But San Martin was no ordinary man. A high and lofty purpose thrilled his soul and steeled his heart against all discouragement. An advance guard of the Spaniards in the Uspallata pass was driven out by that wing of his little army of four thousand men. Before reinforcements could come up the two divisions had successfully accomplished the crossing and were united. Disconcerted by the report that two armies had crossed the Andes and were advancing against him, the Spanish commander retreated to Santiago for reinforcements. With admirable forethought San Martin chose his positions and awaited the conflict which was inevitable. The two armies approached each other. The Spanish commander had a superior force, composed of veterans of the peninsular wars. San Martin’s men were inspired by an enthusiastic commander and a love of country. The battle raged for hours until, surrounded on three sides by the enemy, their artillery gone, a third of their number dead on the field of battle, the Spanish forces broke and fled toward Santiago. Less than half their number escaped death or capture. Thus was the decisive battle of Chacabuco won by the patriots on the 12th of February, 1817, with a loss of only twelve men killed. The next day the Spanish governor of Chile was flying from the capital, and two days later the conquerors entered that city. San Martin had won his first great victory, and was everywhere hailed as a deliverer.

Steadfast in his purpose of driving the Spaniards from all of South America the victor refused to be drawn into local fights. The Argentine patriots were fighting among themselves and his friends wanted San Martin to return and aid them. This he refused to do, and his friends were embittered. Unwilling to accept the supreme authority in Chile, General O’Higgins, who had materially assisted in the victory at Chacabuco, was selected as executive. The independence of Chile was soon after proclaimed. In connection with Lord Cochrane, an English officer, San Martin began to devote all his energies to the building of a fleet, in order to drive the hated Spaniards from Peru. Three years more were spent in these preparations. At last, in 1820, a little fleet was ready, and he sailed with a small army for that stronghold of Spanish power. In four months, without a pitched battle, he sent the enemy flying from Peru. Lima yielded and that country was declared to be independent. He then assumed the rôle of protector of Peru and commander in chief of the insurgent army. San Martin desired to coöperate with Bolivar, and a personal interview was arranged between these two liberators at Guayaquil. Bolivar refused. Without a word of explanation, without a complaint, the disappointed San Martin gave up the command of the army, resigned the dictatorship of Peru to Bolivar, and left that country. There was no place for him in Argentina, except as a leader in civil war, and this he would not indulge in. For honours or position he cared not. Thus he went into voluntary exile. Rather than jeopardize the independence secured after so much hard fighting, rather than take part in the divisions of the factions fighting among themselves, he sacrificed home, friends and honours, and even submitted to cruel charges of ingratitude and cowardice. Few finer examples of unselfishness are recorded in the annals of the world’s history. If not abler San Martin was at least more unselfish than Bolivar.

General San Martin, heartbroken and disappointed, went to Boulogne-sur-Mer, in France, and established his home. The remaining years of his life were passed in obscurity and poverty, with only a faithful daughter to comfort and cheer his old age. Once he started for the land of his birth, and got as far as Montevideo. There he learned that Argentina was in the throes of a revolution. Fearing that his presence might be misconstrued, the old warrior sorrowfully turned his face back toward France. The generosity of a Spaniard was all that saved this hero from absolute want during the last few years of his life, for he lived to a good old age. Reading was the only resource left to brighten his later years, but approaching blindness deprived him of even this pleasure during the last few months. On the 17th of August, 1850, General San Martin expired in the arms of his loving and faithful daughter.

It was many years before Argentina fully appreciated the services of this grand old man, and it was then too late to bring cheer to his broken heart. His sacred remains were brought back to Buenos Aires and placed in the Cathedral, where they now repose. Honours were decreed him. There are few cities in that republic that have not erected a monument to his memory. Chile and Peru have raised statues in his honour. Only a few months ago the Argentine government dedicated a fine memorial in the French city where he died. Last year, while Argentina was celebrating her first centennial, the memory of the patriot San Martin was kept green, and the youth were taught his great and unselfish love of country. It is little wonder that the Argentinians do not go into raptures over the name of Bolivar, but hold up their own San Martin as the real liberator of at least four of the republics of South America.

For a half-century following the 25th of May, 1810, the history of Argentina is a record of wars, revolutions and other disturbances. It was the unavoidable conflict between centralizationists and autonomists, between military and civil principles of government. A detailed account of all these conflicts would be confusing and wearisome, and it can best be treated in a consideration of those involved in the struggle.

An oligarchy grew up in Buenos Aires at first that sought to rule the rest of the original viceroyalty in almost as arbitrary a manner as Spain herself had done. This caused constant friction with the other cities, each of which aspired to be an independent province. Military chieftains arose here and there who defied the authority of that oligarchy. Civil war broke out in numerous places, and bloody encounters took place followed by much devastation. Within a few years nearly all the provinces were practically independent of Buenos Aires and there were a half dozen centres of authority, although that city did not yield in her pretensions. San Martin was peremptorily ordered to return, but refused. Belgrano attempted to lead his army there, but they revolted and abandoned him, joining the local forces. The outside provinces themselves split up through local differences. Cordoba lost Rioja, from the old intendencia of Salta seceded Tucuman, Santiago del Estero and Catamarca, and Cuyo split up into Mendoza, San Juan and San Luiz. Buenos Aires itself was subdivided, losing Uruguay, Corrientes, Santa Fé and Entre Rios. Thus were formed the provinces which have since become the units of the Argentine confederation. The outside provinces were willing to unite with Buenos Aires on an equal basis, but the people of that city would not consent on such terms.

