661. Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. ii. 66; Plutarch, Numa, 11 and 14; Solinus, i. 21; Ovid, Fasti, vi. 263 sqq.; id., Tristia, iii. 1. 29 sq.; Tacitus, Annals, xv. 41.
662. Servius on Virgil, Aen. viii. 363. Festus, however, distinguishes the old royal palace (Regia) from the house of the King of the Sacred Rites (s.v. “Sacram viam,” pp. 290, 293, ed. C. O. Müller). In classical times the Regia was the residence or office of the Pontifex Maximus; but we can hardly doubt that formerly it was the house of the Rex Sacrorum. See O. Gilbert, Geschichte und Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum, i. 225, 235 sq., 341, 344. As to the existing remains of the Regia, the temple of Vesta, and the house of the Vestals, see O. Richter, Topographie der Stadt Rom, 2nd Ed., pp. 88 sqq.; Ch. Huelsen, Die Ausgrabungen auf dem Forum Romanum 2nd Ed., (Rome, 1903), pp. 62 sqq., 88 sqq.; Mrs. E. Burton-Brown, Recent Excavations in the Roman Forum (London, 1904), pp. 26 sqq.
663. Dio Cassius, liv. 27, who tells us that Augustus annexed the house of the King of the Sacred Rites to the house of the Vestals, on which it abutted.
664. Many such phenomena are noted by Julius Obsequens in his book of prodigies, appended to W. Weissenborn’s edition of Livy, vol. x. 2, pp. 193 sqq. (Berlin, 1881).
665. W. Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poebene, pp. 50-55; E. Burton-Brown, Recent Excavations in the Roman Forum, pp. 30, 152, 154. For pictures of these hut-urns see G. Boni in Notizie degli Scavi, May 1900, p. 191, fig. 52; id., in Nuova Antologia, August 1900, p. 22.
666. Valerius Maximus, iv. 4. 11; Ovid, Fasti, vi. 310; Acron on Horace, Odes, i. 31, quoted by G. Boni in Notizie degli Scavi, May 1900, p. 179; Cicero, Paradoxa, i. 2; id., De natura deorum, iii. 17. 43; Persius, Sat. ii. 59 sq.; Juvenal, Sat. vi. 342 sqq.
667. Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. ii. 23. On earthenware vessels used in religious rites see also Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxv. 108, “In sacris quidem etiam inter has opes hodie non murrinis crystallinisve, sed fictilibus prolibatur simpulis”; Apuleius, De magia, 18, “Eadem paupertas etiam populo Romano imperium a primordio fundavit, proque eo in hodiernum diis immortalibus simpuvio et catino fictili sacrificat.”
668. G. Boni in Notizie degli Scavi, May 1900, p. 179; E. Burton-Brown, Recent Excavations in the Roman Forum, pp. 23 sq., 41.
669. W. Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poebene, pp. 82 sqq.
670. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxvii. 21 sq.
671. G. Henzen, Acta Fratrum Arvalium (Berlin, 1874), pp. 26, 30; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, No. 5039; J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., 456.
672. W. Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poebene, p. 87.
673. G. Wilmanns, Exempla inscriptionum Latinarum, Nos. 311, 986, 1326, 1331; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, Nos. 456, 3314, 4926, 4933, 4936, 4942, 4943. Modern writers, following Varro (De lingua Latina, vii. 44, “fictores dicti a fingendis libis”), explain these fictores as bakers of sacred cakes. See Ch. A. Lobeck, Aglaophamus, pp. 1084 sq.; J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., 249. They may be right, but it is to be observed that Varro does not expressly refer to the fictores of the Vestals and Pontiffs, and further, that in Latin fictor commonly means a potter, not a baker, for which the regular word is pistor.
674. A. d’Orbigny, Voyage dans l’Amérique Méridionale, iii. (Paris and Strasburg, 1844) p. 194. Much of d’Orbigny’s valuable information as to this tribe was drawn from the manuscript of Father Lacueva, a Spanish Franciscan monk of wealthy family and saint-like character, who spent eighteen or twenty years among the Yuracares in a vain attempt to convert them. With regard to the crops mentioned in the text, these savages plant banana-trees, manioc, sugar-cane, and vegetables round about their huts, which they erect in clearings of the forest. See d’Orbigny, op. cit. iii. 196 sq.
