565. J. Overbeck, Griechische Kunstmythologie, Besonderer Theil, i. 232 sqq.; L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, i. 107 sq.
566. See above, vol. i. p. 310.
567. Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 6. For this and the two following passages of Tzetzes I am indebted to Mr. A. B. Cook. See further his articles, “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” Classical Review, xvii. (1903) p. 409; “The European Sky-god,” Folk-lore, xv. (1904) pp. 299 sqq.
568. H. Ebeling, Lexicon Homericum, s.vv. βασιλεύς, διοτρεφής, and θεῖος.
569. J. Tzetzes, Antehomerica, 102 sq.:
id., Chiliades, i. 474:
570. Polybius, vi. 53 sq.
571. As to the situation, see Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. i. 66; H. Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, ii. 582 sq.
572. Virgil, Aen. vi. 772. I have to thank Mr. A. B. Cook for directing my attention to the Alban kings and their interesting legends. See his articles “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” Classical Review, xviii. (1904) pp. 363 sq.; “The European Sky-god,” Folk-lore, xvi. (1905) pp. 285 sqq.
573. Virgil, Aen. vi. 760 sqq., with the commentary of Servius; Livy, i. 3. 6 sqq.; Ovid, Metam. xiv. 609 sqq.; id., Fasti, iv. 39 sqq.; Festus, s.v. “Silvi,” p. 340, ed. C. O. Müller; Aurelius Victor, Origo gentis Romanae, 15-17; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. i. 70; Diodorus Siculus, in Eusebius, Chronic. i. coll. 285, 287, ed. A. Schoene; Diodorus Siculus, vii. 3a and 3b, vol. ii. pp. 110-112, ed. L. Dindorf (Teubner edition); Joannes Lydus, De magistratibus, i. 21. As to the derivation of the name Julus, see Aurelius Victor, op. cit. 15, “Igitur Latini Ascanium ob insignem virtutem non solum Jove ortum crediderunt, sed etiam per diminutionem, declinato paululum nomine, primo Jobum, dein postea Julum appellarant”; also Steuding, in W. H. Roscher’s Lexikon d. griech. u. röm. Mythologie, ii. 574. Compare W. M. Lindsay, The Latin Language (Oxford, 1894), p. 250. According to Diodorus, the priesthood bestowed on Julus was the pontificate; but the name Julus or Little Jupiter suggests that the office was rather that of Flamen Dialis, who was a sort of living embodiment of Jupiter (see below, pp. 191 sq.), and whose name of Dialis is derived from the same root as Julus. On the Julii and their relation to Vejovis see R. H. Klausen, Aeneas und die Penaten, ii. 1059 sqq.
575. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xiv. No. 2387; L. Preller, Römische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., i. 263 sq. On Vejovis as the Little Jupiter see Festus, s.v. “Vesculi,” p. 379, “Ve enim syllabam rei parvae praeponebant, unde Veiovem parvum Iovem et vegrandem fabam minutam dicebant”; also Ovid, Fasti, iii. 429-448. At Rome the sanctuary of Vejovis was on the saddle between the two peaks of the Capitoline hill (Aulus Gellius, v. 12. 1 sq.; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 429 sq.); thus he appropriately dwelt on the same hill as the Great Jupiter, but lower down the slope. On coins of the Gargilian, Ogulnian and Vergilian houses Vejovis is represented by a youthful beardless head, crowned with oak. See E. Babelon, Monnaies de la République Romaine, i. 532, ii. 266, 529. On other Republican coins his head is crowned with laurel. See E. Babelon, op. cit. i. 77, 505-508, ii. 6, 8. Circensian games were held at Bovillae in honour of the Julian family, and Tiberius dedicated a chapel to them there. See Tacitus, Annals, ii. 41, xv. 23.
576. Festus, s.v. “Caesar,” p. 57, ed. C. O. Müller. Other but less probable explanations of the name are suggested by Aelius Spartianus (Helius, ii. 3 sq.).
577. As to the Frankish kings see Agathias, Hist. i. 3; J. Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer, pp. 239 sqq.; The Golden Bough, Second Edition, i. 368 sq.
578. Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Roman. i. 71; Diodorus Siculus, in Eusebius, Chronic. bk. i. coll. 287, 289, ed. A. Schoene; Diodorus Siculus, vii. 3a and 4, ed. L. Dindorf; Zonaras, Annal. vii. 1; Aurelius Victor, Origo gentis Romanae, 18; Ovid, Metam. xiv. 616-618; id., Fasti, iv. 50; Livy, i. 3. 9. The king is called Romulus by Livy, Remulus by Ovid, Aremulus by Aurelius Victor, Amulius by Zonaras, Amulius or Arramulius by Diodorus, and Allodius by Dionysius. A tale of a city submerged in the Alban lake is still current in the neighbourhood. See the English translators’ note to Niebuhr’s History of Rome, 3rd Ed., i. 200. Similar stories are told in many lands. See my note on Pausanias, vii. 24. 6.
579. See above, vol. i. p. 310.
580. See above, vol. i. pp. 342 sqq.
581. Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 140, xxviii. 13 sq. Other writers speak only of Numa’s skill in expiating the prodigy or evil omen of thunderbolts. See Livy, i. 20. 7; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 285-348; Plutarch, Numa, 15; Arnobius, Adversus nationes, v. 1-4.
582. See above, vol. i. pp. 248, 251.
583. Apollodorus, i. 9. 7; Virgil, Aen. vi. 592 sqq.; Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 140, xxviii. 14 (referring to the first book of L. Piso’s Annals); Livy, i. 31. 8; Aurelius Victor, De viris illustribus, 4; Zonaras, Annal. vii. 6. According to another account Tullus Hostilius was murdered by his successor Ancus Martius during a violent storm (Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. iii. 35; Zonaras, l.c.).
584. Livy, i. 2. 6; Ovid, Metam. xiv. 598-608; Pliny, Nat. Hist. iii. 56; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. i. 64; Servius on Virgil, Aen. i. 259; Aurelius Victor, Origo gentis Romanae, 14. Only the last writer mentions the thunderstorm.
585. Livy, i. 16; Cicero, De legibus, i. 1. 3; id., De re publica, i. 16. 25, ii. 10. 20; Ovid, Fasti, ii. 475-512; Plutarch, Romulus, 27 sq.; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. ii. 56 and 63; Zonaras, Annal. vii. 4; Aurelius Victor, De viris illustribus, 2; Florus, Epitoma, i. 1. 16-18. From Cicero (De legibus, i. 1. 3) we learn that the apparition of Romulus to Proculus Julius took place near the spot where the house of Atticus afterwards stood, and from Cornelius Nepos (Atticus, 13. 2) we know that Atticus had an agreeable villa and shady garden on the Quirinal. As to the temple of Quirinus see also Varro, De lingua Latina, v. 51; Festus, pp. 254, 255, ed. C. O. Müller; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xv. 120. As to the site of the temple and the question whether it was identical with the temple dedicated by L. Papirius Cursor in 293 B.C. (Livy, x. 46. 7; Pliny, Nat. Hist. vii. 213) see O. Richter, Topographie der Stadt Rom, 2nd Ed., pp. 286 sqq.; G. Wissowa, Gesammelte Abhandlungen (Munich, 1904), pp. 144 sqq.
586. See A. B. Cook, “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” Classical Review, xviii. (1904) pp. 368 sq.; id. “The European Sky-god,” Folk-lore, xvi. (1905) p. 281. But a serious argument against the proposed derivation of Quirinus from quercus is that, as I am informed by my learned philological friend the Rev. Prof. J. H. Moulton, it is inconsistent with the much more probable derivation of Perkunas from quercus. See below, p. 367, note 3.
587. See above, vol. i. pp. 262 sqq.
588. J. I. Molina, Geographical, Natural, and Civil History of Chili (London, 1809), ii. 92 sq. The savage Conibos of the Ucayali river in eastern Peru imagine that thunder is the voice of the dead (W. Smyth and F. Lowe, Journey from Lima to Para, London, 1836, p. 240); and among them when parents who have lost a child within three months hear thunder, they go and dance on the grave, howling turn about (De St. Cricq, “Voyage du Pérou au Brésil,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie, ivme série, vi., Paris, 1853, p. 294). The Yuracares of eastern Peru threaten the thunder-god with their arrows and defy him when he thunders (A. D’Orbigny, L’Homme américain, i. 365), just as the Thracians did of old (Herodotus, iv. 94). So the Kayans of Borneo, on hearing a peal of thunder, have been seen to grasp their swords for the purpose of keeping off the demon who causes it (A. W. Nieuwenhuis, In Centraal Borneo, i. 140 sq., 146 sq.).