For years no really constructive statesman appeared out of the confusion and selfishness of the oligarchies. At last there loomed above all the personality of Rivadavia, who undertook the reformation of the laws and their administration. He introduced numerous reforms and founded a number of charitable institutions, and infused a more modern spirit into the government. A congress met in Buenos Aires in 1825, in which all the provinces were represented by delegates. By this time the independence of the Argentine Confederation had been acknowledged by all of the leading powers except Spain. Rivadavia and his followers gained control of this assembly. In the following year he was elected president, although this selection did not mean much because of the power of the military chieftains, called caudillos. Buenos Aires was not satisfied because of his plan to place the city under the direct control of the federal government, much as Washington in the United States. At the same time war broke out with Brazil. That country attempted a blockade, but the doughty Irish sailor, William Brown, made this ineffective. He destroyed a large part of their fleet. General Alvear defeated the Brazilians at Ituzaingo, and this victory caused great rejoicing. Negotiations for peace followed soon afterwards. Rivadavia’s envoy agreed to allow Uruguay to remain a part of the empire of Brazil, and this treachery aroused such a wave of indignation that he was compelled to resign. He was succeeded by Dorrego. Dorrego did not rule long in peace. The standard of revolt was raised in Buenos Aires and General Lavalle declared himself as governor. Dorrego fled to the interior, but was pursued. He was finally captured and, without even the form of a trial, was shot by the direct order of Lavalle. This precipitated a bloody civil war which soon desolated Argentina. The gauchos arose in revolt, and a series of campaigns began in different sections of the country. It is the leader of the southern gauchos who stands out as the strongest historical character of this period.

One of the most picturesque figures in Argentine history is Juan Manuel Rosas, a native of the province of Cordoba, who soon became the chief figure in Argentine affairs. This man ruled the new nation with an iron hand for almost two decades. He became an absolute tyrant and the most bitterly hated man in the country. Descendant of a wealthy family he devoted himself to pastoral pursuits from early life. By the time he was twenty-five he was the undisputed leader of the gauchos on the southern pampas, and had a full regiment of the half-breed horsemen of the plains at his back and ready to do his bidding. He had been fairly well educated and had ability, but this talent was not supported by character. He can best be compared with the notorious Santa Anna, of Mexico, in his greed for power, his cruelty and his craving for homage. Another similar type was the half-savage Carrera of Guatemala.

Rosas first appeared in public life at the head of a troop of gaucho cavalry, in a revolution that began in 1818. During the civil war he gave valuable aid to the Federalist cause. After a decisive defeat of the famous General Lavalle in 1829 he was appointed governor over the province of Buenos Aires with the rank of Captain-General, and this made him nominal head of Argentina. This event gave this monster his first taste of power and whetted his insatiable appetite for more. The remaining provinces were gradually subdued and one after another came under the authority of this dictator, although thousands of lives were lost in the conquest. As a rule no quarter was given, and the losing side generally fought it out to the last man. On one occasion five hundred prisoners were shot in cold blood at Tucuman. From the year 1832 the power of Rosas became absolute. Says Mr. Akers: “Unitarian advocates were hunted down like wild beasts. Rosas became suspicious of his own generals, and one by one they disappeared. Quiroga was assassinated at Cordoba; Lopez died suddenly in Buenos Aires; and Cullen, Reinafe and Heredia were sentenced to death. Under the tyranny of Rosas human life had small value. If any man was a danger to the dictatorial régime he was murdered by a band of assassins retained for this purpose. Expression of public opinion was rendered impossible. Men dared not think for themselves, much less put into words their abhorrence of the dictator.”

The attempt of Rosas to close the Paraná to foreign commerce led to a blockade of Buenos Aires by French and English warships in 1845, so that this attempt failed. He also endeavoured to annex Uruguay, but foreign influence prevented this also. These acts made him intensely jealous of foreign governments. Nevertheless, with all foreign powers against him, and with powerful forces in his own land opposing him, he ruled Argentina with despotic tyranny for eighteen years. Rosas placed his political favourites at the head of the provincial governments, but he was not able to keep them loyal to his interests. His arbitrary acts alienated his best friends. The longer he ruled the more united became all other factions. A common hatred of the tyrant overshadowed all other differences of opinion. Foreigners were excluded from the provinces, everything imported or exported was required to be transhipped at Buenos Aires in order that duties might be collected. It was not long until the whole population was ready to support a rebellion. The provinces which had placed this tyrant in power finally overthrew him.

The chief lieutenant of Rosas for many years had been General Urquiza, whom he appointed governor of the province of Entre Rios. The administration of Urquiza was successful, and he could always be counted on to raise troops for Rosas from among the ranchmen of that province. Urquiza was a “caudillo”, but had no particular thirst for power. At last, in 1846, the rupture with the tyrant came, and from that time on Urquiza led the fight against Rosas. Three times his efforts failed, but the fourth time in alliance with some Brazilian and Uruguayan troops he crossed the river with an army of twenty-four thousand, the largest army ever assembled on South American soil up to that time. Rosas awaited Urquiza at Buenos Aires and trusted all to a single battle. Of his army half deserted him and many of his officers betrayed him. The result was a disastrous defeat for the tyrant-dictator. When General Urquiza entered Buenos Aires, Rosas fled the country. Clad as an English sailor he escaped to a British man-of-war and was conveyed to England. He lived on a farm near Southampton until his death on the 14th of March, 1877, upon the proceeds of his ill-gotten wealth.

