At this juncture there arose a pure Indian, of lowly parentage, who never saw a school until he was twelve years of age. His name was Benito Juarez. Although ever professing devout faith, he early espoused the cause of the anti-clerical party. He was banished by Santa Anna and fled to New Orleans, but opinion changed and his sentiments became the popular views. The new constitution of 1857 declared the separation of church and state. Juarez had been elected President of the Supreme Court under Comonfort. The latter was compelled to flee the country and Juarez became president under the constitution, in 1857. Congress passed a law confiscating church property and civil war was begun. Juarez took the field in person and did not reach the capital until three years later. These three years have been called the years of horrors. The liberals were excommunicated by the church, and the papal delegate and several bishops were ordered out of the country in turn by Juarez. Ministerial crises and resignations became chronic. Guerillas and robbers were bold and attacked many aliens, and foreign obligations were unpaid because of the impoverished condition of the country.

Juarez alone remained cool in the midst of all these disturbances. The convention entered into between France, England and Spain for a joint intervention in Mexican affairs on the 31st day of October, 1861, brought new embarrassment to the Indian reformer. Underneath these acts of the convention the crafty hand of Napoleon can be seen. The man who had accomplished one coup d’Etat was a sworn enemy to all republican institutions. The pretext for this intervention was the collection of some money claims and reparation for alleged offences. Spain no doubt looked forward to a little revenge. The Spanish fleet occupied Vera Cruz on the 14th of December, 1861, followed by the other armies. A conference took place at Orizaba with Juarez who acknowledged the money claims, and Spain and England withdrew their forces. The French remained, secretly supported and encouraged by the extreme church party, and advanced to and captured Puebla. Distracted and disheartened by the state of affairs, the prospect of a stable government made the way easy to place Maximilian upon the throne as Emperor of Mexico, and this was done. He and the empress arrived on the 28th of May, 1864. Maximilian was a liberal ruler and the Empress Carlotta won the people by her charming personality and benevolences.

As long as the French forces remained his throne was secure. The prompt and decisive action of Secretary Seward sounded the death knell of Maximilian’s ambitions. Napoleon withdrew his troops, and Maximilian might have easily escaped had he not wavered between ambition and discretion,—the former eventually winning. He met death with dignity and said “May my blood be the last spilt for the welfare of the country.”

During all of these years Juarez maintained a semblance of authority and kept a cabinet under appointment although he was finally driven to the American border. Yet he could wait, for he had inherited from his dusky ancestors the qualities of patience, endurance and imperturbability. He also had executive ability and an abundance of good sense. After the execution of Maximilian he made a triumphal entry into Mexico. The country was impoverished. The short empire had added a national debt of $187,000,000. More than one thousand battles and skirmishes had occurred between 1863 and 1867, and a hundred thousand Mexicans had been killed or disabled. The people were still restless and an increasing element began to say that he had been president long enough. He was unmoved, but kept steadily on his way trying to better the condition of the people, improve the finances and bring prosperity to his country. The iron constitution finally gave way and he died on the 19th of July, 1872, beloved and honoured by his country. He deserves to be called the Washington of Mexico, for the real liberty of a republican form of government began with him. He had prepared the way for his successors to bring peace, prosperity and liberty to a country that for centuries had been groping and striving after such a condition. Juarez lies buried beneath a magnificent monument in the Panteon de San Fernando, in the City of Mexico.

Upon the death of Juarez the constitutional succession to the chief magistracy fell upon Lerdo de Tejada, who occupied that office for four years. The subsequent history of Mexico, however, centres around the personality of Porfirio Diaz, and the events of his long administration and final downfall are treated in the two following chapters.

CHAPTER XX
THE GUIDING HAND

“I should like to live fifty years to see the result of the seed I have planted,” said Porfirio Diaz a number of years ago. It is not within the limit of human possibility that such a boon could be granted this amiable “republican despot” but he had lived long enough to see the good results of the policies established by him for the upbuilding of his country.

Succeeding to a government that had been in the throes of revolution ever since the patriot-priest Hidalgo first proclaimed independence on the 16th of September, 1810, President Diaz at once restored peace to the country that has lasted for thirty years. Inheriting a bankrupt treasury from his predecessors, and a large foreign debt that had on several occasions brought about foreign intervention, he succeeded in placing the finances of the country in a prosperous condition and has accomplished more for Mexico than had been done in three centuries of Spanish rule. He organized the army along modern lines and established the rurales which insured the safety of life and property. Railroads under the wise system of encouragement inaugurated by him have increased from three hundred and fifty miles to thirteen thousand five hundred miles; telegraph lines from four thousand five hundred miles to thirty-five thousand miles; the number of post-offices now number two thousand three hundred and fifty instead of seven hundred and twenty as it was in 1876. Imports and exports have doubled several times, and the annual balance sheet now shows a comfortable surplus instead of a deficit as in former days. All this has been done and old obligations met in spite of the serious loss in exchange due to the depreciation in silver, and the fact that the heavy foreign obligations had to be met in gold purchased with silver at a low and constantly varying valuation.

