665.  Fasti, 6. 775 foll.

666.  p. 104.

667.  L. L. 61. 7.

668.  Livy, 10. 46. 17.

669.  Ann. 2. 41.

670.  See above, the heading of this section.

671.  C. I. L. 320.

672.  See above, p. 50.

673.  ch. i.

674.  Marquardt, p. 2.

675.  Pliny, N. H. 34. 54.

676.  Plut. Marius, 26; Pliny, l. c. I follow Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 26.

677.  Above, p. 156.

678.  Ovid is the only authority for the worship of Fortuna on June 11 (Fasti, 6. 569); it is not mentioned in the calendars (Tusc. Ven. Maff.) which have notes surviving for this day.

679.  By H. Jordan, Symbolae ad historiam religionum Italicarum alterae (Königsberg, 1885). See also R. Peter, in Lex. s. v. Fortuna, 1542, and Aust, Lex. s. v. Iuppiter, 647.

680.  C. I. L. xiv. 2863.

681.  de Div. 2. 41. 85.

682.  Jordan, op. cit. p. 12.

683.  See below, p. 223 foll., under Sept. 13.

684.  Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, pp. 8 and 139 foll.

685.  See also his previous letter of March 3.

686.  He held ‘birth’ and ‘fortune’ to be words etymologically related. Cp. a communication from Prof. Kluge in the same number of the Academy.

687.  Journal of Philology, vol. xi. 178; Studies in Latin Literature, p. 60.

688.  de Civ. Dei, 4. 11. Cp. Serv. Aen. 8. 336.

689.  l. c. ‘Castissime colitur a matribus.’ One of the ancient inscriptions from Praeneste (C. I. L. xi. 2863) is a dedication ‘nationu cratia’ = nationis gratia, which may surely mean ‘in gratitude for childbirth,’ though Mommsen would refer it to cattle, on the ground of a gloss of Festus (p. 167).

690.  Jordan, op. cit. p. 12.

691.  O. Gilbert, Gesch. u. Topogr. der Stadt Rom, ii. 260 foll.

692.  St. John, iii. 30; St. Augustine, Sermo xii in Nativitate Domini: ‘In nativitate Christi dies crescit, in Johannis nativitate decrescit. Profectum plane facit dies, quum mundi Salvator oritur; defectum patitur quum ultimus prophetarum nascitur.’

693.  See many examples in The Golden Bough, ii. 258 foll., and Brand’s Popular Antiquities, p. 306.

694.  See R. Peter, in Lex., s. v. Fortuna, 1506.

695.  Études de Myth. Gaul. i. 56 foll. On p. 58 we find, ‘La Fortune nous paraît donc sortir, par l’intermédiaire d’une image, d’une divinité du soleil.’

696.  For the history of these symbols in Greek cults, and especially that of Tyche, see a paper by Prof. Gardner in Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. ix. p. 78, on ‘Countries and Cities in ancient art.’ The rudder seems to connect Fortuna with sea-faring; it is often accompanied by a ship’s prow (R. Peter, Lex. 1507); in connexion with which we may notice that even in Italy her cult is rarely found far from the sea. Cp. Horace, Od. 1. 35, 6 ‘dominam aequoris.’

697.  10. 311 foll.; Marq. 578.

698.  R. Peter, Lex. 1505. She is also often represented with a modius, and with ears of corn. Cp. Horace, l. c. (of the Fortuna of Antium): ‘Te pauper ambit sollicita prece Ruris colonus.’

699.  Ovid, Fasti, 6. 573 foll. Schwegler, R. G. i. 711 foll.; Preller, ii. 180.

700.  Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, vol. ii. p. 506; Gardthausen, ‘Mastarna,’ figures the painting (plate i).

701.  Tac. Ann. II. 24; the fragments of the original speech are printed from the inscription at Lyons in Mr. Furneaux’s Annals of Tacitus, vol. ii. p. 210.

702.  Juvenal, 10. 74, and note of the Scholiast.

703.  Müller-Deecke, Etrusker, ii. 52; Dennis, Cit. and Cem. ii. 24.

704.  Juvenal, l.c.

705.  See below on Sept. 13, p. 234.

706.  Müller-Deecke, ii. 308. Gaidoz, op. cit. p. 56, on the connexion between Fortuna, Necessitas, and Nemesis.

707.  Gerhard, Agathodaemon, p. 30, has other explanations.

708.  Bk. 47. 18. We owe the reference to Merkel, Praef. in Ovidii Fastos, clix.

709.  His real birthday seems to have been the 12th, which, was already occupied by the ludi Apollinares.

710.  Mommsen in C. I. L. 321 (on July 7).

711.  Varro, L. L.6. 18; Marq. 325.

712.  See Introduction, p. 7. This anomaly led Huschke to the inadmissible supposition that this was the single addition made to the calendar of Numa in the republican period. He accepts Varro’s explanatory story, Röm. Jahr, p. 224.

