“Journal, February 11th.—[The Chancellor of the Exchequer showed me] a note from Colonel Maberly which concludes thus:—
“If this weather lasts I fear we shall have a break-down. We are dreadfully afflicted in London—at Derby they must have more assistance—at Bristol our clerks won’t stay, their pay is too bad, and those who do remain will be worked to death. We will do as well as we can; but, take my word for it, we were never so near a break-down.’ Expressions of this kind have been rather frequent of late, and it behoves me, I think, not altogether to disregard them. They appear to me to be intended to be understood thus—there will be a break-down, but the fault is not ours; the blame rests with the new system and those who forced it upon us. My reply is, if Colonel Maberly cannot carry on the new system he ought to resign; if he remain in his present position, and there is a break-down, the fault is clearly his; at all events, the blame must and ought to fall to his share.
“February 23rd.—[Lord Lichfield, in a note to Mr. Baring] talks in the same manner as Colonel Maberly, but even more strongly, of the danger of a break-down.
* * * * *
“I found Mr. Baring had acted with his usual decision. He had written to desire that Lord Lichfield would state explicitly the dangers he apprehended, and the additional strength required; after which we shall look into the cases, and then he will see Lord Lichfield and Colonel Maberly on the subject.”
It will have been observed that the apprehensions set forth above are coupled with allegations of necessity for increased force; and such demands, if granted as fast as they were made, would have defeated all hope of that large economy which, in my calculations, was counted upon from simplification of operations. Of the lavish course taken I proceed to give some further indication:—
“Journal, January 29th.—Had some conversation with the Chancellor of the Exchequer as to future proceedings. He is becoming uneasy, like myself, at the extravagant and heedless demands (apparently) of the Post Office for increased force.
“March 27th.—The Postmaster-General having made a second application for two additional clerks in the Accountant-General’s Office, and two more in the Accountant for Ireland’s Office, and intimated that a further addition will probably be required in Edinburgh, all on account of the quarterly returns ordered some time back, I wrote to Court [the London Accountant-General] to request he would call upon me on the subject, to bring copies of the forms they have sent out, &c., in order that I may judge what additional strength is really necessary.”
Mr. Court, calling as requested, though not till eleven days afterwards, I found that the demand for increased force was made in exclusive reference to these quarterly returns, which were entirely needless, as monthly returns, answering every purpose, were already received on the same subject. Mr. Court acknowledged this, but added that they had been ordered by Colonel Maberly. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, to whom I applied on the subject, informed me next day that Colonel Maberly and Mr. Court would adopt any plan for making these returns that I might suggest in writing. I had only to advise that they should not be made at all.
“May 12th.—The Postmaster-General having applied for what I considered a very extravagant establishment for the money-order office in Dublin, I drew a minute calling for information as to the whole amount of [money-order] poundage collected in Ireland, &c.; when it appeared, as I expected, that such amount fell short of the minimum cost of the proposed establishment in Dublin alone. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, on my recommendation, has cut down the salaries considerably.
“May 25th.—Managed to get about a quarter of an hour with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in which eight or ten cases were decided; in several instances the Postmaster-General’s application for increased expenses in different offices being disallowed.”
The vigilance I had now so long exercised in relation to Post Office accounts was by no means allowed to abate. The following curious instance shows that even when Post Office and Stamp Office worked together the resulting accounts might remain open to question:—
“Journal, April 1st.—In going over the proof sheets of that part of the annual finance accounts which relates to the Post Office, I was led to suspect from their appearance that the proceeds of postage stamps sold by the Stamp Office in Ireland had been carried to the credit of the British, instead of the Irish, Post Office. Went to the Stamp Office to inquire. Mr. Pressly was confident that so gross a mistake could not have been made, but on inquiry it appeared that my suspicions were well-founded. The consequence of the mistake is that the British revenue appears to be about £15,000 more, and the Irish revenue £15,000 less, than it really was. Mr. Charles Crafer, who arranges the financial accounts in the Treasury, thinks the account cannot now be altered, but he will append an explanatory note. It is strange that the Irish [Post] Office should have been satisfied with such a subtraction from their revenue, the more so because it makes up the greater part of the apparent deficit; the expenses in Ireland having exceeded the revenue, according to the account, by about £21,000, though really by £6,000 only. The Stamp Office will make arrangements for preventing such a mistake in future.”