The life of Porfirio Diaz is fascinating. It savours of the days of knighthood and romance. We are reminded of those heroes of old around whom time has cast a glamour, for he has had adventures as exciting, escapes as miraculous and a life seemingly as charmed as any hero created by the masters of romance, and his life may well be termed “stranger than fiction.” One is naturally inclined to be rather eulogistic in his treatment of such a character.

The present President of Mexico was born in the city of Oaxaca in an unimposing house on the Street of La Soledad, that is now used as a sugar factory, on the 15th of September, 1830, a day already celebrated in Mexican annals. His father, Captain José Faustini Diaz, was of Spanish descent and followed the occupation of innkeeper, but died when Porfirio was only three years of age. His maternal grandmother was a Mixteca Indian. The church and law were the only two occupations open to an ambitious youth in those days, and this young lad was intended for the former. He chose the law much to the disgust of his relatives but never followed that calling. The fighting blood in him impelled him to the sanguinary conflicts on the field rather than the bloodless battles in the courts between contending counsel.

About this time the war with the United States broke out and the future president, a youth of seventeen, volunteered but saw no fighting, although he thus early in life showed his genius for organization by forming his fellow-students of the academy into a battalion for the defence of his home city. Benito Juarez, afterwards president, was attracted by this youth and invited him to read law in his office, which offer was accepted. Thus was begun an association between two men who were destined in later years to occupy such a prominent place in Mexican history. Through the influence of Juarez, the younger man was made assistant librarian and by the aid of the salary attached to this position, and money earned as tutor, he completed his course, and received his law degree.

Politics and war seem to have divided the attention of Diaz from the very first with a preference for the latter in early life. Diaz was a military genius. I can say this in all seriousness. Although he never commanded a large army yet, under his hands, the rawest recruits soon became valuable troops. He is possessed of a personal magnetism and the quality of simpatica, (which can not be translated into English) that draws people to him and, when once aroused, they become his enthusiastic partisans. In a land of lethargy and procrastination his movements were quick and decisive, and he soon became noted for night marches and early morning attacks. He never was overcome except by superior forces, and then only after his stores and ammunition were exhausted. Even when beaten and his army captured or separated, a few days of freedom would again place him at the head of a respectable force ready to take aggressive stand against the enemy. Had he been in command of a hundred thousand men, he would have met the situation with the same tact and ability.

The first of the many political offices held by Diaz was that of Jefe Politico, or mayor, of the little Indian town of Ixtlan when only twenty-five years of age. Here he devoted his time to organizing the Indians into a company of militia, and this little body of soldiers formed a nucleus that proved a great help to him in the troublous times which followed. Later he was made Jefe of Tehuantepec where he showed great administrative ability. Soon afterward, in 1861, he was elected a deputy to congress from Oaxaca, but at that time would not sacrifice the excitement of war for the more prosaic duties of law-making.

Captain Diaz had seen his first military service in the revolts against the notorious Santa Anna, of Alamo fame. He had the courage to sign a remonstrance against this usurper, and was compelled to fly for his life. Later, in the campaigns against Santa Anna, he was so successful that he had become almost a hero in the eyes of his fellow Oaxacans. At the beginning of the French invasion, the rank of general of a brigade had been conferred upon him at the early age of thirty-two years, and he was assigned to the defense of Puebla under General Zaragoza. It was due to his tactics more than anything else that the way was paved for the great victory of Cinco de Mayo, 1862, when an inferior force of Mexicans defeated a numerically larger army of veteran French troops. It was nearly a year later before the armies of the allied French and Austrians, greatly augmented by new arrivals, were able to capture Puebla after a two months’ siege, the ammunition of the Mexicans had been exhausted. General Diaz refusal to give parol and was made prisoner but escaped after a short confinement.

Because of the approach of the invading armies toward the capital, President Juarez had removed the seat of government to San Luis Potosi. He made General Diaz commander-in-chief of the armies south of the Valley of Mexico. Returning to his favourite haunts in Oaxaca, he soon gathered together an army and some money and marched forth on the offensive. By this time General Diaz had become such a formidable opponent that General Bazaine himself, later of European fame, leader of the French forces, took the field against this young leader with the determination to crush him. He finally shut him up in Oaxaca and captured that city in 1865. The French general had carefully laid his plans for this campaign, having transported a large number of guns, and was at the head of an army, Diaz claims, of sixteen thousand. The fame of this general and his large force created a panic among the troops of Diaz and his little army had dwindled to a few hundred. General Diaz was captured and taken to Puebla by his captors where he was prisoner for more than seven months in a former house of the Jesuits in that city. His escape is celebrated in Mexican annals, and his own account is as follows, although I have greatly abbreviated it:—

“After taps for silence had been sounded for the night, I went to a room which was roofless and which on that account was used as a yard. I had with me three ropes, wrapped up in canvas, and I threw them onto the roof. I also had another rope, and I succeeded in throwing it around a projecting stone spout which seemed to be sufficiently firm. When I had satisfied myself that the support was sufficient, I climbed up by the rope to the roof. My progress along the roof to the corner of San Roque street, where I had made up my mind to descend, was attended with much danger, for on the roof of the church a detachment and sentries were stationed to keep watch. Gliding on all-fours I made towards the point where I was to let myself down. I often had to stop to feel my way, for the roof was strewn with many fragments of glass which sounded when touched. Moreover, there were frequent flashes of lightning, which exposed me to being discovered.