675. H. A. Junod, “Les Conceptions physiologiques des Bantou Sud-Africains et leurs tabous,” Revue d’Ethnographie et de Sociologie, i. (1910), p. 147.
676. Columella, De re rustica, xii. 4. 2 sq.
677. Cicero, De natura deorum, ii. 27. 68.
678. Servius on Virgil, Aen. xi. 211.
679. Horace, Epodes, ii. 65 sq.; Martial, iii. 58. 3 sq.; L. Preller, Römische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., ii. 105 sqq., 155 sqq. See also A. De-Marchi, Il Culto privato di Roma antica, i. (Milan, 1896) p. 67, with plate iii.
680. Macrobius, Saturn. iii. 4. 11; G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer, pp. 145 sq.
681. Festus, s.v. “penus,” pp. 250, 251, ed. C. O. Müller; Tacitus, Annals, xv. 41; J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., 252 sq.
682. Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. ii. 66; Livy, xxvi. 27. 14; J. Marquardt, op. cit. iii. 2nd Ed., 250 sq.
683. Festus, s.v. “Ignis,” p. 106, ed. C. O. Müller: “Ignis Vestae si quando interstinctus esset, virgines verberibus afficiebantur a pontifice, quibus mos erat tabulam felicis materiae tamdiu terebrare, quousque exceptum ignem cribro aeneo virgo in aedem ferret.” In this passage it is not clear whether quibus refers to the virgins alone or to the virgins and the pontiff together; but the strict grammatical construction is in favour of the latter interpretation. The point is not unimportant, as we shall see presently. From a passage of Plutarch (Numa, 9) it has sometimes been inferred that the Vestal fire was rekindled by sunlight reflected from a burning-glass. But in this passage Plutarch is describing a Greek, not a Roman, mode of making fire, as has been rightly pointed out by Professor M. H. Morgan (“De ignis eliciendi modis apud antiquos,” Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, i. (1890) pp. 56 sqq.). In this memoir Professor Morgan has collected and discussed the passages of Greek and Latin writers which refer to the kindling of fire.
684. See E. B. Tylor, Early History of Mankind, 3rd Ed., pp. 238 sqq. More evidence might easily be given. See, for example, J. Dawson, Australian Aborigines, pp. 15 sq.; C. Lumholtz, Among Cannibals, p. 191; A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, pp. 770-773; Maximilian Prinz zu Wied-Newied, Reise nach Brasilien, ii. 18 sq.; E. F. im Thurn, Among the Indians of Guiana, pp. 257-259; K. von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens, pp. 223 sqq.; H. Ling Roth, The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo, i. 375 sqq.; A. Maass, Bei liebenswürdigen Wilden, ein Beitrag zur Kenntniss der Mentawai-Insulaner (Berlin, 1902), pp. 114, 116; Mgr. Le Roy, “Les Pygmées,” Missions Catholiques, xxix. (1897), p. 137; E. Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India (Madras, 1906), pp. 464-470; W. A. Reed, Negritos of Zambales (Manila, 1904), p. 40.
685. J. Teit, “The Thompson Indians of British Columbia,” pp. 203, 205 (Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. i. part 4).
686. J. Walter Fewkes, “The Lesser New-fire Ceremony at Walpi,” American Anthropologist, N.S. iii. (1901) p. 445.
687. Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, p. 621.
688. For this information I am indebted to Mr. S. H. Ray.
689. G. Jacob, Altarabisches Beduineneben 2nd Ed., (Berlin, 1897), p. 91. In his Arabic-English Lexicon, book i. p. 1257, E. W. Lane gives the following account of the subject: “zand, a piece of stick or wood, for producing fire; the upper one of the two pieces of stick, or wood, with which fire is produced: ... and zanda is the appellation of the lower one thereof, in which is the notch or hollow, or in which is a hole.... One end of the zand is put into the fard (notch) of the zanda, and the zand is then rapidly twirled round in producing fire.... The best kind of zand is made of ’afār and the best kind of zanda of markh.” It will be observed that the two writers differ as to markh wood, Jacob saying that it is used to make the upright (male) stick, and Lane that it is used to make the horizontal (female) stick. My learned friend Professor A. A. Bevan, who directed my attention to both passages and transliterated for me the Arabic words in Lane, has kindly consulted the original authorities on this point and informs me that Lane is right.