In connection with the subject of stamps, it should be mentioned that in the course of this year Mr. Pressly, secretary to the Stamp Office, having observed that some of the provincial postmasters were also sub-distributors of stamps for general purposes, suggested the expediency of making such union the general arrangement. This suggestion I reported to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who was inclined to act upon it to some extent. At Mr. Pressly’s request, I wrote a minute on the subject, which was adopted by the Treasury; but the suggestion, owing probably to the change of Government which took place shortly afterwards, was not carried into effect. After long lying dormant it was revived in the year 1863 in a Parliamentary Committee presided over by Mr. Horsfall, before which I gave evidence in favour of the measure, but the Committee reported against it. My opinion, however, still is that the vast organization of the Post Office might be advantageously employed at least for the distribution of all such stamps as are in frequent demand.
In the following transaction the Post Office alone was responsible:—
“Journal, May 19th.—Wrote two or three scolding minutes. There have been several instances lately of great inaccuracy on the part of one or two of the surveyors, who, in applying for authority to increase the expenses at certain provincial offices, have been guilty of, to say the least, very careless misrepresentations. In the instance of the Cheltenham Office, the surveyor deducted £100 from the gross annual income of the postmaster for house rent, whereas it afterwards appeared that the office is supplied rent free by the inhabitants. This and many other inaccuracies almost equally glaring have come before the Treasury unnoticed by the Post Office.”
The foregoing circumstances might scarcely be worth mentioning, did they not tend to show how much my time was occupied in doing other people’s work, to the great hindrance of my own. A few more instances of this, and I have done:—
“August 24th.—The Postmaster-General reports to the Treasury that he cannot proceed with the arrangements for rural distribution unless he has a map divided into registrars’ districts, or a description of the boundaries of the districts. Why he should apply to the Treasury to overcome the difficulty I know not (I wrote to Colonel Maberly some time ago in reply to a remark of his, telling him that there was no such map in existence). However, as I would rather do the work myself than have the measure delayed, I have been to the Registration Office, Poor Law Commission, and Tithe Commission, to see if the necessary information for constructing a map can be obtained. I have also sent for Arrowsmith to meet me to-morrow morning, and hope by a little management to get the thing done.”
It was done accordingly.
With distractions so numerous and so various, with a large amount of routine work, all requiring to be dealt with carefully, with opposition at the Post Office to almost every additional improvement that I proposed, and with the greatest difficulty of obtaining access to the ever-occupied Chancellor of the Exchequer, without whose sanction no step, great or small, could be taken, I found progress towards the completion of my plan but slow; a slowness the more galling because, meantime, not only general convenience, but the fiscal results of the measure were grievously suffering; while I feared that the public, knowing that I was now in office, and yet ignorant of the trammels under which I laboured, would—as in fact a large portion of it did—charge upon the plan itself failure really due to the incompleteness of its development.
It must not be supposed, however, that I was stinted by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in such aid as money could procure; for as early as February of this year, having notified to him that I should require some additional assistance, I was authorised to engage whatever I might think necessary. Of course, the irremovable pressure was from that kind of work which I could not leave to others; and this more than once seemed likely to bear me down:—
“Journal, March 6th.—I have been unwell this week, and have done little more than carry on the current business. Lawrence, whom I consulted to-day, has ordered leeches to be applied to my neck, and desires I will get holiday if possible.
“March 10th.—Received from the Chancellor of the Exchequer a very kind note, stating that Lawrence had written to him on my case.
* * * * *
“He also sent for me and repeated his advice in the kindest and most friendly manner, adding that he would undertake any cases which could not wait my return. In the course of conversation I expressed my regret, half in earnest half in joke, that I should have added so much to his own labour by cutting down the Post Office revenue so mercilessly. He replied that additional taxes would have been necessary even if the postage had not been reduced, and that the reduction made the imposition of such taxes much more easy. He added that he thought the measure was working exceedingly well, and begged that I would not be uneasy about it. I am to take a fortnight’s holiday immediately, and more at Easter if necessary.”