“I finally reached the wall of the church. In order to arrive at the corner of the street of San Roque it was necessary to pass through a portion of the edifice which was occupied by the priest in charge of the church, and I was aware that shortly before he had denounced to the court martial some political prisoners who had bored a hole through their place of confinement into his dwelling, and as a consequence they had been shot the next day.

“I let myself down into an upper yard of the priest’s house at the moment when a young man who also lived there had come in from the street; he had probably been to the theatre, for he was in gay humour and was humming an air from an operetta. He did not see me as he passed, and I remained quiet until he had entered his room. When I considered that sufficient time had elapsed for him to get into bed, and perhaps to fall asleep, I climbed to the roof of the convent on the opposite side to that by which I had descended and pushed forward to the corner of the street of San Roque, and I arrived there at last. There is at the corner, in a niche, a statue of St. Vincent Ferrer which I proposed using to fix the rope by which I was to descend. The saint wobbled when touched, but probably there was inside the statue an iron spike to hold it. In any case, in order to be more sure, I adjusted the rope around the pedestal of the statue which seemed to be quite firm. I resolved to alight in a vacant lot which adjoined and which was only fenced in. I did not know that there was a drove of hogs in this yard. As when I began the descent I turned somewhat with my rope, my back struck against the wall, and the impact caused a poniard which I carried at my waist to fall from its sheath among the hogs, probably wounding one of them, for they set up a grunting which grew louder as they saw me descending among them. I had to wait for some time for them to quiet down. I then climbed to the top of the partition separating the lot from the street, but I had at once to bob down again for just at that moment a gendarme was passing on his round, seeing if the doors were well fastened. When he had retired I sprang into the street.”

In a few days he had rallied around him a few faithful followers and captured the small garrison of Tehuitzingo. From this time his career was a succession of victories until the capture and execution of Maximilian. These victories and the firm stand of the United States government re-established republican supremacy. Early in 1867 preparations were made to regain Puebla which city was defended by a force of several thousand French troops. On April 2nd he made a feint with a few hundred men on the convent of “El Carmen” which caused the army of the defenders to be concentrated there. Then a concerted attack followed from several points, and the soldiers of Diaz drove back the hardened troops of the third Napoleon, and the flag of liberty waved over the city in the early dawn. He followed up the fleeing foreigners and a series of engagements followed in which Diaz was victorious. The war was ended by the capture of the City of Mexico after a siege of several assaults.

From boyhood until the close of the empire in 1867, General Diaz had worked against great odds. He was by this time easily the most popular man in Mexico. One party at the general elections of that year nominated him for president, but he refused to run against his old friend and patron, President Juarez. He even refused an office and resigned his commission in the army. In search of rest he retired to the place of his birth, and his trip from the capital was a triumphal journey. The citizens of Oaxaca received him with open arms, and presented him with the estate of La Noria near that city. Hither he went with the wife whom he had married by proxy during the war and spent a few years in comparative quiet. In 1871 another presidential election was held. Juarez, who had failed both mentally and physically, had advocated a number of unpopular measures, but was determined to have himself reëlected to office. Diaz was also a candidate. When Juarez was declared elected, the “Porfiristas” declared a revolution with the slogan “less government and more liberty.” However Juarez died in a few months and the executive power temporarily fell upon the president of the Supreme Court, Lerdo de Tejada, who was afterwards elected to that office to serve the unexpired term.

General Diaz refused reconciliation with this government, and, fearing trouble before the next presidential election, for Lerdo was an active candidate, he sold his estate and left for the United States after a “pronunciamento,” called the “Plan of Tuxtepec,” had been issued to which he gave his allegiance, if he was not the author of it. This “plan” declared a president ineligible to succeed himself. By the time the revolution was well underway in several states, General Diaz had crossed the Rio Grande at Brownsville, Texas, with forty followers. These forty men increased to four hundred in a few days and they captured Matamoros on April 2nd, 1876.