CHAPTER XVI
THE ERA OF DEVELOPMENT

The great question that was ever disturbing peace in Argentina was the fight between the Federalists, those who favoured a centralized power, and the Unitarians, who wanted the provinces to remain supreme. It was similar to the problem of states’ rights as against a strong union, which was not settled in the United States until a disastrous civil war had been waged between the two factions. The question first arose under Rivadavia, who allowed it to drift along. It did drift, and became more formidable each year until it became the pivot around which all struggles centred, and was the primary cause of forty years of strife and much bloodshed. The province of Buenos Aires was always a strong adherent of the Unitarian idea, for that meant its continued supremacy by reason of its overshadowing strength. For that reason the other provinces rejected it. As the city of Buenos Aires enlarged, the question became more and more formidable. The mooted theme caused Rivadavia to resign his office; it made possible the disastrous dictatorship of Rosas; it hampered Presidents Urquiza and Mitre in the reforms attempted by them. It was not until Buenos Aires was forcibly organized into a Federal District that this cause of perpetual friction disappeared.

Argentina felt a sense of relief upon the downfall of Rosas, and once more the people breathed freely. The supreme power naturally fell into the hands of the victorious General Urquiza. The provinces had suffered most severely during the long period of civil wars. In Rioja the government had been overthrown fifteen times in seven months. Some of them were isolated, others had been badly devastated, but all of them were poor. Buenos Aires alone had increased in wealth and population. Hundreds of liberals had left the city or been exiled, but thousands had sought that city as a refuge from the disorders of the interior. Many English and Irish had settled in that province and engaged in the raising of sheep and cattle. The city alone contained one-fourth of the entire population of the confederation, and the rest of the province had increased more rapidly than any of the others. Although military rule was ended with the change in government, the real subject of dispute was far from being solved.

As soon as he was named provisional executive General Urquiza adopted measures looking to the adoption of a constitution. The governors of the various provinces met and it was agreed to call a Congress in which each province should have an equal vote. Buenos Aires alone protested, and to avoid the predominance of that province the session was called to meet in Santa Fé. The legislature of Buenos Aires refused to assent to this arrangement. The city rose in revolt and sent an army to attack Santa Fé, while the Congress was holding its sessions. By this action Buenos Aires practically declared her independence of the other provinces, but never asked recognition of foreign governments as an independent state. Although the rest of the confederation never took any steps to force a union, they knew that it would never do to permit Buenos Aires to remain independent with its control of the La Plata and its tributaries, which furnished the only natural communication with the interior. It was the pacific policy of Urquiza alone that prevented more serious trouble at this time. He refused to become another Rosas.

On the 1st of May, 1853, a constitution was adopted which was substantially copied after that of the United States, and this constitution, with few amendments, remains the fundamental law of Argentina to-day. The Paraná River was declared free to all the world, and the city of Paraná was selected as the temporary capital, with the city of Buenos Aires as permanent capital when that province should join the union. General José Justo Urquiza was elected the first constitutional president. Under his rule the provinces greatly prospered. The connection of some of the border provinces was very slight at first, but they gradually began to see the benefits of a closer union. The relations between Buenos Aires and the confederation became so strained in 1859 that the former marched an army against Urquiza. The President defeated them and, advancing upon the metropolis, compelled them to accept the constitution and join the confederation. This was about the last national service of President Urquiza, as his term expired in 1860. For many years after that he remained governor of Entre Rios, and his influence was paramount in that section between the Paraná and Uruguay Rivers. During a revolt against his authority in 1870, the aged general and ex-President was cruelly assassinated in his own house by some followers of the opposing leader.

The successor of Urquiza was Dr. Santiago Derqui. Trouble soon arose in the new government over the intervention of the federal government in the province of San Juan, because of the assassination of the governor. His successor, who had been selected by the people, was captured by the government troops and shot. Buenos Aires protested at this summary execution, and the Congress resented their protest by refusing admittance to its members. The forces of Buenos Aires under the command of General Mitre defeated the federal army in the battle of Pavon, and Derqui was thus deposed after a brief rule, being compelled to flee from the country.

General Bartolomé Mitre, one of the most illustrious men of Argentina, was born in the city of Buenos Aires, on the 26th of June, 1821. His early education was received in his home city, but later he was sent to Montevideo. It was in this city that he imbibed revolutionary doctrines, and took up arms in 1838, in one of the disturbances so numerous in that country. A few years later, when just of legal age, he joined an expedition against Rosas, the dictator. The failure of this expedition caused Mitre to return to Montevideo and turn his fight against that usurper through the columns of the newspapers, a calling which he followed during a large part of his life. At the early age of twenty-three he headed another attack against the tyrant, and was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. Disagreements with the authorities caused the young officer to leave Montevideo, and he went to the province of Corrientes, where he took part in several engagements against Rosas. The failure of this enterprise caused him to flee to Bolivia, where he spent a number of years in newspaper work and as teacher in the military college. His career also led him to Peru and Chile, in each of which countries he joined in the political struggles, always in behalf of public liberties and generally opposed to the existing governments. His conduct in those countries led him to a number of persecutions, so that he fled from one country to another, generally being received by the people as the champion of modern political ideas. He returned again to Montevideo, where he united with Urquiza, who was at that time a leader of the movement toward liberty from political dictators. He soon separated from that leader, however, becoming an active opponent of his, and to that end founded a newspaper in that city, called Los Debates.