The Liberal Administration, which had been for some time losing ground, showed, as the parliamentary session advanced, increasing signs of weakness; the falling revenue being, of course, one of its chief difficulties. I could not but feel that for this I should probably be regarded as in some degree answerable; since the public could know little of the obstructions to the fiscal success of my plan, and would, I feared, form its conclusion by simply placing together the two facts, that the postage had been lowered to a penny and the net postal revenue fallen from £1,600,000 to £500,000. More than ever did I regret that my proposals had not been so taken up by the Government as to admit of that gradual introduction of my plan which would have prevented this loss. It must be remembered, however, as was handsomely acknowledged by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that the postal loss was by no means the only one which the revenue had sustained; the country being at that time under one of those depressions which lessened the produce of all taxes of whatever kind. In reviewing the whole matter calmly, as I can do now, I feel also called upon to remember that if, through excess of caution, the establishment of penny postage had been delayed until such general depression, combined, as it was, with other causes, had thrown out the Liberal Government, the reform would, in all probability, have been deferred, at least, until the return of the Liberals to power six years later.
Be all this as it may, I felt anxious upon three points. First, would the Tories, if they came into office, attempt a reactionary course? Second, supposing that they left the penny rate unchanged, would they stop the progress of the other improvements essential to the completion of my plan? And, third, would they retain my services? I naturally clung to the wish that I might be allowed to complete what I sincerely believed to be a great improvement; the more so as, with all the fond imagination of an inventor, I already seemed dimly to foresee its universal adoption producing universal benefit.
I resolved, at all events, to push forward improvement as fast as I could, in order that the Government which had given me my post might have whatever credit such improvements might bring. One of the most desirable measures was the extension of rural distribution at home. Having ascertained by a circular of inquiry that there were 400 registrars’ districts without a Post Office, I obtained sanction for the establishment of a Post Office in each of them, Lord Lichfield promising to push on the arrangements immediately. By very great exertion progress to this point was effected in little more than a month; but how very long the measure, thus apparently secured, had to wait before it was carried out will appear hereafter.[312]
Amongst the anomalies I found in the Post Office, a striking one lay in the emoluments of the various provincial postmasters, which, having been settled on no rule, exhibited abundant irregularities. For this I sought a remedy. To lay down a satisfactory rule, however, required such information as was for the time unattainable, through the almost total want of systematic statistics in the Post Office. The evil of such deficiency had lately been curiously exemplified. In the year 1837, the postmasters throughout the kingdom, being called on to report the amount of their respective late letter fees, which they then retained as a perquisite, had for the most part rated it low, probably thinking it to their interest that their emoluments should appear small; but in the year 1840, when it was proposed to commute such perquisite for a fixed allowance, the reports then made showed, for the most part, an enormous augmentation. Though doubtless many of these returns were made fairly enough, yet the increase, even on the average, was surprisingly large. Now it was obvious that if the returns had been made as a matter of course from year to year, when no change was in prospect, such sudden exaggeration would have been impracticable. I consequently proposed to the Chancellor of the Exchequer that there should henceforth be a yearly return of all emoluments; and that, as the Post Office appeared unwilling to undertake the necessary collection and classification, the duty should be added to my department. To this recommendation, which was made as early as February, I received, at the time, no decided answer; Mr. Baring, though thinking the measure desirable, not rating the statistics so highly as I did. I again brought the measure before him, with several others, in the month of July, anxious that all should be adopted before the change then evidently approaching should take place; and again obtained a general approbation of all I proposed, without, however, any authority to proceed further.
Increase in the number of letters had, meanwhile, proceeded satisfactorily:—
“Journal, February 2nd.—The Chancellor of the Exchequer is much pleased with the increase of letters, as shown by the comparison of the present period with the corresponding weeks of 1840, and wishes a form of return, exhibiting the results, to be prepared for Parliament. Last night the number of letters and newspapers was such, that with every exertion the mails could not be despatched in time.”
I need not say that, throughout the whole period which I am describing, I was anxiously alive to whatever might indicate the probable course of events:—
“February 9th.—Herries has been moving for certain returns of Post Office revenue, &c., and the Chancellor of the Exchequer tells me that he thinks the Tories, especially if they get into power, will try to advance the rate to twopence. I told him that I did not think they could succeed, at the same time reminding him that I always was of opinion that twopence would produce the larger revenue.”
