The subject of the origin and migrations of the Toltecs has been given much attention. It has been a matter of conjecture whether any of the descendants of the people who built the temples of Palenque, and inscribed upon tablets of stone their hieroglyphic records, are at present living in Central America.
The chief difficulty in attempting to form a decision upon this question, is the uncertainty regarding the distinction to be made between the people belonging to the conquering Quichés and the aboriginal races whom they had reduced to slavery, and who constituted the greater part of the population. It is known that the caciques and other members of the governing families of Utatlan became gradually reduced to the utmost poverty. But there were other chiefs of tribes of Quiché origin who did not resist the Spaniards, and who volunteered to become their allies. Many of these were permitted to hold lands in the neighbourhood of Lake Atitlan, and lived in a prosperous condition until the early part of the eighteenth century, when they disappeared from notice. Possibly, in accordance with Quiché customs, they may have kept apart from those who were mazeguales, and intermarried amongst Indians of the same race as themselves.
The statements of the grandsons of the caciques of Utatlan, as recorded in their manuscripts, with regard to the dates of the arrival of their tribe, the building of the fortresses, and their system of dividing the country they had conquered into separate governments, are undoubtedly entitled to be considered as deserving of attention. They agree in a remarkable manner with what has been since ascertained. It may be inferred from the account of their migrations and the list of their kings or chief caciques, that they had been settled in Guatemala about three or four hundred years before Utatlan was conquered by Alvarado.
During the time that I was crossing the Cordilleras in the region which had been governed by the Quichés, I endeavoured to ascertain if there were any marked differences in the types or characters of the tribes then occupying the land. Near Patinamit I saw several groups of Kachiquels who were of the same race as the Quichés, and I noticed that in many respects they resembled the Dakotas, and in appearance were unlike the ordinary natives. I also observed in the district adjacent to Santa Cruz del Quiché that the Indians holding official positions in the villages were usually of a larger stature than the inferior men and, in their harsh and overbearing manner and features, recalled to mind the chiefs of the North American tribes. I found, however, that it was not possible to form definite conclusions based upon the facts that came within my personal observation. The Quichés are reserved in their intercourse with strangers. Whatever may be their comparative condition of wealth or poverty they all live in the same manner, and seem to be satisfied with the barest necessaries. Near Jacaltenango, when amongst the Mams, I met one of the richest and most influential of the Indians of that tribe. He was living like the meanest of the people, although he was the owner of a prosperous estate. This apparent equality in the habits of life is universal amongst the Indians.
In the sixteenth century, after the conquest, the caciques of the Quichés and Mams who had submitted to the Spaniards were accustomed to maintain a state ceremonial of considerable dignity; and at a later period the Indians who claimed to have held high rank and who were granted lands and privileges lived in a manner suitable to their condition. This comparative distinction has entirely disappeared. With respect to the migrations of the governing classes of the Quichés it is a matter of interest to observe that several of the Indian chiefs who accompanied the Spanish conquerors from Mexico, married the daughters of these Quichés, and said that they did so because they had discovered that they were of the same race as themselves.
In the consideration of subjects relating to the Indians it is necessary to discriminate between the observances of the aboriginal inhabitants and those of the races who were of foreign origin. Thus with respect to the superstitious and extremely devotional inclinations of the natives in Guatemala and Chiapas, it may be assumed that those instincts belong to the race who dwelt in those lands before they were conquered by the Toltecs and Aztecs; but the customs of sacrificing human beings to the gods together with other acts of barbarity were introduced from North America.
The Spaniards considered that the most evident proclivities of the masses of the natives were drunkenness and idolatry. The latter tendency prevailed to an excessive degree. Las Casas states that throughout New Spain the idols were so numerous that they could not be counted. During his journeys he found them in every place and of every kind, in their huts, in the villages, amongst the hills and in the sacred places. The numbers of them, he relates, were infinite. In the sixteenth century the Indians were gradually, but not without difficulty, brought under the control of the Spanish ecclesiastics. The idols were destroyed, and the superstitious practices, especially all those which were connected with the worship of demons, were suppressed.