In the revolution of 1852, Mitre entered the service of the National Guard, and this movement being successful he was appointed to a cabinet position, the first political office he had held in his own country. This government did not last long, and Mitre was soon found in the military service again. For a while he edited El Nacional, and took a part in the forming of a new constitution. For a number of years his time was alternated between military service, literary work, editorial services and political office. In 1860 he was elected governor of the province of Buenos Aires, and in 1862, by the victory of Pavon, General Mitre succeeded to the presidency of the republic. The accession of this high-minded patriot ended the period of uncertainty in Argentina. Although he reached his high position as the representative of victorious Buenos Aires, he immediately set himself to work to remodel and strengthen the federation, a task for which he had long prepared himself. Buenos Aires became the seat of government once more. The autonomy of the provinces was not interfered with, but power and population naturally gravitated toward that city. From that time the tendency has constantly been toward strengthening the bonds of cohesion. President Mitre also sought to work out a more democratic form of government, as preventative of the uprisings which were so numerous and distracting. This work, however, was seriously interrupted by the Paraguayan war, in which he acted as Commander-General of the allied forces from 1865 to 1868. The aggressive and ambitious policy of General Lopez, the dictator of that country, united Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina in an attempt to throttle his pretensions. It was only accomplished after a bloody war of several years, and the killing or disabling of almost every man in Paraguay capable of bearing arms. In 1868 President Mitre’s term of office ended, and he was presented by the people with a fine home in the capital. After his retirement he served as senator for that province, in which he did good service for his country. He did effective work as editor of La Nacion, a journal which he owned, and through which he propounded his political ideas. At last ripe in years, full of honours and with the universal appreciation of his fellow countrymen he departed from this life in 1906.

During the term of President Mitre Argentina made great strides in material prosperity and industrial development. The Paraguayan war furnished a splendid market for the produce of the country, for the expense of the war was mostly borne by Brazil. When the election was held in that year Dr. Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, a native of the province of San Juan, was chosen. This election was held without interference from any source and the candidate himself was in Washington as his country’s representative at that time. It was a wise selection, for even the jealous Porteños could find little fault with the policy and attitude of the new President. His most bitter opponents were compelled to admit that upright dealing and a desire to promote the best interests of Argentina characterized his administration. He is best remembered for the work done in behalf of education, and for that reason has been referred to as the “school-teacher President.” He was a great admirer of President Lincoln and wrote a biography in Spanish of our martyred president. One of his books closes with these words: “Without instruction liberty is impossible;” and these words seem to have been the expression of his creed. Comparative peace reigned, and prosperity again made strides in spite of the weight of the heavy debt incurred by the Paraguayan war. An epidemic of yellow fever at this time is also memorable, as it is said to have caused the death of twenty-four thousand persons in Buenos Aires within six months. Notwithstanding all these hindrances to prosperity, the termination of President Sarmiento’s term in 1874 found great advances made in the republic. Education had progressed, railways had been extended, and the administration of justice had been improved. Immigration on a large scale had been turned toward Argentina. Perhaps the greatest criticism that can be offered is that his administration was practically the beginning of the policy of national and commercial extravagance which finally ended in financial disaster. Sarmiento died in 1888, at the age of seventy-seven.

The question of a successor to Sarmiento again aroused the old jealousies. At that time Argentina was a loosely-joined organization of fourteen states, each enjoying sovereign rights and each jealous of the national government. Both Mitre and Sarmiento had endeavoured to unite the provinces more closely, but with little effect. The difficulty of communication was perhaps detrimental to consolidation. Sarmiento absolutely refused to be drawn into the controversy or take any part in the selection of his successor. The provincials, however, won again when Dr. Nicolás Avellaneda, a native of Tucuman, was chosen. This election almost resulted in a serious revolution. After his inauguration, and in order to intimidate the Porteños, the President made an ostentatious parade of military strength. A meeting of prominent citizens was held, and a discussion as to the best means of combating the President followed. It was decided to found the Tiro Nacional, an organization ostensibly formed for rifle shooting, but in reality a volunteer military organization. The enthusiasm of the young men for this organization was unbounded, and every Sunday thousands attended the parade grounds to receive instruction. It was not long until the Tiro Nacional aroused the suspicion of the President and his advisors. General Mitre and other officers in the army, who were active in the Tiro, were summoned and told that their further connection with that organization would subject them to the charge of treason. As an answer to this they immediately resigned their commissions. Conflicts between national troops and members of the Tiro were narrowly averted in several instances. A compromise was finally effected which temporarily averted hostilities, as public attention was again centred upon a successor.