Mr. Baring held the opposite opinion, and I now believe that he was right. A few months afterwards, financial difficulties increasing, I was called on to estimate the probable effect of raising the rate to twopence, and my report, made, of course, after careful inquiry and consideration, was not such as to induce Ministers to try the change. To avoid recurring to the subject, I may here add that once only was the question revived. This was during the financial pressure consequent on the Crimean war; when, being called on to make a confidential report, I showed that, though some immediate increase of revenue might be expected from raising the rate to twopence, the benefit would probably be more than counterbalanced, in the long run, by the check to correspondence; and upon this, the project was finally abandoned.[313]
As has been seen, however, the course of the Tories was still uncertain:—
“April 30th.—The Chancellor of the Exchequer brought on his Budget to-night. I was under the gallery. The Tories were aghast at the Free Trade proposals, which occupied so much of their attention, that they had little to say on the subject of postage. Perhaps the returns, showing the steady increase of letters, may have something to do with the matter. Sir Robert Peel was quite silent on the subject; Goulburn talked some nonsense and made some false [erroneous would have been a juster term] statements with as much confidence as though he had understood what he was talking about. He was answered by Hume.
“May 12th.—The Chancellor of the Exchequer expressed an apprehension that Sir Robert Peel would attempt to advance the postage rate to twopence.
“May 13th.—Mr. Wallace called to say that he has no doubt Ministers must resign, and that the Tories will attempt to advance the postage—he says to threepence. Last night Mr. Patrick Chalmers told me fourpence.
“July 6th.—He [the Chancellor of the Exchequer] still thinks it probable that Peel will advance the rate.
“August 27th.—The Chancellor of the Exchequer tells me that from what he observed in the course of his speech last night in the House of Commons, when he spoke of the reduction in postage, he is satisfied that Peel does not intend to raise the rate.... Cole reports that Mr. Moffatt has seen Lord Lowther, who tells him that there is no danger of the Tories raising the postage-rate.”
From what has been said, it may be inferred that indications of the approaching change multiplied as time went on; and it is scarcely necessary for me to add that the dissolution to which the Government resorted, when defeated in its Free Trade policy, resulted in the election of a House by which it was unseated. As the catastrophe approached my personal anxiety naturally increased; a feeling readily understood and kindly recognised by the Chancellor of the Exchequer:—
“May 12th.— ... This led to a conversation as to my own position, in course of which Mr. Baring expressed himself very strongly as to my zeal and skilful management, and said, that if the period for renewing my engagement were come, he should certainly propose to continue it, but that he could not, with justice to those who might succeed the present Government, renew it now. He will, however, record his opinion either in a minute or letter to myself as to the manner in which I have discharged my duty. Nothing could be more kind and friendly than his whole conduct, and I feel much indebted for the open manner in which he spoke on so delicate a subject as the present position of Government.
“June 22nd.—Applied for an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but could see him only for a moment, in the presence of others.”
As matters were pressing, I wrote to him a letter in which, after repeating the various reasons previously urged for placing the administration of my plan permanently in my own hands, I suggested for consideration the expediency of taking advantage of official changes then in progress to transfer Colonel Maberly to some other post. The letter will be found in the Appendix (J).
“July 6th.—Had a long audience with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and nearly emptied my box of papers. This done, he entered on the subject of my letter, and in the course of a very friendly conversation spoke to the following effect. He was afraid that there was no place vacant which could be offered to Colonel Maberly. I mentioned the vacancy in the Poor Law Commission. He first said that he thought Colonel Maberly would not like the appointment, but, on my pressing that he should be asked, Mr. Baring intimated that it had been filled up; he admitted that it was now desirable that I should be in the Post Office, and added nearly as follows: ‘If there had been a vacancy in the secretaryship of the Post Office when I first knew you I certainly should not have given you the appointment, because experience has convinced me that inventors are seldom men of business; but, having worked with you for nearly two years, I have no hesitation in saying that if there were now a vacancy I should propose to Lord Melbourne to give you the appointment.’ I suggested that, as the surveyors are the agents by whom improvements are carried into effect, perhaps the object in view might be accomplished by making me Surveyor-General. He promised to think of this, and, referring to our conversation of May 12th, said, that as my engagement would terminate in about two months, he should not hesitate in renewing it in some shape or other.