713.  See below, p. 327.

714.  R. G. i. 532: see Mommsen’s criticism in C. I. L 321 f.

715.  Macrob. 6. 11. 36; Plut. Rom. 29, Camill. 33. See also O. Müller’s note on Varro, L. L. 6. 18.

716.  L. L. 6. 18.

717.  This is Varro’s account; the Etruscans are a variant in Macrobius, l. c.

718.  Dionys. 2. 56; Plut. Rom. 29. See Lewis, Credibility of Early Roman History, i. 430.

719.   Introduction, p. 15.

720.  Cic. de Rep. 1. 16; Plut. Rom. 27.

721.  Liv. 1. 16 ‘Ad exercitum recensendum.’ Lustratio came to be the word for a review of troops because this was preceded by a religious lustratio populi.

722.  e. g. Gilbert, i. 290; Marq. 325.

723.  L. L. 6. 18. Details have vanished with the great work here quoted, the Antiquitates divinae.

724.  Schwegler suggested the parallel, i. 534, note 20. For the Bouphonia see especially Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 68. For other such rites, Lobeck, Aglaophamus, 679, 680.

725.  Bücheler, Umbrica, 114.

726.  The idea of the scapegoat was certainly not unknown in Italy; Bücheler quotes Serv. (Aen. 2. 140) ‘Ludos Taureos a Sabinis propter pestilentiam institutos dicunt, ut lues publica in has hostias verteretur.’ See on the Regifugium, below, p. 328.

727.  See examples in Frazer, Golden Bough, ii. 160 foll. The one from the Key Islands is interesting as including a flight of the people.

728.  Nissen, Landeskunde, 406.

729.  C. I. L. p. 269.

730.  Macrob. 1. 11. 36; Plut. Camill. 33.

731.  Aug. de Civ. Dei, 4. 8.

732.  de Feriis, 9.

733.  The last point is in Camill. 33-6: cp. Rom. 29. 6.

734.  The bearing of these customs on the Nonae Caprotinae, and on the Greek story of Lityerses, was suggested by Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. 32. Mr. Frazer gives a useful collection of examples, G. B. ii. 363 foll. The custom survives in Derbyshire (so I am told by Mr. S. B. Smith, Scholar of Lincoln College), but only in the form of making the stranger ‘pay his footing.’

735.  G. B. i. 381.

736.  It was the custom, says Macrobius (i. 10) ‘ut patres familiarum, frugibus et fructibus iam coactis, passim cum servis vescerentur, cum quibus patientiam laboris in colendo rure toleraverant.’ The old English harvest- or mell-supper, had all the characteristics of Saturnalia (Brand, Pop. Antiq. 337 foll.).

737.  Tertullian, de Spect. 5.

738.  See below, p. 208.

739.  This point—the union of free- and bond-women in the sacrifice—seems to prove that Nonae Caprotinae and ancillarum feriae were only two names for the same thing. Macrobius connects the legend of the latter with the rite of the former (i. II. 36).

740.  Plut. Rom. 29. Varro, L. L. 6. 18 writes ‘in Latio.’

741.  Deecke, Die Falisker, 89; Roscher, in Lex. s. v. Juno, p. 599.

742.  See above, p. 143.

743.  One naturally compares the ficus Ruminalis and the foundation-legend of Rome.

744.  It is curious that the practice in husbandry called caprificatio, or the introduction of branches of the wild tree among those of the cultivated fig to make it ripen (Plin. N. H. 15. 79; Colum. II. 2) took place in July; and it strikes me as just possible that there may have been a connexion between it and the Nonae Caprotinae.

745.  Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. l. c.

746.  Macrob. 3. 2. 11 and 14. Macrobius also quotes Varro in the 15th book of his Res Divinae ‘Quod pontifex in sacris quibusdam vitulari soleat, quod Graeci παιανίζειν vocant.’ Perhaps we may compare visceratio: Serv. Aen. 5. 215.