General Bartolomé Mitre might have been chosen again, but he refused to become a candidate. There was no lack of willing candidates, however, but it brought to the front one of the strongest men that Argentina has yet known, General Julio Roca. General Roca, like his predecessor, was a native of Tucuman. He had distinguished himself in campaigns against turbulent Indians, and also in command of troops in several revolutionary outbreaks. He had shown great skill and tact in organization. One of his campaigns had opened up the vast region of Patagonia to civilization. As a result of his victory, this land, which had hitherto been considered as a barren waste, was added to the national domain and given territorial government in order to avoid state jealousies. This caused General Roca to be called a national benefactor by his friends. Foreseeing that a call to arms would come sooner or later General Roca applied himself to strengthening the army, while his followers fought his political battles. For the first time the nationalists openly and strenuously advocated the confiscation of the city of Buenos Aires as the federal capital. To this Roca gave his adherence, and he became the candidate of the powerful Cordoba “League,” which was a political organization of unusual strength.

Each side now began to prepare for the impending conflict, although for months these strained relations continued. The Porteños were hampered by a lack of arms and ammunition. In June, 1880, an open rupture occurred in the capital between the presidential escort and a group of citizens. The incident was reported as an attempt upon the life of President Avellaneda. The President fled the city and joined the main body of federal troops a few miles out. General Roca commanded these troops, which numbered about eight thousand, and some gunboats. The city was unfortified, but the Porteños began to throw up entrenchments and had about fifteen thousand men under arms. These troops, however, lacked military training, while the government forces had seen service in several minor campaigns. Wrangling, vacillation and jealousy all weakened the power of the Porteños. Each side delayed the conflict which all felt to be inevitable. There were minor skirmishes, but it was not until July that a serious encounter took place, on the 20th of that month. Roca decided to make an attack and placed his forces accordingly. Several points of assault were arranged. The battle began very early on the morning of that date with picket skirmishing. The defence stubbornly resisted the advance and made a valorous fight. The losses on both sides were severe; especially was this true of the Porteños, who also began to be distressed because of lack of ammunition. They had no reserve stores on which to fall back. On the second day the fighting was renewed with odds in favour of the government. The national troops finally forced their way over the Barracas Bridge into the city. The total casualties had been not less than five thousand, with the greatest loss among the city’s defenders. Both sides rested for a day, the 22nd. An armistice was declared and negotiations opened. The national government, knowing the lack of ammunition, imposed onerous conditions. Participators in the revolt, however, were not to be punished, but should be denied official employment. When Congress met a few months later it ratified the election of General Roca as President. The city of Buenos Aires was proclaimed a federal district and the national capital. Thus the principal cause of friction between the provinces was forcibly removed. This was practically the last step in the process of consolidation which had been going on. This great city is now one of the strongest ties binding together the different provinces, as each one has a sense of joint ownership in and pride of their beautiful capital.

Centralization received a fresh impetus with the ascendency of President Roca. The provinces, however, got more than they had bargained for. They had succeeded in humiliating the province of Buenos Aires, but a strong central government was not one of their desires. Roca, hitherto an unknown political quantity, set himself to work to bring order out of chaos, and to develop a national spirit; to teach the people of all the provinces that first of all they were Argentinians. He surprised both his opponents and supporters; the first by his fairness, and the latter by the fact that they could not dictate to him. He did not act hastily but studied the situation. He had visited nearly every section of the country and knew the immense undeveloped resources of the country. To populate these lands and bring them under contribution to civilization was his great aim. Within a year his power was absolute, but he began no repressive measures. He never allowed militarism to become obnoxious. As a result Argentina entered upon an era of development and evolution that was simply marvellous. A reckless optimism ruled the country. Railway extension on a broader scale began; immigration agencies were opened up in Europe, government lands were sold at low rates. Public works were inaugurated, on a scale hitherto unprecedented, new docks were built in Buenos Aires and adequate drainage undertaken. European money lenders offered money for any enterprise. The petty jealousies were restrained and foreign capital encouraged. With all the skill and diplomacy of a shrewd ruler a discontented element still remained, those who were “out.” In Santa Fé and Entre Rios disturbances arose which were quickly quelled, and in Buenos Aires further trouble threatened. This latter was due to the national interference in elections. The vanity of the Porteños was somewhat appeased by the efforts they made to beautify La Plata, their new capital, which was intended to rival the older city in magnificence and importance.

When the question of a successor became necessary Roca declared he would maintain absolute neutrality. Such a thing was almost unheard of in South America, and the people placed little credence in it. Among the several candidates was his brother-in-law, Miguel Juarez Celman. This man stood before the country in the guise of the official candidate. If Roca did nothing to assist, he did nothing to hinder Celman’s selection. When the election arrived there was practically no contest, and Celman was chosen almost unanimously. At the election in March electors equal to twice the number of representatives in Congress are elected, who meet on June 12th and choose a president and vice-president.

Celman was an unfortunate choice. As governor of Cordoba he had shown no administrative ability, nor later in Congress. There was little to recommend him and he had been chosen by the Cordoba “Clique,” because of his pliancy. The almost four years of his administration are memorable for reckless private and public borrowing. Flattery and adulation turned the head of the new President. Many thought that Roca would be the power behind the throne, but events disproved that idea. With his head turned by the servility shown him, Celman soon chafed at any restraint. He broke loose from all control, and even Roca soon cooled. Political adventurers began to fill the offices and an era of carpet-bagging followed. Elections for senators and deputies were openly manipulated. Bribery and corruption were everywhere apparent. Concessions and monopolies were scattered broadcast. A healthy activity was followed by a mad rush of speculation. The provincial governments followed suit. The corruption of former days sunk into insignificance beside the orgy of this administration. Banks of issue were established throughout the republic, whose notes were guaranteed by national bonds. The paper circulation was almost quadrupled and the premium on gold rose. As the banks were obliged to purchase bonds of the government, this gave it a ready supply of money. Soon this was squandered and the national government found itself obligated for one hundred and ninety-six million dollars on these guarantees.