Learning that a large force had been sent after him, General Diaz decided to return south. He went to New Orleans and took a steamer from there, called the City of Habana, sailing for Vera Cruz, and passed himself off as a Cuban doctor. He was not suspected until some of the troops he had captured at Matamoros a few weeks before got on board the ship at Tampico. They immediately made arrangements to secure him on arriving at Vera Cruz. Although the ship was four miles from land, Diaz jumped overboard and attempted to swim ashore. He was picked up after nightfall in an exhausted condition, and taken on board the ship again. However the purser was won to his cause and concealed him in a wardrobe, where he remained for several days on a diet of ship’s biscuit and water. The purser, as a matter of policy and in order to disarm all suspicion, invited the Lerdist officers into his cabin, where they would spend hours in playing at cards. Oftentimes the chair of the one sitting in front of the wardrobe would be tilted back against the door behind which was the man they would have given almost anything to catch. From his cramped position General Diaz was in torment. He could not stand upright, nor was he able to sit down. When the City of Habana arrived at Vera Cruz the chief of the coast guard service, who was the fugitive’s friend, managed to smuggle in to him a dilapidated sailor’s suit and a very old pair of boots. At the same time the chief sent word that a rowboat, in charge of a man he would recognize by certain signals, would come alongside for him. When the ship began to unload bales of cotton into barges, this boat appeared among them, and the noted prisoner made his escape to land.

After several exciting adventures on the way, General Diaz again appeared at Oaxaca among his friends and ardent supporters. His popularity and prestige in Oaxaca have always been remarkable. Never did he appeal to his neighbours and friends of that state in vain. It was not long until he was at the head of an army of four thousand “Porfiristas”—men who would follow their leader to the death if need be, and many of whom had fought with him at Puebla and elsewhere. The news of the escape of Diaz brought gloom to the “Lerdistas.” Lerdo immediately marched his army southward. The two armies met on the 16th of November, 1876, at Tecoac, and for a few hours the battle waged hotly and bitterly. The Lerdist army, which was considerably larger, began the engagement with every prospect of success. At the last moment Diaz led a charge in person which routed the enemy, and the result was a complete triumph for the “Porfiristas.”

Flushed with victory, and determined to press his advantage to the utmost, General Diaz promptly proceeded toward the capital with his augmented army. Panic seized Lerdo and his followers. He took all the public funds available, and, with his ministers, fled to Acapulco. Upon arriving there he embarked for San Francisco, and made no further effort to impede the progress of the Diaz forces. Iglesias, President of the Supreme Court, upon whom the succession legally fell upon the death or resignation of the President, established headquarters at Guanajuato and issued a proclamation assuming the office of chief executive. Diaz at once marched upon Puebla, which he entered without opposition. City after city sent representatives announcing their adherence to his cause. The onward march was continued without a halt until Guadalupe, about three miles from the capital, was reached. Here he halted for a day in order to get his forces into presentable condition to make a triumphal entry into the historic capital.

It was on the 24th of November, 1876, that General Diaz made his memorable march into the City of Mexico. Riding at the head of an army of several thousand armed men he made a triumphal entry into that ancient capital, while thousands gathered along the route to see this new adventurer—as he was styled by his enemies. The Plaza was packed with the populace. This son of an innkeeper, this man with the blood of the Indian in his veins, this hero of many battles passed through the portal of the National Palace and became master of Mexico. From there he issued a proclamation assuming the provisional presidency of the republic, until an election could take place in regular form and a constitutional ruler should be chosen. This was held in December. With the government in his hands the result of that election was never in doubt. After a three months’ campaign his authority was recognized over the entire republic. Since that time Porfirio Diaz occupied that high office continuously, except for an interval of four years from 1880 to 1884, when Manuel Gonzalez held that title, until May 25th, 1911, when he resigned. Diaz himself became a victim of the “Tuxtepec Plan,” forbidding two consecutive terms, and gracefully retired at the end of his first term, although urged by a large following to remain at the head of the government. For the first time in Mexican history was seen the spectacle of one President voluntarily relinquishing the sceptre to his successor, and returning to private life without an effort to retain himself in power. Gonzalez entered the office one of the most popular men in Mexico, having been elected by an almost unanimous vote. Four years later he left it under a cloud of almost universal execration and contempt. During the four years of Gonzalez’s administration Diaz was not idle, but served in the cabinet, as governor of Oaxaca and senator from Morelas. Isolated disturbances have arisen at times, but no formidable opposition arose against him until 1910. This revolution is treated in the succeeding chapter. The law limiting the succession was revoked during his second term, and the length of office was subsequently extended to six years. At the various elections the reported vote was almost unanimous for Diaz. On December 1st, 1910, he was inaugurated President for the seventh consecutive term, or eighth term in all.

Immediately upon first assuming the executive office after the flight of Lerdo, Diaz issued a statement in which he set forth in clear terms his intention to restore constitutional order and institute reforms. He invited all factions and cliques to coöperate with him. This soon won the regard of the intelligent and honest partisans of all factions, and he early showed his impartiality by selecting his advisers irrespective of party. It was not long until most of the Lerdistas and Juaristas were won to his cause. By this skilful handling of the leaders, he secured the good will of Congress in furthering his plans for reforms, and in organizing the finances on a better basis. New treaties were negotiated with foreign nations and able diplomatic representatives sent abroad.