“August 20th.—Spoke again to Mr. Baring on the subject of my engagement. He stated that his intention was to renew it for a year certain, and, on my proposing an indefinite renewal, said that if that were done the question of salary must be reconsidered (in which I acquiesced), and that he doubted whether he should be justified in such a renewal. Finally, he promised to reconsider the matter, and to show me the minute before anything was decided. I don’t think this is quite just towards myself. My measure has been adopted by Government; it has been tried under great disadvantages, owing to the continuance at the Post Office of those who are hostile to it, and still it has succeeded, and I have given entire satisfaction to Mr. Baring, as he has repeatedly assured me; I think, therefore, that a permanent position, either in the Post Office or the Treasury, should be given to me. It is absurd to expect that the work will ever be completed. Practically, there is no end to the improvements which it is desirable to make, and I ought not to be exposed to the anxiety resulting from the insecurity as regards my own income, in addition to that which is inseparable from my position. I would rather suffer some diminution of income and have the matter made permanent, though, considering the labour, responsibility, and difficulty of my duties, I don’t think I am overpaid.
“August 27th.—Was interrupted after a very short interview [with the Chancellor of the Exchequer], and before I got through a tithe of my business. Had no opportunity of speaking to him, as I intended, on my own engagement.
“August 28th.—Waited in vain till late in the evening for an interview with Mr. Baring. He has, however, promised to see me on Monday. Division in the House of Commons last night on the address (a majority of ninety-one against Ministers) makes an immediate resignation necessary, and I am, of course, anxious not only to settle my own engagement, but several Post Office references which have been long in hand.
“August 30th.—Had a further conversation with the Chancellor of the Exchequer as to my engagement. He now intends to write me a letter on the subject, as he did when I was first engaged; but I fear it will not be so decisive a renewal as I think it ought to be. He appears to shrink from the responsibility of any decisive act now, which, though very considerate towards his successors, is not, I think, quite fair towards me. He is, however, quite friendly, and promises to do all in his power. In the course of conversation he said that I must expect hereafter a change in the tone of the Post Office authorities; that from the very highest to the lowest they were hostile to me and my plan, and that now he could no longer support me such a change was probable. I think he expressed himself somewhat more strongly than facts justify, but, in the main, I fear he is correct, and if so, it is clear that the plan has been tried under most unfavourable circumstances.
“September 1st.—I again spoke to Mr. Baring about my engagement. He has not yet written the letter, but promises to do it forthwith; the delay causes me much anxiety, and will, I fear, prevent the possibility of obtaining any modification in the letter, however desirable. Mr. Goulburn is to be the Chancellor of the Exchequer, not Sir Robert Peel, as was expected. Mr. Baring thinks this an advantageous arrangement for myself, as I shall have a better chance of access to him. Report makes Lord Lowther Postmaster General, an arrangement which would be very favourable to my plan.”
I scarcely need say that the pleasing delusion into which I thus fell was effectually dispelled in the course of the following year:—
“September 2nd.—On arriving at the office I found the following letter on my table:—
“‘September 1, 1841.
“‘Dear Sir,—As it may be satisfactory to you to have in writing the position in which I consider you to stand, I propose to put on paper my view, in order that you may use it for the information of my successor.
“‘I wish, therefore, to state that some time ago I informed you, in reference to the Post Office business, that I thought it would be of great advantage to continue your services beyond the two years originally settled; that I did not deem it expedient to make any engagement beyond one year, but that you might consider that for one year from the expiration of the former two years your services were engaged, on the same conditions as before.
“‘I think it but justice to you not to conclude this letter without expressing to you my thanks for the unwearied and zealous assistance which you have given me in the carrying on the Post Office business. I feel satisfied that without that assistance it would have been scarcely possible for the Treasury to have given any proper consideration to the arrangements for putting the scheme into effect, and I am happy in having to record my entire satisfaction with the manner in which you have conducted the business of your office.
“‘You will make what use you please of this letter by showing it to my successor.
“‘Yours very sincerely,
“‘F. T. Baring.’
“This is not what I could wish as regards the length of the engagement, but I am satisfied that it is all Mr. Baring considers himself justified in doing; and feeling that it would be very ungracious to object to so kind a letter, I acknowledged it as follows:—
“‘Downing Street, September 2, 1841.
“‘Dear Sir,—Pray accept my earnest thanks for your very kind and gratifying letter, and for the just and able manner in which you have carried my plan, so far, into effect.