The conservative element looked on this extravagance with dismay, and rumblings of discontent were heard throughout the republic, although many did not seem to have any apprehensions until the final crash came. The public continued to speculate on the scrip issued. Meetings were held by these malcontents, but the discontented centres were too far apart. A central league was formed which was called the “Union Civica,” in which a number of notable names were included, men who were actuated by purely patriotic motives. This was in 1887, just a year after Celman’s inauguration. Meetings were held, and literature freely distributed calling upon the people to protect themselves against the dangers threatened by this administration. During the two years following its organization the Union Civica spread its propaganda extensively. The headquarters were maintained in Buenos Aires, but local clubs were formed in nearly every town and village throughout the country. Adhesion was publicly given to the tenets of the Union Civica in many provinces, for public feeling was greatly aroused.

In 1889 the beginning of the crisis came, and by the end of that year the organizers felt they could count on the moral support of the majority of the people. The government did not sleep during this time. Meetings were broken up, newspapers were censored and editors threatened. Terrorism, however, did not check the growth of the anti-administration feeling. The President’s action with the Mortgage Banks, which were practically forced to loan money on worthless securities to political favourites, was the last straw. Celman, although aware of the tremendous opposition, relied upon the strength of his army. The foreign colonies protested, and their influence was strong as they owned all the public utilities. Congress passed a resolution demanding his resignation. Force did not avail with public sentiment so aroused. An uprising was finally advocated as the only recourse, although hitherto the Union had acted within its constitutional rights. The army and navy were sounded and considerable encouragement was received. The date for the revolt was finally set for the 26th of July, 1890, and the Plaza Lavalle as the place. This plaza was barricaded and a force of fifteen hundred armed men occupied it. The government troops rendezvoused on the Plaza Libertad, a few hundred yards away. Sharpshooters were placed on the housetops to pick off the insurgents, but they were unable to dislodge them. Some vessels of the fleet attempted to bombard the government buildings, but their shells fell wide of their mark. Reinforcements of the government, as well as a shortage of ammunition, prevented the success of the revolutionary forces. An armistice was arranged and negotiations opened up for a settlement. The insurgents demanded forgiveness of themselves and the resignation of the President, and this was agreed to. His resignation caused scenes of the wildest excitement, and not until then was the real magnitude of the disaffection known. Public holidays were observed for three days. In no quarter was a good word to be said for the defeated President or his administration, and he disappeared from view almost as completely as if the earth had engulfed him. In Europe the keenest pleasure was shown, as the downfall of the President was looked upon as evidence that Argentina would thereafter insist upon honesty in the conduct of its public officials.

Dr. Carlos Pellegrini, the Vice-President, succeeded to the office of chief magistrate. The new President had already acquired a somewhat varied experience in public affairs. The name signifies his Italian descent, but his mother was an Englishwoman of distinguished family, and he had thus inherited some sturdy Anglo-Saxon qualities. He had many friends, but there were skeptics also, because he had not protested against Celman’s policy. No one doubted his ability. His first duty was to organize a cabinet that would conciliate the various factions, but that was no easy task. He succeeded in getting former-President Roca to accept the portfolio of Minister of the Interior, and the other appointments were then easily and successfully filled. The new cabinet was a fortunate combination of the diverse political elements. Every one seemed fairly well satisfied, except the Cordoba “Clique.”

An empty treasury and a legacy of debts of the Celman administration soon made trouble for the new President and his cabinet. Concessions which contained money guarantees had been scattered broadcast, and these obligations were being pressed. The Congress still contained the corrupt members who had been elected through the official influence of Celman. Things drifted from bad to worse, and the general inflation of public and commercial enterprises brought about an economic and financial crisis. The government had no funds with which to meet even the ordinary expenses, let alone the contractual obligations, and national bankruptcy was threatened. The resources had all been mortgaged. As a makeshift the President decided to issue inconvertible notes, and an issue of sixty millions was legalized. This gave temporary relief only and paved the way for greater complications in the future, as the currency rapidly depreciated. Foreign creditors became pressing. The government finally defaulted in its obligations. The Banco Nacional failed, and the resources of all the banks were taxed to the uttermost. Pellegrini, knowing that his tenure was only temporary, became discouraged, and no permanent solution was attempted by him. No human foresight could devise measures that would immediately bring prosperity, and the people were impatient. Dr. Pellegrini was obliged to wait until later years before his work was really appreciated. He served as national senator in after years, and passed away in 1906, mourned by the nation.