747.  Above, p. 176.

748.  Marq. 170.

749.  See Marq. 384, and Lex. s. v. Apollo 447.

750.  Liv. 25. 12.

751.  The MSS. of Livy (27. 23) have a.d. iii Nonas, no doubt in error for a.d iii Idus. Merkel, Praef. xxviii.; Mommsen, C. I. L. 321.

752.  Liv. 25. 12; 26. 33; Festus, 326; Cie. Brutus, 20, 78, whence it appears that Ennius produced his Thyestes at these ludi. Cp. the story in Macrob. 1. 17. 25.

753.  Liv. 27. 23.

754.  Liv. 3. 63. This older shrine Livy calls Apollinar. The temple that followed it was the only Apollo-temple in Rome till Augustus built one on the Palatine after Actium; this is clear from Asconius, p. 81 (ad Cic. in toga candida), quoted by Aust, de Aedibus sacris, 7. It was outside the Porta Carmentalis, near the Circus Flaminius. A still more ancient Apollinar is assumed by some to have existed on the Quirinal; but it rests on an uncertain emendation of O. Müller in Varro, L. L. 5. 52.

755.  Liv. 40. 51. The Romans seem originally to have called the god Apello, and connected the name with pellere. Paulus, 22; Macrob. 1. 17. 15.

756.  Liv. 5. 13.

757.  Lex. s. v. Apollo, 446.

758.  Müller-Deecke, Etrusker, ii. 69.

759.  Strabo, p. 214; Herodotus, 1.167.

760.  Jordan on Preller, i. 265.

761.  Aen. 11. 785 ‘Summe deum, sancti custos Soractis Apollo,’ &c.

762.  Serv. Aen. 10. 316 ‘Omnes qui secto matris ventre procreantur, ideo sunt Apollini consecrati, quia deus medicinae est, per quam lucem sortiuntur. Unde Aesculapius eius fingitur filius: ita enim eum [esse] procreatum supra (7. 761) diximus. Caesarum etiam familia ideo sacra retinebat Apollinis, quia qui primus de eorum familia fuit, exsecto matris ventre natus est. Unde etiam Caesar dictus est.’

763.  A concise account by Roscher, Lex. s. v. Apollo 448; Boissier, Religion Romaine, i. 96 foll.; Gardthausen, Augustus, vol. ii, p. 873. For the ludi saeculares see especially Mommsen’s edition of the great but mutilated inscription recently discovered in the Campus Martius (Eph. Epigr. viii. 1 foll.); Diels, Sibyllin. Blätter, p. 109 foll.; and the Carmen Saeculare of Horace, with the commentaries of Orelli and Wickham.

764.  L. L. 6. 18 fin. and 19 init.

765.  Festus, 119. s. v. Lucaria.

766.  The battle of the Allia was fought on the 18th, the day before the first Lucaria. This no doubt suggested the legend connecting the two, especially as the Via Salaria, near which was the grove of the festival, crossed the battle-field some ten miles north of Rome.

767.  See Friedländer in Marq. 487; Plutarch, Q. R. 88.

768.  Mommsen in Ephemeris Epigraphica, ii. 205.

769.  i. III; Liv. 24. 3; Cato, ap. Priscian, 629. Much useful matter bearing on luci as used for boundaries, asyla, markets, &c., will be found in Rudorff, Gromatici Veteres, ii. 260.

770.  ‘Light’ is not uncommon in England for a ‘ride’ or clearing in a wood.

771.  Below, pp. 222, and 228.

772.  On the whole subject of the religious ideas arising from the first cultivation of land in a wild district I know nothing more instructive than Robertson Smith’s remarks in Religion of the Semites, Lecture iii.; I have often thought that they throw some light on the origin of Mars and kindred numina. The most ancient settlements in central Italy are now found to be on the tops of hills, probably once forest-clad (see Von Duhn’s paper on recent excavations, Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1896, p. 125). For a curious survival of the feeling about woods and hill-tops in Bengal, see Crooke, Religion, &c., in India, ii. 87.

773.  R. R. 139. For piacula of this kind see also Henzen, Acta Fratr. Arv. 136 foll.; Marq. 456.

774.  See below, p. 312.

775.  See a passage in Frontinus (Grom. Vet. 1. 56: cp. 2. 263).

776.  Röm. Jahr, p. 221, and note 81 on p. 222.

777.  Festus, 377 ‘Umbrae vocantur Neptunalibus casae frondeae pro tabernaculis.’ Wissowa (Lex. s. v. Neptunus, 202) compares the σκιάδες of the Spartan Carneia (also in the heat of summer), described in Athenaeus, 4. 141 F.