589. See above, vol. i. p. 310; and for the connexion of the rite with Jupiter Elicius see O. Gilbert, Geschichte und Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum, ii. 154 sq.; Aust, in W. H. Roscher’s Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 657 sq. As to the connexion of Jupiter with the rain-making ceremony (aquaelicium), the combined evidence of Petronius (Sat. 44) and Tertullian (Apologeticus, 40) seems to me conclusive.
590. Ovid, Fasti, i. 637 sq., vi. 183 sqq.; Livy, vii. 28. 4 sq.; Cicero, De divinatione, i. 45. 101; Solinus, i. 21. Although the temple was not dedicated until 344 B.C., the worship of the goddess of the hill appears to have been very ancient. See H. Jordan, Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum, i. 2, pp. 109 sq.; W. H. Roscher, Lexikon d. griech. u. röm. Mythologie, ii. coll. 592 sq.
591. Livy, i. 8. 5; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 430; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. ii. 15.
592. Virgil, Aen. viii. 314-318, 347-354.
593. Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 92.
594. Livy, i. 10. 5.
595. Mons Querquetulanus; see Tacitus, Annals, iv. 65.
596. A monument found at Rome represents Jupiter beside an oak, and underneath is the dedication: Jovi Caelio. See H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, No. 3080.
597. Porta Querquetulana or Querquetularia; see Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 37; Festus, pp. 260, 261, ed. C. O. Müller.
598. Festus, ll.cc.; Varro, De lingua Latina, v. 49.
599. E. Babelon, Monnaies de la République Romaine, i. 99 sq.
600. Varro, De lingua Latina, v. 49, where, however, “alii ab aesculetis” is a conjecture of C. O. Müller’s. I do not know what authority O. Richter has for reading aesculis consitae (“planted with oaks”) for excultae in this passage (Topographie der Stadt Rom, 2nd Ed., p. 302, n. 4). Modern topographers prefer to derive the name from ex-colere in the sense of “the hill outside the city” (O. Richter, l.c.; O. Gilbert, Geschichte und Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum, i. 166 sq.).
602. Ovid, Fasti, iii. 295 sq.
603. See above, vol. i. p. 18; and for the identification, O. Gilbert, Geschichte und Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum, ii. 152 sqq.; A. B. Cook, “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” Classical Review, xviii. (1904) p. 366.
604. Cicero, De divinatione, i. 45, 101.
605. G. Boni, in Notizie degli Scavi, May 1900, pp. 161, 172; id., Aedes Vestae, p. 14 (extract from the Nuova Antologia, 1st August 1900). Copies of these and other papers containing Commendatore Boni’s account of his memorable excavations and discoveries were kindly given me by him during my stay in Rome in the winter of 1900-1901. That the fire in question was a sacrificial one is proved by the bones, potsherds, and rude copper money found among the ashes. Commend. Boni thinks that the charred remains of the wood prove that the fire was extinguished, probably by libations, and that therefore it cannot have been the perpetual holy fire of Vesta, which would have burned up completely all the fuel. But a new fire was annually lit on the first of March (Ovid, Fasti, iii. 143 sq.; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 12. 6), which may imply that the old fire was ceremonially extinguished, as often happens in such cases.
606. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 37.
607. O. Richter, Topographie der Stadt Rom, 2nd Ed., p. 211.
608. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 237. The inscription was probably not in the Etruscan language, but only in an archaic alphabet like that employed in the inscription on the pyramidal stone which has been found under the Black Stone in the Forum.
609. G. Boni, “Bimbi Romulei,” Nuova Antologia, 16th February 1904, pp. 5 sqq. (separate reprint); E. Burton-Brown, Recent Excavations in the Roman Forum (London, 1904), p. 150.