A large following began to hail General Bartolomé Mitre as the only saviour, and he finally, but with reluctance, consented to be a candidate. Another element wanted Roca, but neither of these men aspired to the presidency. The two held a conference and decided that neither would be a candidate, if a non-party candidate would be selected. Dr. Luis Saenz Peña, who had been a judge of the Supreme Court for many years, was chosen as this candidate, and was elected practically without opposition, and with the active support of Pellegrini, who imprisoned some of the opposition. Saenz Peña was sixty-eight years of age, and it was thought that his high character and broad experience of men and matters would be just the thing for the country. He had no part in the means taken to exile the opposition leaders and prevent a free election. In fact it is doubtful if he had any real desire for the position.

Thus it was that on the 12th of October, 1892, Dr. Saenz Peña took the oath of office as President, and Dr. Pellegrini retired almost unnoticed. This was the first instance where a President had assumed the office of executive without a party behind him. President Peña had no political following upon whom he could depend for support. His idea was to administer public affairs for the general good, without reference to political exigencies. Unforeseen obstacles soon arose, for the Senators and Deputies were opportunists and looking for personal advantage. The first cabinet resigned after a few stormy months. His thirty years’ service on the bench had unfitted him to grasp political exigencies. He refused to use his official prerogatives to influence Congress, although the latter constantly threw obstacles in his path. Disturbances in several provinces because of local conditions stirred up the feeling of revolt and a revolution was narrowly averted. The opposition endeavoured to make it a general uprising but did not succeed. Although Saenz Peña had allied himself with those opposed to Roca, that general took the field against the revolutionists in Rosario and Santa Fé and restored order, or at least a semblance of it. The President was determined to effect economies in national expenditures, but this was opposed by Congress. The scene of contest was transferred to Congress and the press. When Congress met in June, 1894, the relations between the two departments were strained very much. The President was too conscientious in his efforts to be free to initiate reforms to use his patronage in order to influence the legislators. Congress did nothing from month to month and neglected to pass the necessary appropriation bills. Taxes had been increased to pay the obligations of the government, so that the people were rebelling and war with Chile began to seem imminent. Congress refused to grant the request of the President for money and supplies. A ministerial crisis arose, and Dr. Peña found great difficulty in the formation of a new cabinet. The friction became more and more intense, until the President presented his resignation early in 1895, and the tension was relieved. He never again appeared in public life.

Dr. José Uriburu, who succeeded to the presidency, had been in diplomatic positions for many years. He was also unacquainted with political methods, for he had spent much of his life in foreign countries. Knowing that a repetition of the Peña failure would bring disaster to the nation former-Presidents Roca and Pellegrini decided to support Uriburu with all their resources. This assured the new President a working majority in Congress. Hardly had he assumed office before complications with Chile over the boundary threatened almost immediate war. Excitement became intense, and a large credit was voted by Congress for defence. The question was finally submitted to arbitration and war averted. President Cleveland also decided a dispute with Brazil over the limitations of Misiones adverse to Argentina, but this award was quietly accepted by the government. A default in the subsidy of the railways also caused trouble. The President asked for fifty millions of dollars in bonds to compound with the companies, and this was finally authorized. The support of Roca and Pellegrini during the three years and nine months of Uriburu’s term carried it safely through a trying period, and much was accomplished in restoring the finances to a better footing.

As the election of 1898 drew near public sentiment seemed to concentrate on former-President Roca as the man to steer the ship of state, and he was elected practically without opposition. His former administration had been successful; he was at the head of the only really national party in the republic; he seemed to have the qualities of a leader who could rally around him the discordant political elements into which Argentina was divided. In October, 1898, Dr. Roca assumed office again, just eighteen years after he had first been placed in control of Argentine affairs. During his second term the boundary question with Chile was settled by W. J. Buchanan, the United States minister, as arbitrator, although a rupture in the negotiations was narrowly averted on several occasions. President Roca cleverly avoided the rupture, although it was at times difficult because of the excited state of public opinion. He scathingly rebuked the administration of justice in one of his messages to Congress, and this led to reform and the dismissal of several judges. A meeting with President Errazuiz of Chile was arranged, and this took place at Punta Arenas. On the way the President visited several of the coast settlements in Patagonia. Hitherto these southern territories had been neglected, but this visit brought them prominently into notice. President Roca also visited President Campos Salles, of Brazil, and received a return visit from that official. No revolutionary disturbances arose during this second term, but several of the provinces experienced trouble, and in Buenos Aires the national government was obliged to take charge of the provincial administration because of financial irresponsibility. Many reforms in the finances of the country were accomplished. The value of the dollar rose to forty cents and the beginning of a gold reserve was made. Dr. Roca deserves great credit for the work of his administration, and he still lives to enjoy the confidence and good will of his fellow citizens.

At the meeting of the electoral college on the 12th of June, 1904, Dr. Manuel Quintana was chosen President. Several prominent men, including former-Presidents Pellegrini and Uriburu, were candidates to succeed President Roca, but a new man was selected. President Quintana came of a distinguished family, and was a native of Buenos Aires. By profession he was a lawyer, and had been the legal advisor of many corporations, including several of the railways, so that his election was eminently satisfactory to the foreign interests. When elected he was sixty-eight years of age and had been active in politics for many years, but his record had been clear. The administration of President Quintana was marked by a steady advance in the financial standing of Argentina. Peace reigned, and there was only one slight revolution in February, 1905. At that time revolts broke out simultaneously at Rosario, Bahia Blanca and Mendoza among some government troops, but this disturbance was soon quelled. The greatest damage was inflicted in the last named city, where the revolutionists turned their cannon on the Governor’s Palace and almost reduced it to ruins. Some encounters also took place in the streets of Buenos Aires. The revolution came to an abrupt end, however, after a few days, but not before a number had lost their lives. Several of the conspirators were sentenced to short terms in prison, while a larger number escaped across the border into Chile. This was a radical departure from the former custom of granting general amnesty to all who took part in revolutions against the government.

