be sufficient to prevent the landing of persons affected by the ship fever in our cities, and the more dangerous practice, of ships pouring streams of pestilential air, from their holds, upon the citizens who live near our docks and wharves.

2. It will deliver our merchants from the losses incurred by the delays of their ships, by long and unnecessary quarantines. It will, moreover, tend to procure the immediate admission of our ships into foreign ports, by removing that belief in the contagious nature of the yellow fever, which originated in our country, and which has been spread, by the public acts of our legislatures and boards of health, throughout the globe.

3. It will deliver our citizens from the danger to which they are exposed, by spending the time of the quarantine, on board of vessels in the neighbourhood of the marshes, which form the shores of the rivers or coasts of quarantine roads. This danger is much increased by idleness, and by the vexation which is excited, by sailors and passengers being detained, unnecessarily, fifteen or twenty days from their business and friends.

4. It will lead us to a speedy removal of all the excretions, and a constant ventilation of the rooms of patients in the yellow fever, and thereby to prevent the accumulation, and further putrefaction of those exhalations which may reproduce it.

5. It is calculated to prevent the desertion of patients in the yellow fever, by their friends and families, and to produce caution in them to prevent the excitement of the disease in their own bodies, by means of low diet and gentle physic, proportioned to the impurity of the air, and to the anxiety and fatigue to which they are exposed in attending the sick.

6. It will put an end to the cruel practice of quieting the groundless fears of a whole neighbourhood, by removing the poor who are affected by the fever, from their houses, and conveying them, half dead with disease and terror, to a solitary or crowded hospital, or of nailing a yellow flag upon the doors of others, or of fixing a guard before them, both of which have been practised in Philadelphia, not only without any good effect, but to the great injury of the sick.

7. By deriving the fever from our own climate and atmosphere, we shall be able to foresee its approach in the increased violence of common diseases, in the morbid state of vegetation, in the course of the winds, in the diseases of certain brute animals, and in the increase of common, or the appearance of uncommon insects.

8. A belief in the non-contagion of the yellow fever, and its general prevalence from putrid animal and vegetable matters only, is calculated to lead us to drain or cover marshy grounds, and to remove from our cities all the sources of impure air, whether they exist in the holds of ships, in docks, gutters, and common sewers, or in privies, gardens, yards, and cellars, more especially during the existence of the signs of a malignant constitution of the air. A fever, the same in its causes, and similar to it in many of its symptoms, that is, the plague, has been extirpated, by extraordinary degrees of cleanliness, from the cities of Holland, Great-Britain, and several other parts of Europe.

The reader will perceive, from these facts and reasonings, that I have relinquished the opinion published in my account of the yellow fever in the years 1793, 1794, and 1797, respecting its contagious nature. I was misled by Dr. Lining, and several West-India writers, in ascribing a much greater extent to the excreted matters in producing the disease, than I have since discovered to be correct, and by Bianchi, Lind, Clark, and Cleghorn, in admitting even the common bilious fever to be contagious. The reader will perceive, likewise, that I have changed my opinion respecting one of the modes in which the plague is propagated. I once believed, upon the authorities of travellers, physicians, and schools of medicine, that it was a highly contagious disease. I am now satisfied this is not the case; but, from the greater number of people who are depressed and debilitated by poverty and famine, and who live in small and filthy huts[47] in the cities of the east, than in the cities of the United States, I still believe it to be more frequently communicated from an intercourse with sick people by the morbid excretions of the body, than the yellow fever is in our country. For the change of my opinion upon this subject, I am indebted to Dr. Caldwell's and Mr. Webster's publications upon pestilential diseases, and to the travels of Mariti and Sonnini into Syria and Egypt. I reject, of course, with the contagious quality of the plague, the idea of its ever being imported into any country so as to become epidemic, by means of a knife-case, a piece of cotton, or a bale of silks, with the same decision that I do all the improbable and contradictory reports of an epidemic yellow fever being imported in a sailor's jacket, or in the timbers and sails of a ship that had been washed by the salt water, and fanned by the pure air of the ocean, for several weeks, on her passage from the West-Indies to the United States.

It gives me pleasure to find this unpopular opinion of the non-contagion of the plague is not a new one. It was held by the Faculty of Medicine in Paris, in the beginning of the eighteenth century, and it has since been defended by Dr. Stoll, of Vienna, Dr. Samoilowitz, of Russia, and several other eminent physicians. Dr. Herberden has lately called in question the truth of all the stories that are upon record of the plague having been imported into England in the last century, and the researches of Sir Robert Wilson of the British army, and of Assellini, and several other French physicians, have produced the most satisfactory proofs of its not being a contagious disease in its native country. A discovery more pregnant with blessings to mankind has seldom been made. Pyramids of error, the works of successive ages and nations, must fall before it, and rivers of tears must be dried up by it. It is impossible fully to appreciate the immense benefits which await this mighty achievement of our science upon the affairs of the globe. Large cities shall no longer be the hot-beds of disease and death. Marshy grounds, teeming with pestilential exhalations, shall become the healthy abodes of men. A powerful source of repulsion between nations shall be removed, and commerce shall shake off the fetters which have been imposed upon it by expensive and vexatious quarantines. A red or a yellow eye shall no longer be the signal to desert a friend or a brother to perish alone in a garret or a barn, nor to expel the stranger from our houses, to seek an asylum in a public hospital, to avoid dying in the street. The number of diseases shall be lessened, and the most mortal of them shall be struck out of the list of human evils. To accelerate these events, it is incumbent upon the physicians of the United States to second the discoveries of their European brethren. It becomes them constantly to recollect, that we are the centinels of the health and lives of our fellow-citizens, and that there is a grade of benevolence in our profession much higher than that which arises from the cure of diseases. It consists in exterminating their causes.