610. Festus, s.v. “Oscillantes,” p. 194, ed. C. O. Müller.
611. Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. iv. 49; A. Schwegler, Römische Geschichte, i. 341; H. Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, ii. 580. It is to be observed that Dionysius does not here speak of the dedication of a temple to Jupiter; when he describes the foundation of the temple of Capitoline Jupiter by Tarquin (iv. 59 and 61) his language is quite different. The monastery, founded in 1777 by Cardinal York, the last of the Stuarts, has now been converted into a meteorological station and an inn (K. Baedeker, Central Italy and Rome, 13th Ed., p. 400). It is fitting enough that the atmospheric phenomena should be observed by modern science on the spot where they were worshipped by ancient piety.
612. Livy, i. 31. 3.
613. According to tradition, the future site of Alba Longa was marked out by a white sow and her litter, which were found lying under evergreen oaks (Virgil, Aen. viii. 43), as Mr. A. B. Cook has pointed out (Classical Review, xviii. 363). The tradition seems to shew that the neighbourhood of the city was wooded with oaks.
615. Querquetulani. See Pliny, Nat. Hist. iii. 69; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. v. 61. As to the white bulls sacrificed at the great Latin festival and partaken of by the members of the League, see Arnobius, Adversus nationes, ii. 68; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. iv. 49. Compare Cicero, Pro Plancio, ix. 23; Varro, De lingua Latina, vi. 25.
616. Theophrastus, Histor. plant. v. 8. 3.
617. Arnobius, Adversus nationes, ii. 68; Livy, xxii. 10. 7; Ovid, Ex Ponto, iv. 4. 31; Servius on Virgil, Georg. ii. 146; Horace, Carmen Saeculare, 49.
618. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 250 sq.
619. “Italic and Keltic are so closely bound together by important phonetic and morphological affinities that they are sometimes spoken of as one branch” of Aryan speech (J. H. Moulton, Two Lectures on the Science of Language, Cambridge, 1903, p. 6, note). “The connection of the Celtic and Italic languages is structural. It is much deeper than that of Celts and Teutons, and goes back to an earlier epoch. Celts and Latins must have dwelt together as an undivided people in the valley of the Danube, and it must have been at a much later time—after the Umbrians and Latins had crossed the Alps—that the contact of Celts and Teutons came about” (Isaac Taylor, The Origin of the Aryans, p. 192; compare id. p. 257). See also P. Giles, Manual of Comparative Philology 2nd Ed., (London, 1901), p. 26.
620. Livy, xlii. 7. 1, xlv. 15. 10. Compare Dio Cassius, xxxix. 20. 1. The temple on the Alban Mount was dedicated in 168 B.C., but the worship was doubtless far older.
622. Strabo, vii. 7. 12, p. 329; Hyperides, Or. iii. coll. 35-37, pp. 43 sq., ed. Blass; G. Curtius, Griech. Etymologie, 5th Ed., p. 236; W. H. Roscher, Juno und Hera (Leipsic, 1875), pp. 17 sq.; id., Lexikon d. griech. u. röm. Mythologie, ii. coll. 576, 578 sq. See below, p. 381.
624. W. H. Roscher, Juno und Hera, pp. 64 sqq.; id., Lexikon d. griech. u. röm. Mythologie, ii. 575 sq., 591 sqq. At Falerii the image of Juno was annually carried in procession from her sacred grove, and in some respects the ceremony resembled a marriage procession (Ovid, Amores, iii. 13; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. i. 21). The name of June was Junius at Rome, Junonius at Aricia, Laurentum and Lavinia, and Junonalis at Tibur and Praeneste (Ovid, Fasti, vi. 59-63; Macrobius, Sat. i. 12. 30). The forms Junonius and Junonalis are recognised by Festus (p. 103, ed. C. O. Müller). Their existence among the Latins seems to render the derivation of Junius from Juno quite certain, though that derivation is doubted by Mr. W. Warde Fowler (Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic, pp. 99 sq.).