It has been said that the best peacemakers are those who have made war. Those who detest powder most are generally those who have smelled it on the field of battle. To them—more than all others—are known the horrors and hardships of war, and what it entails upon the innocent and guilty alike. Even though a battle-scared hero may have profited by the advantages gained by military success, the tragedy of empty homes and nameless graves is known to and acknowledged by him. General Sherman said: “The main thing is to deal as hard blows at the enemy’s forces as possible, and then cause so much suffering to the inhabitants that they will long for peace.” A similar belief animated President Diaz. He himself has said in explaining his actions in suppressing brigandage: “Sometimes we were harsh to the point of cruelty. But it was all necessary to the life and progress of the nation. If there was cruelty, the results have justified it. It was better that a little blood be shed that much blood be saved. The blood that was shed was bad blood; the blood that was saved was good blood.” Almost before they knew what was happening the professional malcontents found themselves in the grip of this masterful new leader. It was to this quality of firmness that he owed his pronounced success during the first years of his presidency.

Several scattered uprisings occurred during the first term, most of them being fostered by the “Lerdistas.” Lerdo issued a proclamation on the 24th of February, 1877, from New York, claiming to be the constitutional President, and, a few months later, Iglesias did the same thing from New Orleans. Neither of these manifestos were looked upon seriously by the Mexicans, but they were in a great measure responsible for the tardy recognition of the Diaz government by the United States and other foreign powers. One revolt is worthy of mention because of its novelty. A part of the crew of the armed vessel Trinidad mutinied during the absence of the commander at Vera Cruz. They headed for a Campeche port, where they seized several thousand dollars of public funds. While the leaders of the mutiny were ashore enjoying the money, a counter mutiny was led by the boatswain, who took the ship back to Vera Cruz and returned it to the government.

Judging this man at a distance, we, who live in a country where even a third term is a “bogie,” are inclined to smile at these successive elections to the presidency, and dismiss the matter with the charge of “dictator” and “republican despot,” with all the odium that those terms imply. President Diaz was both. But, above all, he was, I believe, a true patriot. Whatever may have been his original motives in seeking this high office his later actions prove the statement. Responsibility will often develop a man, and that may have been true with Diaz. In securing the control by driving out Lerdo, and assuming the provisional presidency over Iglesias, who was the official designated by the constitution in case of a vacancy, he only did what many had done before. Whether his retention of the office for so long was a good or bad thing for the country, the historian of the future will be a better judge.

The accomplishments of Diaz were many. It would require a long enumeration to give them in detail. The very fact that he succeeded to a government which had seen fifty-four different rulers, including two emperors and a number of avowed dictators, in the fifty-five years preceding his own accession, and ruled the country for more than a generation, is in itself sufficient to stamp him as an extraordinary man. Those were indeed troublous times in Mexico while we were celebrating the centennial of our independence. The strong spirit of Juarez had been broken by the long strain from 1857 to 1872, during which time he was nominally President. His successor was a weak, ambitious man who accomplished little. Disorder everywhere, the country overrun with bandits and a worse than empty treasury were the conditions when Diaz grasped the reins. It was not until nearly two years afterward that his government was formally recognized by the United States. Few men could have steered the country through such a state of affairs so successfully. He did it without repudiating any valid claims. He established credit by paying foreign obligations rather than the salaries of government employees. He surrounded himself with an able cabinet, and started the machinery of government in a business-like way.

I do not subscribe to the doctrine of Shakespeare that all the world is a stage, and that each person is a player, for that would take away sincerity. Porfirio Diaz has been accused of only acting a part. He could not always be acting, for his course was too consistent under many and diverse circumstances. As a young man he refused pay for military services because the government was so poor. He declined promotion over the heads of men older in the service for fear of jealousies. He refused remuneration after the close of the war of intervention, although not a rich man at that time. He turned a deaf ear to the emissaries of Maximilian, who wanted to place him in command of the Mexican army when that ruler abdicated, which would practically have made him President. He was a humane adversary, as is shown by his treatment of prisoners of war. He disregarded ceremony as much as is possible in a Latin country. He declined to live in the National Palace, but resided in a private house the most of the time, and at Chapultepec a part of the year.

It is not to be wondered at that the man who rules with a strong arm will make bitter enemies as well as warm partisans. Likewise such a policy will always have its defamers as well as its supporters. Opinion is still divided upon Napoleon, and whether his high-handed methods wrought more good than evil. Hence it is that some can see nothing in Diaz but a tyrant, an enslaver of his people, and a man unfit for even life itself. They forget that peonage was not originated by Diaz, but was inherited from the Spaniards and supported by the voters of the country. They do not look into the conditions faced by Diaz when he first became President, nor the bloody history of the republic before that time. I believe that Diaz would have been permitted to serve his term had it not been for his efforts to control the vice-presidency, and the fact that his choice fell upon a man who was very unpopular. Knowing that at his age the President’s span of life was uncertain, the politicians wanted to control this office because of the succession. For this reason discontent and jealousies had been growing for several years. Diaz had publicly declared his intention not to seek another term, so that those ambitious for that office took him at his word and began their wire-pulling. This was in February, 1908. Then, in the spring of 1910, he announced that yielding to importunity he would accept another term. This was the one great mistake in his political career. Had Diaz adhered to his previous declaration, he would have retired from the office of chief executive full of honours. As it is he resigned under pressure, and left the City of Mexico unannounced and accompanied only by his family and a few friends. He boarded a steamer in the harbour of Vera Cruz and sailed for Spain, where he has quietly resided since that time.