The national instinct of idolatry still remains. There is in the nature of the aboriginal races a religious fervour which apparently forms an integral part of their character. They are also submissive and inoffensive, and it can be understood how any invading and warlike tribe would, without difficulty, conquer and control people having this mild disposition. It is not surprising that a fierce tribe of North American Indians was able to reduce them into a state of servile obedience. The Toltecs and, afterwards, the Aztecs would undoubtedly have introduced into Mexico the barbarous usages which prevailed amongst the tribes dwelling in the valleys of the Mississippi and Ohio, and these usages, when grafted upon the vices which existed amongst the natives, may have been the inciting cause of the revolting condition of national demoralisation which was so severely described by Bernal Diaz and other Spanish historians.
The Dominican missionaries in Guatemala observed that the Indians were passionately fond of dancing and singing. The joyousness which originally existed in their nature or temperament has become extinct. The usual tenour of their lives seems to be accompanied by a quiet, subdued melancholy. It is not improbable that, as a consequence of several centuries of Spanish domination, the aboriginal races have sunk into a dull and apathetic state. It is however possible that other influences acted upon the taciturn and wild natures of these tribes.[107] The innate disposition of the natives to worship idols in Guatemala was found to be equally existing with the Mayas in Yucatan, who also had the custom of making pilgrimages to the shrines. It is mentioned by Landa that the pilgrims stopped when passing near any of the deserted or ruined temples, and were accustomed to mutter prayers, and offer incense. This custom was in accordance with the acts of devotion which I saw practised by the Tzendal Indians in Chiapas before the ruined walls of the church at Bachajon.
There are circumstances connected with the domination of the Aztecs, and possibly also with that of their predecessors the Quiché-Toltecs, which require to be noticed. It is unquestionable that slavery would have been the fate of any tribe or race conquered by North American Indians. But the fact of slaves or captives being bought and sold for the purpose of being killed and offered to the gods is extraordinary. Great numbers of the natives were annually sacrificed, and astonishing acts of cannibalism were committed. Whatever may have been the hardships inflicted by the Spaniards upon the Mexican Indians, it is satisfactory to be assured that the discovery of America, and the conquests of Cortes put an end to the most horrible condition of things that has ever been known to have existed in any part of the world.
There are, however, other facts to be taken into consideration. It has been assumed that there was a condition of comparative civilisation amongst the ruling tribes, which seemed to be in such a progressive state as to lead to the conclusion that there were elements of knowledge which might have been so far developed in the course of time as to have brought these Indians into the ranks of civilised nations. With regard to this subject it should be observed that when the Spaniards conquered Central America, the progress that may have been partially made had already ceased. The monasteries at Palenque and in Yucatan had been abandoned. Even when they were flourishing, the knowledge that was taught did not extend to the people. It was confined to the priesthood, the caciques, and the few scholars who were trained for the purpose of interpreting the signs and characters by which information was spread abroad. It was by one of these interpreters that Cortes was made acquainted with the conspiracy that was being organized against him by Guatimozin during the march to Honduras. How or in what manner this comparative intelligence arose suddenly in the land is a problem of the greatest difficulty.
The possibility of a previous condition of civilisation having existed amongst the aboriginal tribes cannot be considered as being within the limits of reasonable conjecture, for there are no vestiges of any stone buildings, sculptures, or of hieroglyphic inscribed characters, used as a means of recording events, except in those regions which are known to have been occupied by the Toltecs or Aztecs. With especial regard to the temples on the mounds at Palenque, it is evident that these and their sculptures and hieroglyphs were the results of a certain degree of architectural knowledge obtained by the Quiché-Toltecs after they had migrated into Mexico.
But admitting that this may have been the case, it becomes extremely difficult to understand how their mechanical skill could have sprung into existence within such a limited period of time. It was found that the Indian progress in their peculiar civilisation was very local. Bishop Landa, writing exclusively about Yucatan, states that all education was under the management of the priests attached to the monasteries. Similar systems appeared to have been followed in other regions which had been under the rule of the Toltecs.[108] The results of the investigations into the subject of the extent and methods which were adopted for the purpose of maintaining knowledge amongst the Indians, confirm the opinion that the literature and civilisation found to have existed in Mexico and Yucatan was exclusively caused by the teaching of the priests.