625. Ovid, Fasti, vi. 101-168; Macrobius, Sat. i. 12. 31-33; Tertullian, Ad nationes, ii. 9; Varro, quoted by Nonius Marcellus, De compendiosa doctrina, p. 390, ed. L. Quicherat. There was a sacred beechen grove of Diana on a hill called Corne near Tusculum (Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 242). But Corne has probably no connection with Carna. The grove of Helernus was crowded with worshippers on the first of February (Ovid, Fasti, ii. 67, where Helerni is a conjectural emendation for Averni or Asyli). Nothing else is known about Helernus, unless with Merkel (in his edition of Ovid’s Fasti, pp. cxlviii. sq.) we read Elerno for Eterno in Festus, p. 93, ed. C. O. Müller. In that case it would seem that black oxen were sacrificed to him. From the association of Carna with Janus it was inferred by Merkel (l.c.) that the grove of Helernus stood on or near the Janiculum, where there was a grove of oaks (see above, p. 186). But the language of Ovid (Fasti, ii. 67) points rather to the mouth of the Tiber.
627. Ovid, Fasti, vi. 129-168. A Roman bride on the way to her husband’s house was preceded by a boy bearing a torch of buckthorn (spina alba, Festus, s.v. “Patrimi,” p. 245, ed. C. O. Müller; Varro, quoted by Nonius Marcellus, De compendiosa doctrina, s.v. “Fax,” p. 116, ed. L. Quicherat). The intention probably was to defend her from enchantment and evil spirits. Branches of buckthorn were also thought to protect a house against thunderbolts (Columella, De re rustica, x. 346 sq.).
629. Dioscorides, De arte medica, i. 119.
630. Scholiast on Nicander, Theriaca, 861.
631. Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philosophorum, iv. 54-57.
633. Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 111 εἰκὸς μὲν οὖν ἐστι καὶ τὸν ἱερέα τοῦ Διὸς ὥσπερ ἔμψυχον καὶ ἱερὸν ἄγαλμα καταφύξιμον ἀνεῖσθαι τοῖς δεομένοις; L. Preller, Römische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., i. 201; F. B. Jevons, Plutarch’s Romane Questions, p. lxxiii.; C. Julian, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines, ii. 1156 sqq.
634. Cicero, De re publica, iii. 13. 22; Virgil, Aen. x. 112; Horace, Sat. ii. 1. 42 sq.; Ovid, Fasti, vi. 37; Varro, De lingua Latina, v. 6. 7; Livy, v. 21. 2, v. 23. 7; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxv. 115; Flavius Vopiscus, Probus, xii. 7; L. Preller, Römische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., i. 205, 284; W. H. Roscher, Lexikon d. griech. u. röm. Mythologie, ii. 600 sqq.
636. Cicero, Philippics, ii. 43. 110; Suetonius, Divus Julius, 76; Dio Cassius, xliv. 6. The coincidence has been pointed out by Mr. A. B. Cook (Classical Review, xviii. 371).
637. Livy, i. 20. 1 sq.
638. Numa was not the only Roman king who is said to have enjoyed the favours of a goddess. Romulus was married to Hersilia, who seems to have been a Sabine goddess. Ovid tells us how, when the dead Romulus had been raised to the rank of a god under the name of Quirinus, his widow Hersilia was deified as his consort. Thus, if Quirinus was a Sabine oak-god, his wife would be an oak-goddess, like Egeria. See Ovid, Metam. xiv. 829-851. Compare Livy, i. 11. 2; Plutarch, Numa, 14. On Hersilia as a goddess see A. Schwegler, Römische Geschichte, i. 478, note 10; L. Preller, Römische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., i. 372. Again, of King Servius Tullius we read how the goddess Fortuna, smitten with love of him, used to enter his house nightly by a window. See Ovid, Fasti, vi. 569 sqq.; Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae, 36; id., De fortuna Romanorum, 10. However, the origin and nature of Fortuna are too obscure to allow us to base any conclusions on this legend. For various more or less conjectural explanations of the goddess see W. Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic, pp. 161-172.