The personality of this dictator-president, who has filled such an important place in the world’s history, is most interesting. As I sat in the great salon of the National Palace, awaiting the appearance of President Diaz, I spent the intervening fifteen or twenty minutes in examining the room. On the high walls were pictures of General Washington, the father of liberty in the whole of the two Americas; of the patriot-priest Hidalgo, who first raised the standard of revolt in Mexico, and of Diaz himself. Then Diaz appeared—a man tall for a Mexican, solidly built, with white closely cropped hair and white moustache. He approached with an elastic, graceful and springy step entirely belying his almost eighty years. The Indian blood could easily be traced in his complexion and features. The most striking feature of this man is his eyes, which seem to look into the very soul of all he meets. It is probably this intuitive perception that has been one of the key-notes of his success. He has always been a democratic sort of man and easy of approach, and impresses his sincerity on all those who talk with him. Diaz was always a tireless worker and methodical in his habits. He is abstemious, and it is probably due to this characteristic and his methodical habits, that at eighty years of age he remained as active and energetic as the average man twenty years younger. He kept in touch with the most remote parts of the republic, even to the most distant village. His advisers were often surprised at the vast knowledge he displayed in all matters of state. The private life of Diaz has always been above reproach. He has been twice married. His first wife was Delfina Ortega y Reyes, who died in 1880 before sharing in the full greatness of her husband, leaving a son and two daughters, all of whom are still living. Three years later he was married to a daughter of Romero Rubio, whose full name is Señora Doña Carmen Romero Rubio de Diaz. She is a woman who by her sweetness of character, kindly disposition and charities won a warm place in the affections of the Mexican people.

The end of the political career of Diaz is not without a touch of pathos, as well as an element of personal dignity. Broken in health, and deserted by many of his former friends, he resigned the office of President in the following letter addressed to Congress:—

CHAPTER XXI
THE REVOLUTION OF 1910

The year 1910 marked the completion of one hundred years of Mexican independence. In September of that year this event was celebrated with all the pomp and pageantry customary in Latin countries. Nearly the whole month was given up to public functions in various parts of the republic, and especially in the City of Mexico, the national capital. Representatives of all the great nations of the world were sent there to assist in the ceremonies incident to the celebration. Dedications of public buildings, magnificent balls, public fêtes and exercises commemorative of independence and of the national heroes, who led the struggle against the Spaniards, were numerous. The 15th and the 16th of September were the great gala days of this centennial anniversary. The further fact that added lustre to the event was the eightieth anniversary of the birth of President Diaz, who had established a substantial government after the many years of strife through which the country had passed between the years 1810 and 1876. In all the speeches made by foreign representatives the great work of this man was extolled, as well as the progress that had been made by the nation itself.

The culmination of the centennial ceremonies was on the night of the 15th, just a little while before midnight. By half past ten o’clock the immense Plaza, which faces the National Palace, was filled with an immense crowd of Mexican dignitaries, distinguished foreigners and the population of the city. It was a mass of living, breathing, expectant humanity. The many coloured lights formed veritable rainbows of colour, and this added an additional attraction to the teeming, seething crowd. The door leading to the central balcony on the front of the National Palace opened, and President Diaz appeared. An intense stillness fell upon the crowd. In his right hand the President carried the national flag of Mexico, and immediately on his appearance the red, white and green lamps (the national colours) surrounding the old bell with which Hidalgo first sounded the call to liberty, and which has found a permanent resting place here, flashed into a radiant glow. As the strains of the national anthem floated out on the breeze, the President waved his flag, rang the bell and shouted “Viva Mexico!” The great crowd went wild with excitement. The cry of “Viva Mexico!” was taken up by the crowd near to the President, and then by those farther away, until the great shout might have been heard all over the capital. The bells of the grand old cathedral pealed forth their loudest tones, the factory whistles shrieked, sky-rockets were sent up in the air and every noise-making device was turned loose. Pandemonium reigned. “Viva Diaz!” and “Viva el Presidente!” were mingled with the cry of “Viva Mexico!”

In the light of later events this wonderful celebration seems to have been a sham, or at least only on the surface. At that time a political volcano was simmering all over the republic, and was just ready to break forth into violent eruption. Diaz had already been re-elected for the eighth term, but the inauguration was not to take place until the fifth of December. In November the first outbreaks against the civil authorities occurred. An abortive rising occurred in Puebla in which blood was shed. Armed bodies appeared in the states of Chihuahua and Sonora, in the northwestern part of the republic. These bodies attacked the outlying haciendas, robbed the owners of horses and foraged at will to secure supplies for themselves and their horses. The country in which these outbreaks occurred is ideal for the guerilla warfare that followed. Both of those states are mountainous and thinly settled, so that it was comparatively easy for even a small band of armed men to make a great deal of trouble and escape from a much larger force that might attempt to pursue them.