In 1906 President Quintana died and the office fell to Dr. José Figueroa Alcorta, who had been elected with him as Vice-President. President Figueroa was only forty-four years of age at the time of his inauguration and in the very prime of life. He was a native of Cordoba, and had been a National Senator from that state. He proved himself to be well fitted for the duties of that high office, and safely guided the destinies of the country without serious friction. He himself was a hard worker, and the executive could be found at work in his office early and late. He cared little for display or the social features of the position, and was a much more difficult man to meet than the average President of South America. This administration is too recent to generalize; but suffice it to say that both external and comparative internal peace reigned, and the development of the country and its resources steadily progressed.

In the campaign of 1910 there were two active candidates, Dr. Udaondo and Dr. Roque Saenz Peña, son of the former President of the same name. Many meetings were held by the followers of the former, the billboards were plastered with statements and appeals to the voters, but there was not at any time a question as to who had the “call.” The official party was well organized and the log-rolling was quietly conducted. When the electors met the vote was almost unanimous for Dr. Saenz Peña. The newly-elected President, who assumed office on the 12th of October, entered upon a political career early in life. His first office was deputy in the state legislature of Buenos Aires. Later he became Minister of Foreign Affairs under President Celman. Following the fall of that man, and the scandals which were unearthed, he retired from public life for several years. Since that time he has served in several diplomatic positions, and was a member of the Pan-American Conference held in Washington. At the time of his election he was minister Plenipotentiary to the governments of Italy and Switzerland. President Saenz Peña assumes his office with the good will of the foreign colony, and promises to give Argentina a peaceful and progressive administration. His term of office will not expire until 1916.

CHAPTER XVII
TRADE CONDITIONS IN SOUTH AMERICA

Walking along the extensive docks at Buenos Aires, and going through the immense warehouses which extended one after another along those docks, I was impressed with the small proportion of the immense traffic coming into this port that belonged to the United States. It was an object lesson far more impressive than the perusal of statistics. Section after section would be visited without a single package bearing the name of one of our manufacturers, while great boxes and bales with “Hamburg” stamped upon them, French boxes of both wet and dry goods, labelled “fragile,” and English shipments were piled clear up to the ceiling. The question “why is this condition?” arose in my mind, and set me upon inquiry. Are North American manufactures not adapted to the needs of our fellow Americans? Can it be that our goods are not fully known or appreciated beneath the Southern Cross?

It was just at this time that the naval commission of Argentina awarded the contract for the two battleships to United States builders, after a fierce competition from the ship-building firms of five nations, and one in which even the diplomatic representatives of more than one nation became involved. This act brought out a great deal of favourable comment upon the United States from the leading journals of Buenos Aires. A reporter of La Prensa, perhaps the most influential daily in that republic, came to interview me, and I took the occasion to say that the United States had entered upon an era of commercial conquest, and hereafter must be reckoned with. A number of Argentinians whom I met afterwards commented on the subject, and everywhere the encouraging words were heard: “We will welcome you; indeed we have wondered why it was not done long ago.” This convinces me that no prejudice exists among the Latin-Americans against their fellow Americans of North America.

It may be that the manufacturers of the United States have been a little ignorant of conditions in South America. A little ignorance is excusable. As the United States has not been a colonizing nation, having undeveloped lands and resources at home for its surplus population, there has not been the intercourse between North and South America that there has been between South America and Europe. But there is one characteristic which I noticed everywhere and greatly admired, and that is that South Americans of every country are satisfied only with the “best.” The “just as good” argument does not satisfy. When once convinced that the manufacturer of the United States is putting out a better article, it will be bought. The manufacturer of that country has oftentimes been at a disadvantage because the importing houses are mostly of European nationality, and for that reason prejudicially inclined towards their fellow-countrymen. North American-made goods have forged ahead simply and solely upon their own intrinsic merit.

“All of our printing machinery is of North American make, as is almost everything in the establishment, except the type,” said the manager of La Prensa, as he courteously and with justifiable pride showed me through their fine office building with its humanitarian and sociological features. “We have found those goods to be the best. Furthermore, our presses, as you will see, are the North American make; and not from the branch factory in England.” And so I found as we went through these offices, being taken from one floor to another on an American elevator, that the “copy” was being written up on typewriters, set up on linotype machines, and printed upon presses, all of United States manufacture; the checks to the reporters were signed by fountain-pens and the cash received over the counters was rung up on cash registers from the same land.

“Where do you purchase your paper?”

He answered: “We buy some of it in the United States but most of it in Germany. We prefer that made in North America, but it is so carelessly packed that we always figure on a ten per cent. loss. The German manufacturers carefully surround the rolls with boards to prevent the paper from damage, while the North American paper is simply wrapped with a little heavier paper, which tears or becomes water soaked, and damage results. A short time ago we returned nearly nine hundred bales to the manufacturers because of the damaged condition in which it was received.”