778.  Müller-Deecke, Etrusker, ii. 54, with Deecke’s note 51 b. The Etruscan forms are Nethunus and Nethuns. The form of the word is adjectival like Portunus, &c.; but what is the etymology of the first syllable? We are reminded of course of Nepe or Nepete, an inland town near Falerii; and to this district the cult seems specially to have belonged. Messapus, ‘Neptunia proles,’ leads the Falisci and others to war in Virg. Aen. 7. 691, and Halesus, Neptuni filius, was eponymous hero of Falerii (Deecke, Falisker, 103). There is no known connexion of Neptunus with any coast town.

779.  13. 23. 2: cp. Varro, L. L. 5. 72.

780.  See above, p. 60.

781.  Cp. Serv. Aen. 5. 724 ‘(Venus) dicitur et Salacia, quae proprie meretricum dea appellata est a veteribus.’

782.  Gell. 5. 12; Henzen, Act. Fratr. Arv. 124. Wissowa, in his article ‘Neptunus,’ goes too far, as it seems to me, when he asserts that the ‘pater’ belonged to all deities of the oldest religion. See below, p. 220.

783.  Liv. 5. 13. 6; Dionys. 12. 9. Wissowa, Lex. s. v. Nept. 203, for his further history as Poseidon.

784.  Wissowa in Lex. l. c. I doubt if much can be made of the argument that the Neptunalia on the 23rd is necessarily connected with the Lucaria on the 17th and 19th—i. e. three alternate days, like the three days of the Lemuria in May.

785.  Varro, L. L. 5. 84 ‘Furinalis (flamen) a Furina quoius etiam in fastis Furinales feriae sunt’: cp. 6. 19 ‘Ei sacra instituta annua et flamen attributus: nunc vix nomen notum paucis.’

786.  See Wissowa’s short and sensible note in Lex. s. v. Furrina. For the confusion with Furiae, Cic. de Nat. Deor. 3. 46; Plut. C. Gracch. 17; Lex. s. v. Furiae. Jordan, in Preller, ii. 70, is doubtful on the etymological question.

787.  p. 71.

788.  In Preller, ii. 121.

789.  Röm. Jahr, 221.

790.  Varro, R. R. I. 33, has only the following: ‘Quinto intervallo, inter caniculam et aequinoctium auctumnale oportet stramenta desecari, et acervos construi, aratro offringi, frondem caedi, prata irrigua iterum secari.’

791.  This is the natural position for the ager of the oldest community on the Palatine. The Campus Martius was believed to have been ‘king’s land’ of the later developed city (Liv. 2. 5).

792.  Liv. 10. 1. 9; Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 10.

793.  Marq. 377; Dio Cass. 37. 24 and 25; Tac. Ann. 12. 23.

794.  C. I. L. i. 49 and 179.

795.  See Preller, ii. 228; and article ‘Sacerdos’ in Dict. of Antiquities, new edition.

796.  On this difficult subject see Dict. of Antiquities, s.v. Indigitamenta; and the long and exhaustive article by R. Peter in Roscher’s Lexicon (which is, however, badly written, and in some respects, I think, misleading).

797.  See the valuable summary of Aust (in ten lines).

798.  Plin. N. H. 35. 19.

799.  40. 19.

800.  Paulus, 23; Quintil. 1. 7. 12; Varro, L. L. 5. 52 (from the ‘sacra Argeorum’), if we read ‘adversum Solis pulvinar cis aedem Salutis.’ The name is said to be connected with the Umbrian and Etruscan god of light, Usil, a word thought to be recognizable in Aurelius (= Auselius, Varro, l. c.), and in the Ozeul of the Salian hymn (Wordsworth, Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin, p. 564 foll.).

801.  So e. g. Virgil, Georg. 1. 498 ‘Di patrii indigites et Romule Vestaque Mater.’ Peter, in Lex. s. v. Indigitamenta, 132.

802.  i. 325.

803.  Lex. s. v. Indigitamenta, 137.

804.  Wissowa, de Romanorum Indigetibus et Novensidibus (Marburg, 1892).

805.  Merkel, Praef. in Ov. Fastos, cxxxv; Mommsen, C. I. L. 324.

806.  Lex. s. v. Hercules, 2903 foll., where R. Peter has summarized and criticized all the various opinions.