Government troops were promptly dispatched to the scene of trouble, but it was difficult to catch up with the marauders and engage them in battle. Their outbreaks would first be heard of in one neighbourhood, and a few days later reports of trouble would be received from sections quite remote. Additional armed bodies appeared in other sections, and it was not many weeks until the trouble began to present a serious aspect. Many of the government troops sent against the insurrectos were either cowardly or were in secret sympathy with those opposed to the government. Whenever actual engagements did occur the outcome was generally in favour of the Federal troops, but the defeated ones were always able to escape into the country, where it was difficult for them to be followed. The first battle of any note was fought at Mal Paso, when the Federals were routed, but a battle at Ojinaga a few days later was a decided defeat for the revolutionists. The failure of the government to stamp out the trouble promptly gave encouragement to all the disaffected ones, and the old spirit of lawlessness that once prevailed seemed about to break forth with all its animus and disregard of the rights of private property.

The predominant figures among the insurrectos were the Maderos, a wealthy family that owned great estates near the city of Torreon. In the presidential campaign that had just passed, Francisco Madero had been a candidate for the presidency. He was thrown into prison, as that family asserted, simply because he dared to oppose the dictator who had held power for so long. The reason given out by the government was, of course, far different. Nevertheless all the disaffected factions of the republic rallied around this family, which did the principal financing of the revolutionists. A propaganda was conducted in the United States by the Maderos, and they obtained a great deal of encouragement from the majority of the newspapers of the United States, which had recently taken a position extremely antagonistic to the Diaz government. Francisco Madero established a revolutionary junta in El Paso, and large quantities of ammunition were sent across the border. A warrant for his arrest having been issued because of violation of the neutrality laws, Madero with a handful of followers crossed into Chihuahua and entered actively into the campaign.

“No re-election” and “effective suffrage” were the two catch-words of Madero. It was very similar to that of Porfirio Diaz when he swept everything before him. At no time were there, according to the best reports that can be obtained, more than a few thousand men enrolled under the Madero banner. These troops were scattered throughout northern Mexico, from Ciudad Juarez to the Pacific Ocean. Into their ranks were drawn many soldiers of fortune from the United States, as well as from Europe. A part of these men were no doubt really patriotic in their motives, while others simply grasped the chance of engaging in an exciting campaign because of the freedom of action which was offered, and also partly because of the rewards that were promised by those at the head of the revolution. An eye-witness of the engagement at Tia Juana says that not over ten per cent. of the insurrectos who captured that town were Mexicans, the remainder being made up of Americans, including some negroes, Germans, English and other nationalities. This engagement occurred on May 8th and 9th, 1911. The Federals threw up breastworks of bags of sand, and the women and children were sent out of town to the American side. The fighting was severe and many were killed on both sides. On the second day the government forces yielded, and the rebels immediately pillaged the town and stores.

Most of the engagements took place at towns near the border, at Ciudad Juarez, Nogales and Douglass, as well as Tia Juana. Two reasons were probably responsible for this fact. One was that it gave the insurrectos, in case they were defeated, an easy escape across the border, and another was that they were anxious to capture the custom-houses in order to secure the revenue from that source. This would also enable them to set up a de facto government, which might secure for them recognition from countries that looked upon them with favour. Because of these fights on the border, and the reckless shooting by the combatants, no fewer than twenty citizens of the United States were killed and twice that number wounded upon the American side, including men, women and children, none of whom had taken any part in the conflict. The camps of the Maderistas at all times contained numerous American correspondents, and the reports of the majority of them were favourable to the cause of that faction. The battle of Casas Grandes was all but decisive. In this engagement Madero took part and was slightly wounded, while the opposing leader lost an arm. But Madero was soon in the field again at the head of his forces. The movement had likewise spread, and the government faced trouble in the country even as far south as the Isthmus of Tehuantepec.

The aim of the Maderistas was to secure recognition as belligerents from the government of the United States, and it was also the desire of the government to put down the insurrection in order to prevent action by the United States to suppress the trouble because of the complaint of many Americans whose property had been destroyed, or was in danger of destruction. Railroad tracks were torn up, mines were tampered with and much other interference with the property of foreigners followed. European governments did not dare to interfere because of the Monroe Doctrine, and pressure was brought upon the government at Washington to restore order. On May 8th there was great excitement in the United States following orders issued by the Department of War for the mobilization of American troops along the Mexican border. Almost twenty thousand troops were sent to Texas and centralized at San Antonio. From there they were sent to various places along the international border, but with positive instruction to take no part in the trouble on the other side of the Rio Grande. The press looked upon this action as preliminary to armed intervention, but no such result followed. This movement of troops was no doubt actuated by the motive of showing what the United States could do, and of impressing both sides to the conflict that foreign property must be left undisturbed and the rights of neutral parties carefully observed.