Explanations of the circumstances under which the priests became acquainted with their sciences were given to the Spaniards by the chief priests attached to the temple of Quetzalcoatl at Cholula and also by certain caciques in Yucatan.
Las Casas relates that when he was making a journey within his diocese, he met one of his missionaries named Francisco Hernandez, who had been for some years living in Yucatan, and had become acquainted with the language. Thinking that this ecclesiastic would be useful for the work of converting the Indians to the faith, he made him his vicar and sent him into the interior to preach amongst the natives. After a lapse of several months he received a letter from the vicar stating that he had been told by one of the principal caciques, that it was known that, anciently, there had arrived in Yucatan twenty strangers. They were dressed in long robes, had sandals upon their feet, and taught religion. It was also mentioned that these men wore long beards,[109] and that they had a leader who was named Cucul-can (Quetzalcoatl).
Las Casas concludes by observing that “Certainly the land and kingdom of Yucatan gives us to understand most especial things, and of the greatest antiquity with regard to the grand, admirable and exquisite styles of ancient edifices, and writings of certain characters which are in no other place. Finally, these are secrets which God only knows. (Finalmente, secretos son estos que sólo Dios los sabe).”[110]
But the most explicit statements with regard to Quetzalcoatl were those which were given by the chief-priests of the temples raised to his memory at Cholula.[111] They affirmed the tradition of the arrival of strangers of a white race and foreign origin coming by sea in vessels from the east. These strangers were said to have taught the Indians to build monasteries, and maintain seminaries for religious instruction. According to Clavigero, they taught certain natives the methods of arranging the divisions of time and the use of the calendar. The priests also showed the Spaniards some ornaments which they said had been worn by the chief of these strangers.
The positive declarations about white people having landed upon the shores of the Mexican Gulf have been carefully investigated. It has been usually considered that they were the result of a myth, or that they were based upon vague traditions relating to events which, if they had any foundation, must have happened at a period exceedingly remote and possibly referred to early migrations from Asia. But it has to be remembered that the facts reported by the caciques and priests invariably related to a period when their tribes were established in Yucatan or Mexico; and the arrival of the strangers was always said to have taken place on the eastern seaboard of those lands. As the Toltecs according to the Indian records were not established there before the sixth century the event, if it occurred, must have happened after that date.
There are also other circumstances connected with this legend which appear, to some extent, to remove it from a mythical character and to place it within the limits of legitimate inquiry and investigation. The Indians who described the events spoke of them in a manner which was not vague, but was clear and decided, and as being within the personal knowledge of their ancestors. They also always gave a description of the monuments of the strangers or of their chief. Thus, in Yucatan, the leader was said to have left that region for the coast of Mexico. At Cholula, it was the tradition that Quetzalcoatl, with several of his companions, went away to the sea shore near Goascoalco, in the direction of Yucatan and never returned. In the regions of the interior of Chiapas and Guatemala, it was stated that in several of the native manuscripts accounts were given of a great leader or chief named Votan who was believed to have arrived in that country with nineteen companions or other chiefs. Votan was supposed to have landed in America near the Laguna de Terminos and to have established his first settlement near Palenque.[112]
The most singular circumstance relating to the worship of Quetzalcoatl is the fact that a cross should have been the chief emblem in the temple especially dedicated to him at Palenque. The fact of this symbol being worshipped by the Indians in the New World may perhaps not be deemed particularly strange, but it has to be taken into consideration that there is no record of any figure in the shape of a cross having been an object of devotion in any part of America, except in the regions that had been occupied by the Toltecs.
When the Spaniards arrived in Yucatan they reported that they saw in the court of a temple at Cozumel a cross made of lime and stone which was worshipped by the natives. There were some doubts about the precise meaning assigned to this image, possibly owing to the difficulties of understanding the Maya language, but it was afterwards ascertained that it represented the god of rain.