639. Plutarch, De fortuna Romanorum, 10; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. iv. 1 sq.; Ovid, Fasti, vi. 627-636; Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 241, xxxvi. 204; Livy, i. 39; Servius on Virgil, Aen. ii. 683; Arnobius, Adversus nationes, v. 18. According to the Etruscan annals, Servius Tullius was an Etruscan by name Mastarna, who came to Rome with his friend Caeles Vibenna, and, changing his name, obtained the kingdom. This was stated by the Emperor Claudius in a speech of which fragments are engraved on a bronze tablet found at Lyons. See Tacitus, Annals, ed. Orelli, 2nd Ed., p. 342. As the emperor wrote a history of Etruria in twenty books (Suetonius, Divus Claudius, 42) he probably had some authority for the statement, and the historical, or at least legendary, character of Mastarna and Caeles Vibenna is vouched for by a painting inscribed with their names, which was found in 1857 in an Etruscan tomb at Vulci. See G. Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, 3rd Ed., ii. 506 sq. But from this it by no means follows that the identification of Mastarna with Servius Tullius was correct. Schwegler preferred the Roman to the Etruscan tradition (Römische Geschichte, i. 720 sq.), and so, after long hesitation, did Niebuhr (History of Rome, 3rd Ed., i. 380 sqq.). It is fair to add that both these historians wrote before the discovery of the tomb at Vulci.
640. A. Schwegler, Römische Geschichte, i. 715; L. Preller, Römische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., ii. 344.
641. Plutarch, Romulus, 2.
642. Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. i. 76 sq.; Livy, i. 3 sq.; Plutarch, Romulus, 3; Zonaras, Annal. vii. 1; Justin, xliii. 2. 1-3.
643. Servius on Virgil, Aen. vii. 678.
644. Virgil, Aen. vii. 343.
645. Aulus Gellius, i. 12, 14 and 19. Compare L. Preller, Römische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., ii, 161, 344. There was a very ancient worship of Vesta at Lavinium, the city named after Amata’s daughter Lavinia, the ancestress of the Alban kings. See above, vol. i. p. 14.
646. Virgil, Aen. vii. 71-77.
647. Virgil, Aen. ii. 680-686. We may compare the halo with which the vainglorious and rascally artist of genius, Benvenuto Cellini, declared his head to be encircled. “Ever since the time of my strange vision until now,” says he, “an aureole of glory (marvellous to relate) has rested on my head. This is visible to every sort of men to whom I have chosen to point it out; but those have been very few. This halo can be observed above my shadow in the morning from the rising of the sun for about two hours, and far better when the grass is drenched with dew. It is also visible at evening about sunset. I became aware of it in France at Paris; for the air in those parts is so much freer from mist, that one can see it there far better manifested than in Italy, mists being far more frequent among us.” See The Life of Benvenuto Cellini, translated by J. Addington Symonds 3rd Ed., (London, 1889), pp. 279 sq.
649. A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa, p. 60. See above, pp. 149 sq.
651. Apollodorus iii. 14. 6; Schol. on Homer, Iliad, ii. 547; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, v. 669 sq.; Augustine, De civitate Dei, xviii. 12.
652. Pausanias i. 26. 6 sq.; Strabo ix. 1. 16, p. 396; Plutarch, Numa, 9; id., Sulla, 13. As to the identity of Erechtheus and Erichthonius see my note on Pausanias, i. 18. 2 (vol. ii. p. 169).
653. Pausanias, i. 27. 3, with my note.
654. The theory was formerly advocated by me (Journal of Philology, xiv. (1885) pp. 154 sqq.) As to the duties of the Vestals see J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., pp. 342 sqq.
655. This explanation was first, so far as I know, given by me in my Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship (London, 1905), p. 221. It has since been adopted by Mr. E. Fehrle (Die kultische Keuschheit im Altertum, Giessen, 1910, pp. 210 sqq.).
656. Aulus Gellius, xiv. 7. 7. Compare Servius on Virgil, Aen. vii. 153, ix. 4.
657. Ovid, Fasti, vi. 261 sq.
658. Festus, s.v. “penus,” p. 250, ed. C. O. Müller, where for saepius we must obviously read saeptus.
659. Ovid, Fasti, i. 199, iii. 183 sq.; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. i. 79. 11. For the situation of the hut see also Plutarch, Romulus, 20.
660. Conon, Narrationes, 48; Vitruvius, ii. 1. 5, p. 35, ed. Rose and Müller-Strübing; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 15. 10. Compare Virgil, Aen. viii. 653 sq. As to the two huts on the Palatine and the Capitol see A. Schwegler, Römische Geschichte, i. 394; L. Jahn on Macrobius, l.c.