Several attempts were made by the Maderistas to capture Ciudad Juarez, the prosperous city directly opposite El Paso. The Federal troops in the city were under the command of General Navarro, while the insurrectos in the final siege were commanded by Gen. Pascual Orozco. After a battle of several days, including considerable street fighting, General Navarro surrendered his command of fifteen hundred men to General Orozco on the 10th of May. Shortly after this Madero himself entered the city as victor, and immediately set up a provisional government, giving himself the title of Provisional President. This gave the insurrectos control of the important custom house at Ciudad Juarez, and was a great victory for their cause. “On to Mexico” then became the popular cry, and preparations began to be made for that long march. Torreon had fallen, and Pachuca, only forty miles from the capital, had been taken possession of by the revolutionists. Chihuahua and a number of other cities were besieged by them.

At this stage Diaz and his advisers asked for an armistice in order that negotiations might be conducted. Each side appointed commissioners, and efforts were made to agree upon terms for settling the trouble into which the country had been plunged. The Maderistas refused to consider any terms which did not involve the resignation of President Diaz, Vice-President Corral and the entire cabinet. President Diaz, in order to avoid further bloodshed, the outcome of which would be very uncertain, finally acceded to these terms and agreed to resign before the end of the month. His resignation was delayed, however, for some time, and disorder again broke out in several places. Even in the City of Mexico mobs formed, and practically took possession of the city on the 24th and 25th of May. Before the close of the latter day President Diaz handed in his resignation, as the Vice-President had previously done, and the government was turned over to Francisco de la Barra, who had been agreed upon as the Provisional President until a new executive could be chosen at a special election. President Diaz secretly left the City of Mexico, and embarked on a vessel at Vera Cruz for Europe. A new cabinet was selected by Acting-President Barra, the majority of whom were suggested by Francisco Madero. A wiser selection than Dr. de la Barra it would have been difficult to make for such a troublesome position. He had represented Mexico at Washington just prior to the troubles of his country, and commanded great respect among the officials in that city.

With the downfall of Diaz the real troubles of the Maderistas began. It is almost always true that the victorious are impatient to secure the fruits of their victory. Extravagant promises had been made by the leaders of the revolution, which included free land, lower taxes, higher wages and a decreased cost of living. It was impossible for the leaders to do these things at once, as it would take several years to work out such a program. Although Francisco Madero held no office, he had been designated as an adviser of the new government, and no appointments were made by the Provisional President without his approval. This brought about jealousies among the ambitious leaders, and there has been more or less fighting in various sections of the republic in which much blood has been shed. A few generals deserted the standards of Madero and have kept up fighting on their own account. A serious outbreak occurred in the city of Puebla in which many were killed. Many political parties followed, as it had been many years since there was a definite party organization in Mexico. Some of these were very small, being made up simply of factional groups. The Church party again became prominent and started to take an active part in the approaching election. Bernardo Reyes, who had been sent on a mission to Europe by Diaz in order to get him out of the country, returned, and a strong party known as the Reyesistas arose and wanted to nominate him for the presidency. He left the country, however, before the final elections, claiming to be in fear of his life. This voluntary expatriation of General Reyes on September 28th, when, disguised as an invalid, he walked up the gang-plank of a steamer at Vera Cruz, bound for New York, removed the only obstacle in the path of Sr. Madero. The election, which was held on Sunday, October 1st, 1911, was as peaceful as such an event could be in most parts of Mexico. It does not necessarily mean that they were not inclined to fight, but there was nothing to fight about. The result was that the electors chosen were almost unanimous for Francisco Madero.

To an American this election would seem almost farcical. For the purpose of the election the country was divided into districts, with one presidential elector for every five hundred inhabitants. Before election day two officials were appointed in each district. One of these officials compiled a list of the voters in his little subdivision. When he had looked up the voters in his district, and the names were printed and posted on some convenient street corner, this official’s duties ended. Any one whose name did not appear on the printed list had a right to go to the proper authorities and state his case. All those qualified to vote received a ballot on which they were to write the names of the electors they wished to vote for. The second official appointed took charge of the election booth on the morning of the election, and these booths were generally placed at the entrance to business houses or even in the parks. The voting places were supposed to open at 9 o’clock. The first seven voters who appeared, with the one commissioner appointed, constituted the election board. In American cities one could imagine a great rush of voters to be among the first seven, but in many of the Mexican booths that number did not arrive until half an hour or an hour after the time the booth was supposed to open. The commissioner in charge sat at the table with a list of the voters beside him, and, as the voters appeared, they indicated the names of the electors for whom they wished to vote, and the commissioner then communicated this information to the other members of the board in an audible voice. As a general rule there was no closed ballot box, but the ballots were merely laid in an open pasteboard box with a paperweight on top to hold them down. Of secrecy or an attempt at secrecy there was none. Some citizens sent their wives to vote for them with the information that they themselves were indisposed, and these ballots were accepted. It is claimed that the peons generally abstained from voting, partly because of pride because they were not able to write, but more likely because of indifference since they had never been allowed such a privilege before.