“‘Looking forward with much anxiety, but in the hope that happier times for all of us may yet be in store,
“‘I have, &c.,
“‘Rowland Hill.’”
This must have been one of Mr. Baring’s latest official acts, as the formal resignation of Ministers took place on the following day; and though I had subsequently, and, indeed, to the end of his life, much pleasant intercourse with him, our official relations here terminated. Of the important aid which he afterwards gave me much remains to be said; but I will here so far anticipate as to mention an incident which occurred twenty-two years after this time. Soon after my final retirement from the Post Office, happening to be at Brighton, I met Sir Francis Baring—for he had then succeeded to the Baronetcy—and presently received a call from him. In conversation with my wife he remarked that oftentimes, when he worked with me at the Treasury, he had disagreed with me in opinion, but had always found afterwards that he was in the wrong and I was in the right. Upon Lady Hill’s observing that she had been taught by her husband to believe all Sir Francis Baring’s decisions right, he replied, with a laugh, “Well, then, now you have the very best authority for believing them wrong.”
Three days after the date of Mr. Baring’s letter he left Downing Street for the continent. About eleven o’clock the same day Mr. Goulburn entered on the business of his office. Twenty-seven years before this time, when Bonaparte abdicated the throne of France and withdrew to Elba, a caricature was said to be privately circulated in Paris, representing an eagle flying out from a window in the Tuileries, while a fat goose waddled in at the door. Perhaps the reader who has followed me through my labours and anxieties, who has sympathized in my disappointments and rejoiced in my success, and who remembers in addition, that I had been all my life a Liberal, and was by no means free from the prejudices of my party, will pardon me when I confess that my mind, at this crisis, harboured a feeling too much resembling the scorn and bitterness which prompted the French caricature.
Yet had I, amidst all my troubles, some aids to complacency. Of the approbation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer I have already spoken, and certainly this was my greatest comfort. The following tokens, however, had their value. On the 8th of April, I received a very beautiful silver salver from Liverpool, accompanied with a letter from Mr. Egerton Smith, Editor of the Liverpool Mercury, the leading journal of that town, a gentleman who had from the first been an earnest supporter of Penny Postage, and who remained its steady advocate to the end of his life. The letter informed me that the salver had been purchased with the pence contributed by thousands of his fellow-townsmen, and that Mr. Mayer, in whose works the plate had been produced, and by whom it was delivered into my hands, had waived all considerations of profit, and worked con amore. On July 2nd I received from Glasgow two highly-wrought silver wine-coolers, bearing an inscription stating that it was “in testimony of gratitude,” from a few gentlemen of that city. I may here mention that two years later I received a very pleasing testimonial from Cupar, Fife, consisting of the works of Sir Walter Scott, including the Memoir by Lockhart,—ninety-eight volumes in all.
On the day when Mr. Goulburn entered on the duties of his office I wrote a note to him, enclosing Mr. Baring’s letter, and requesting an interview at his convenience. Meanwhile circumstances occurred to raise my hopes:—
“September 6th.—Called on Mr. Stephen [the late Right Hon. Sir James Stephen, K.C.B.] at the Colonial Office on some postage business. He assures me that I shall find Mr. Goulburn very pleasant to transact business with—a man of high honour and of great skill in details. Mr. [now Sir John] Lefevre, whom I afterwards saw at the Board of Trade, gave a similar account of him.”
The first part of this favourable opinion was, in a measure, confirmed the same day:—
“This afternoon I had my first interview with Mr. Goulburn: he received me with great civility, and inquired as to the nature of my engagement, duties, &c. He appeared somewhat at a loss to know what I could have to do, and was not a little surprised when I told him that seventy-two cases had been referred to me in the month of August alone. He seemed to think that my plan was fully introduced, and did not, as it appeared to me, learn with much satisfaction that much remained to be done. We went through three or four papers that were pressing, and he readily acquiesced in all my recommendations. He is to consider whether the business hereafter shall be conducted with himself or with one of the secretaries. I inquired if he saw any objection to my communicating with Lord Lowther; he replied, that he thought the more I conferred with Lord Lowther the better.”
The next day’s record was also satisfactory:—
“September 7th.—Had my first interview with Sir George Clerk, the new Secretary, and was received with great politeness.”