The cross on the altar at Palenque is of an entirely different character, and evidently forms the principal part of the emblem representing Quetzalcoatl. How did it come to pass that this exceptional figure of a cross should have been sculptured upon the tablet representing the emblems of the white stranger who, according to the Indian traditions, landed upon their shores, coming from the east in a sacerdotal dress, wearing sandals upon his feet and having red crosses embroidered upon his cape?[113]
It is this coincidence that causes attention to be directed to an endeavour to form some reasonable solution of the problem. It will be observed, upon an examination of the illustration of the tablet of the cross, that the name Quetzalcoatl is represented by the quetzal, the emblematic bird of the Quichés, and by peculiar marks surrounding the cross which are thought to be intended to denote a serpent (coatl) which, as at Uxmal, was probably the Totem of the tribe.[114] But the principal figure placed in the centre of the altar is the cross. This by its shape and position must have been intended to have had an especial significance.
It is related by Gomara that, upon the occasion of the discovery of Yucatan by the expedition under the command of Francisco Hernandez in 1517, the Spaniards observed in the country near Cape Catoche, crosses of brass and wood placed over graves. The unexpected finding of these crosses in an hitherto unknown land attracted the attention of geographers in Spain and, to some extent, led to theories with regard to the possible arrival in Yucatan of the Spanish ecclesiastics who had, according to an ancient legend, fled from Spain when that country was conquered by the Saracens in the eighth century, and were believed to have reached an island in the western parts of the Atlantic ocean called Antilia.
What Gomara wrote upon this subject is as follows:—
“In that place there were found crosses of brass and wood over the dead, from whence some argue that many Spaniards had fled to this land when the destruction of Spain was done by the Moors in the time of the King Don Roderick: but I do not believe it; since there are not any in the islands that we have mentioned: in some one of which it is necessary, and also compulsory to touch at, before arriving there.”
Gomara was undoubtedly correct in not believing that these crosses were placed over the graves of Spaniards who had arrived in Yucatan after the defeat and flight of King Roderick. It is not requisite to go back to events that occurred in Spain in the eighth century to account for the existence of crosses on the promontory of Cape Catoche. When Hernandez landed there in 1517, nearly a quarter of a century had elapsed since Columbus had founded his settlements in Cuba and Hispaniola, and during that interval many small expeditions had been organised by Spanish adventurers for the purpose of exploring the coasts in the direction of Honduras and Nicaragua. In pursuing these voyages of discovery their vessels must have frequently passed at no great distance from the eastern shores of Yucatan where, on their return from the south, they would have been baffled by contrary winds and currents. Under such conditions it is not improbable that one of the vessels may have been wrecked or abandoned off Cape Catoche, and that some of the crew perished and were buried by the survivors near the seacoast.
The Spanish legend to which Gomara refers is, with respect to America, chiefly remarkable for its surprising concurrence in date and other circumstances with the Toltec legend of the arrival of strangers wearing cassocks. It is therefore necessary to ascertain if there are sufficient reasons for placing any confidence in statements that appear to be founded upon tradition, and whether the event that was believed to have taken place could have been possible. The tradition did not escape the attention of Washington Irving. In his “Life of Columbus”[115] he states that “It was recorded in an ancient legend, that at the time of the conquest of Spain and Portugal by the Moors, when the inhabitants fled in every direction to escape from slavery, seven bishops, followed by a great number of their people, took shipping, and abandoned themselves to their fate on the high seas. After tossing about for some time, they landed upon an unknown island in the midst of the ocean. Here the bishops burnt the ships to prevent the desertion of their followers, and founded seven cities.”[116]
In the principal maps published during the fifteenth century, before the discovery of America, the island of Antilia was usually given a position in the middle of the western Atlantic, south of the Azores. In the chart of the geographer Toscanelli, which was sent to Columbus, Antilia was placed in the direct track by sea from the Canary islands to Cipango (Japan), the large and prosperous country supposed at that time to be situated in the extreme west, near the eastern limits of Asia. It is evident that Columbus firmly believed in the existence of Antilia, for when he left the Canaries on his outward voyage, he shaped his course for that island and steered due west for about sixteen hundred miles.