690. L. Concradt, “Die Ngumbu in Südkamerun,” Globus, lxxxi, (1902) p. 354.
691. A. C. Hollis, The Masai (Oxford, 1905), p. 342.
692. A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), p. 85.
693. Letter of the Rev. J. Roscoe, dated Mengo, Uganda, 3rd August 1904.
694. J. Macdonald, Light in Africa 2nd Ed., (London, 1890), pp. 216 sq.
695. Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir (London, 1904), pp. 51 sq.
696. J. Irle, Die Herero (Gütersloh, 1906), pp. 49 sqq., 53 sqq. Compare Josaphat Hahn, “Die Ovaherero,” Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin, iv. (1869) pp. 227 sqq.; H. Schinz, Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika (Oldenburg and Leipsic, N.D.), pp. 142 sq.; E. Dannert, Zum Rechte der Herero (Berlin, 1906), pp. 1 sqq. The people call themselves Ovaherero (plural); the singular form is Omuherero. The name Damaras was given them by the English and Dutch. Under the influence of the missionaries most of the heathen customs described in the text seem now to have disappeared. See P. H. Brincker, “Character, Sitten, und Gebräuche, speciell der Bantu Deutsch-Südwest-afrikas,” Mittheilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, p. 72.
697. C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami (London, 1856), p. 230; J. Chapman, Travels in the Interior of South Africa (London, 1868), i. 325; J. Hahn, “Die Ovaherero,” Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin, iv. (1869) pp. 244-247, 250; C. J. Büttner, Das Hinterland von Walfischbai und Angra Pequena (Heidelberg, 1884), pp. 228 sq.; H. Schinz, Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika, pp. 158-161; J. Irle, Die Herero, pp. 32 sqq., 113.
698. Francis Galton, Narrative of an Explorer in Tropical South Africa 3rd Ed., (London, 1890), p. 116; J. Hahn, op. cit. iv. (1869), p. 247; H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 155; J. Irle, Die Herero, pp. 111 sq.
699. H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 159.
700. H. Schinz, op. cit. pp. 155-157; compare J. Hahn, op. cit. iv. (1869) p. 499; J. Irle, Die Herero, p. 78; E. Dannert, Zum Rechte der Herero, pp. 4 sq. At first sight Dr. Schinz’s account appears to differ slightly from that given by the Rev. G. Viehe, who says: “In the werfts of the Ovaherero, the houses of the chief are on the eastern side. Next to these, towards the west, follow, one after another, the holy house (otyizero), the place of the holy fire (okuruo), and the kraal [i.e. the calves’ pen] (otyunda); thus the otyizero is on the east, and the otyunda on the west side of the okuruo” (“Some Customs of the Ovaherero,” South African Folk-lore Journal, i. (1879) p. 62). But it seems clear that by the chief’s house Mr. Viehe means what Dr. Schinz calls the house of the great wife; and that what Mr. Viehe calls the holy house is the open space between the sacred hearth and the house of the great wife or chief. That space is described as the holy ground by Dr. Schinz, who uses that phrase (“der geweihte Boden”) as the equivalent of the native otyizero. Thus the two writers are in substantial agreement with each other. On the other hand Dr. C. H. Hahn gives the name of otyizero or sacred house to “the chief house of the chief, in front of which is the place of the holy fire.” He adds that “the chief has several houses, according to the number of wives, each wife having her own hut” (South African Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) p. 62, note 1.) The name otyizero seems to be derived from zera, “sacred,” “taboo.” See G. Viehe, op. cit. pp. 39, 41, 43; Rev. E. Dannert, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) pp. 63, 65, 105, and the editor’s note, ib. p. 93.