Presently, however, came passages of a somewhat different character:—
“September 13th.—Called on Lord Lowther. Stated my own desire, and that of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that I should communicate freely with him on postage matters. He did not appear to me to meet the advance cordially; but it is said that he is habitually cold, reserved, and cautious. He told me that, his patent not being made out, he was not yet authorised to act, and appeared to desire that I should understand that to be a reason for restricted communication at present. I found that he had read my paper ‘on the results of the plan,’ &c., and the attack upon it, but he expressed no opinion on either. Altogether, I do not consider the interview very satisfactory.”
In a few days practical results of the change began to appear. An application which I made to the Post Office for needful information was declined, on the alleged authority of the new Postmaster-General, unless made according to forms which would have made the actual slow progress intolerably slower; and, at the same time, papers arriving at the Treasury from the Post Office, which hitherto had been all handed over to me, were now almost entirely withheld. On the former point, however, matters were set right for the time by a second interview with Lord Lowther, who, I found, had acted in the belief that he was merely continuing the previous practice, and who appeared annoyed at having been misled. By his authority I wrote a letter to Colonel Maberly, referring alike to his lordship’s intentions, and to the Treasury Minute in which my right for immediate information was distinctly laid down. My letter, which I wished to soften as much as possible, contained the following passage:—
“Let me add, that though clearly entitled to act as I have done, I would at once have given up my claim and adopted the suggestion contained in your note, if I were not convinced that to resort to the formality of Treasury Minutes in the numerous instances in which inquiry is necessary would seriously retard the progress of business.”
The former order being thus re-established at the Post Office, there remained to seek a similar restoration at the Treasury. Here, however, Mr. (now Sir Charles) Trevelyan (Assistant Secretary to the Treasury) had kindly intervened on my behalf, strongly recommending that the opportunity of checking the Post Office expenditure should not be taken from me, and had procured from Sir George Clerk a promise to consult with Sir Robert Peel and Mr. Goulburn on the subject. As no further result was obtained, I wrote to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, suggesting that, in my present lack of employment, I should either proceed with measures for the further introduction of my plans, or that if this were at the time impracticable, I should be allowed an interval of entire repose after the heavy labours of the last two years. This letter produced an immediate effect, Mr. Trevelyan, Sir George Clerk, and even the Chancellor of the Exchequer all speaking to me on the subject in the course of the same day; explanations were given, arrangements made (a kind of compromise which I hoped would, in operation, gradually put all things right), and the desired holiday most readily granted. “Everything,” says my Journal, “was said in the most polite and, to all appearance, friendly manner, and altogether things have assumed a much more favourable aspect.”
My term of holiday was certainly very little interrupted with business, nor did I find more than three or four papers awaiting me on my return a month afterwards.
One intervening incident, however, I must not omit to mention. The original conception of a uniform penny rate has been more than once, of late years, attributed to Mr. Wallace. How far that generous-hearted man was from making such a claim himself may be gathered from the following passage in a speech delivered by him at Aberdeen, and reported in the Aberdeen Herald of October 2nd:—
“And here let me say, once for all, that to Mr. Hill alone is the country indebted for that scheme; for he is the real inventor, and its only discoverer, while the honour conferred to-day upon me can only apply to working it out in Parliament.”
The benefit derived from my holiday was not checked by my first interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequer:—
“November 5th.—Got through much business with the Chancellor of the Exchequer very satisfactorily.”
Nevertheless, the same interview ushered in what afterwards proved a very serious matter. It was indeed the beginning of the end; since the move then first announced at length led, as I was informed, and as I fully believe, to my being driven from office. Before treating of this, however, it will be convenient to deal with various other matters.
The withdrawal of routine papers from my charge having, of course, diminished my amount of work, it was notified to me that my establishment should be reduced, and it was suggested that Mr. Cole’s services might be dispensed with. While admitting this on the supposition that affairs remained on their present footing:—
“I expressed an opinion (November 10th) that it would be better to employ the whole strength of the establishment, and offered to go into the Post Office to organize the registration of letters and superintend the execution of the remaining parts of my plan, &c.; all of which he [Mr. Trevelyan] undertook to report to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but intimated that his instructions were to reduce the establishment, and talked of my doing with one clerk, to which I decidedly objected.