Upon reaching the latitude and longitude where he expected to see land, the admiral conferred with his captains, but as nothing had been observed it was thought that the ships must have passed the island. At sunset, the captain of the Pinta hailed the admiral and reported that land was in sight to the south-west. The course of the ships was accordingly altered towards that direction. On the next day it was found that what had been seen was cloudland. The ships resumed their course and proceeded until the landfall was made upon the island of Guanahani.
The belief in the existence of the legendary island was, however, not then dispelled and it is remarkable, as a proof of the opinions of geographers, that in the important map of the world by Ruysch, published in 1508, in which were placed the latest discoveries in the west; Antilia still retained its position.[117]
In the early part of the sixteenth century, several expeditionary fleets were fitted out and sailed across the seas towards the New World. Many islands were seen, but Antilia was not found. Thus when it became known that Yucatan had been discovered and that a cross placed within a stone temple was worshipped by the Indians, and that other crosses had been seen placed over graves, it was surmised that the bishops must have finally reached that distant land.
Such an event may be thought to be improbable, but as, in consequence of the trade-winds, it is not impossible, it is expedient to consider in what manner it might have happened. It has to be assumed that the legend, so far as it relates to Christian fugitives escaping from the tyranny of Mahometan conquerors, may be considered as being within the limits of reasonable historical inquiry. Men deliberately leaving their own country to seek a place of refuge where they would be free to establish their religion, would, before embarking upon unknown seas, take with them supplies of provisions and water, and thus, by proper precautions, secure themselves from the risk of starvation. It is also probable that they were informed by the pilots or other navigators acquainted with the adjacent shores, that there were islands situated beyond the Mauritanian coasts within a distance not too great for them to undertake the voyage with a fair prospect of reaching land.
In the eighth century the Canary Islands had not been discovered by Europeans, but their position was known to the Arabs and Moors and rumours concerning them and their proximity to the coast of Morocco were doubtless familiar to the sea-faring men living near Cadiz. The pilots would, therefore, have shaped a course for the Canaries. They would have expected to reach those islands within eight or ten days. But a slight error in their course would have taken the vessels into the trade-winds and, in that case, they would have been driven across the Atlantic in the direction of Florida, whose coasts might easily have been reached in less than six weeks from the date of the departure from Spain. It is also possible that they may have been chased by some of the armed vessels which had conveyed the Saracens from Mauritania.
It is not, however, necessary to pursue this investigation to any greater length. It is sufficiently clear that if the event, as recorded by tradition, actually happened, there is no difficulty in accepting the conclusion that several of the bishops and their companions may have reached America in safety.[118] Thus the statements of the Indian priests, that white strangers wearing beards and dressed in cassocks had arrived from the East, would be confirmed.
Upon an examination of the laws that govern the direction of the trade-winds in the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, it is found that there is a strong easterly wind continuously blowing across the Atlantic towards Florida, Mexico and Yucatan. There is also a strong westerly wind invariably blowing across the North Pacific, over the regions between the fortieth and fiftieth parallels of latitude, from Japan towards the north-west coast of North America. In consequence of this prevailing wind several junks have been driven out of their course and have reached the American seacoasts. In 1833 a junk was wrecked near Vancouver island and several of the crew landed and were received by the Indians. In the previous year a Japanese junk laden with fish arrived at the Sandwich islands. She had been driven across the seas by a violent storm which had caught her off Japan. Four of her men were alive and they were taken to Honolulu.
Taking therefore into consideration the prevalence of trade-winds blowing towards America, and the peculiar conditions of architectural and astronomical intelligence possessed by the Mexican Indians, there are certain inferences which may be accepted. It is not improbable that men belonging to European, Moorish, or Asiatic races arrived in Central America during a period between the sixth and eleventh centuries. There is not sufficient evidence to determine in what manner this may have happened; but after giving due weight to the statements of the Indian priests and caciques, and the traditions of the circumstances under which their knowledge was introduced into Mexico, together with the adoption of monastic institutions, and the systems of education, it is reasonable to conjecture that the comparative civilisation of the Toltecs and Aztecs was originally caused by the influence and instruction of strangers who came to their land in vessels which had crossed the Atlantic.