“November 11th.—Mr. Trevelyan told me that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had decided with regard to Cole (he leaves on January 10th, at the end of his quarter); that he appeared well-inclined as to my going into the Post Office, and would write to the Postmaster-General on the subject.
“January 8th, 1842.—Cole leaves me to-day. The progress of the Penny Postage both before and after its adoption by Government, has been greatly promoted by his zeal and activity.”
Meantime, however, it had been ordered by the Chancellor of the Exchequer that all papers relative to the Post Office, by whomsoever dealt with, should afterwards be shown to me, in order that I might be made fully aware of the course of proceeding.
Gradually I seemed to inspire some amount of confidence:—
“December 11th.—This week I have had several difficult cases not connected with penny postage, and I think I perceive, on the part of Sir George Clerk, a tendency to rely more on me than heretofore.”
Similar entries appear on December 18th and 24th; but within two months the favourable aspect changed:—
“February 12th, 1842.—I have had three or four cases referred to me this week, but by far the greater number, though certainly the least difficult, are decided in the Treasury. This circumstance, coupled with the total silence on the part of the Chancellor of the Exchequer with regard to my recent letters to him, shows, I fear, that no friendly feeling is entertained towards myself, and if so, towards my plan.”
This impression was gradually confirmed by subsequent events.
While support at the Treasury was thus feeble and vacillating, I could have very small hope of aid from the Post Office. It has indeed been seen that Lord Lowther had withdrawn all objection to my calling for returns as before; but these, though the information I was able to extract from them was of use, were in themselves a constant source of trouble from their inaccuracy:—
“March 8th, 1842.—Sent [to the Post Office] the financial returns recently made to the Treasury, for correction. Ledingham cannot convince —— that they are wrong (which they clearly are in principle), and they are come back uncorrected. It is strange that men whose sole duty it is to keep accounts should not only blunder, but be unable to see the error when pointed out.”
It was in this account, I believe, but certainly in one from the same functionary, that the balance carried forward at the close of a quarter changed its amount in the transit; and when I pointed out this fact as conclusive against the correctness of the account, it was urged that, without such modification, the next quarter’s account could not be made to balance! Errors, however, did not end here:—
“May 20th, 1842.—Received the Parliamentary Returns from the Post Office. Very inaccurate. Sent Ledingham with them to the Post Office to get them corrected.”
In short, it is literally true that an accurate return or statement in detail of any kind from the Post Office was at this time a rare exception.
If I had found it hard to make head previously to the late change, I found progress now almost impracticable; and, though I persevered in unremitting effort, I had little, indeed, of that encouragement which is derived from the prospect of speedy success. For some time I had even considerable anxiety lest much that had been done should be undone; but these forebodings, at least, were not confirmed by the event:—
“March 7th, 1842.—To-day’s Morning Post has a leader on the subject of the financial measures to be brought forward by Sir Robert Peel on Friday, from which the following is an extract:—‘It is conjectured by some that Mr. Rowland Hill’s Penny Postage inroad upon a revenue which could ill afford such an experiment, is to be counteracted, not by the restoration of the old system, but by an increase to the uniform rate of postage. The objections to this are that it would not do much to supply the deficiency, and that it would be an interference with an experiment deliberately adopted by a former Parliament, and not yet acknowledged by advocates to have failed in a financial point of view.’”
It is to be feared that to this very day the “advocates” remain as obstinately unconvinced as ever:—
“March 12th, 1842.—Penny Postage is safe. Sir Robert Peel, in announcing his financial measures last night, states that he does not intend to advance the rate, at least at present. He speaks highly of the social advantages of Penny Postage, and expresses an opinion that the measure has not yet had a full trial. But he states, erroneously, that the cost of the packet service defrayed by the Admiralty exceeds the Post Office net revenue.”
This was, I believe, the first appearance of a statement which, in one form or other, has ever since tended to perplex or mislead the public. More of this hereafter.
Of my efforts for improvement during this year of difficulties I propose to speak in less detail than heretofore, limiting attention to a few matters of chief importance. My labours were not altogether ineffectual, though for the most part, as I have already said, it was but seldom that I was able to accomplish anything of much importance. To some extent the rule already adopted with regard to new salaries and additional emoluments must, I think, have acted to check extravagance, even when control had passed from my own hands; and I may add that an occurrence about this time, due to past proceedings, showed in a striking manner the value of the rule:—