701. H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 155.
702. C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, p. 223; J. Hahn, op. cit. iv. (1869) p. 500; H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 165.
703. H. Brincker, Wörterbuch und kurzgefasste Grammatik des Otjiherero (Leipsic, 1886), s.v. “okuruo”; id. “Pyrolatrie in Südafrika,” Globus, lxvii. (January 1895) p. 97; Meyer, quoted by J. Kohler, “Das Recht der Herero,” Zeitschrift für vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, xiv. (1900) p. 315.
704. J. Hahn, op. cit. iv. (1869) pp. 499 sq.; Rev. H. Beiderbecke, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) p. 84; C. G. Büttner, “Ueber Handwerke und technische Fertigkeiten der Eingeborenen in Damaraland,” Ausland, 7th July 1884, p. 522; P. H. Brincker, in Mittheilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, p. 75; id., Wörterbuch des Otjiherero, s.v. “okuruo”; id., “Pyrolatrie in Südafrika,” Globus, lxvii. (January 1895) p. 97; H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 183; Meyer, l.c.
705. C. J. Andersson, op. cit. p. 223; J. Hahn, op. cit. iv. (1869) p. 500; Rev. E. Dannert, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) p. 66; Rev. H. Beiderbecke, ibid. p. 83, note 4; C. G. Büttner, l.c.; H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 165; J. Irle, Die Herero, pp. 78 sq.; E. Dannert, Zum Rechte der Herero, p. 5. According to Meyer (l.c.) and E. Dannert (Zum Rechte der Herero, p. 5), if the chief’s eldest daughter marries, the duty of tending the fire passes to his eldest wife. This statement is at variance with all the other testimony on the subject, and for reasons which will appear presently I regard it as improbable. At least it can hardly represent the original custom.
706. Rev. H. Beiderbecke, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) p. 84.
707. Rev. E. Dannert, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) p. 66; H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 168.
708. Francis Galton, op. cit. p. 115.
709. C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, p. 223.
710. C. J. Andersson, l.c.; J. Hahn, op. cit. iv. (1869) p. 500; H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 167.
711. Virgil, Aen. ii. 717 sqq., 747.
712. C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, p. 224; Rev. G. Viehe, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, i. (1879) p. 43; Rev. E. Dannert, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) p. 67; C. G. Büttner, l.c.; H. Schinz, op. cit. pp. 166, 167, 186; Meyer, quoted by J. Kohler, op. cit. p. 315; P. H. Brincker, in Mittheilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, pp. 75 sq.; J. Irle, Die Herero, p. 80; E. Dannert, Zum Rechte der Herero (Berlin, 1906), p. 5.
713. C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, pp. 228 sq.; Rev. G. Viehe, op. cit. i. (1879) pp. 61 sq.; C. G. Büttner, l.c.; H. Schinz, op. cit. pp. 165, 180. The Herero have a curious twofold system of paternal clans (otuzo, plural; oruzo, singular) and maternal clans (omaanda, plural; eanda, singular). Every person inherits an oruzo from his father and an eanda from his mother. See my Totemism and Exogamy, ii. 357 sqq.
714. C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, pp. 223 sq.; J. Hahn, op. cit. iv. (1869) p. 500; Rev. G. Viehe, op. cit. i. (1879) pp. 39, 61; C. G. Büttner, l.c.; H. Brincker, Wörterbuch des Otji-herero, s.vv. ondume and otjija; id. “Character, Sitten, und Gebräuche, speciell der Bantu Deutsch-Südwest-afrikas,” Mittheilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, p. 75; id. “Pyrolatrie in Südafrika,” Globus, lxvii. (January, 1895) p. 96; H. Schinz, op. cit. pp. 165 sq.; J. Kohler, op. cit. pp. 305, 315; J. Irle, Die Herero, pp. 79 sq. According to Dr. Schinz, the meaning of the names applied to the fire-sticks has been much disputed; he himself adopts the view given in the text, and supports it by weighty reason which, taken along with analogous designations in many other parts of the world, may be regarded as conclusive. He tells us that otyiza means pudendum muliebre, and this is actually the name of the holed stick according to Mr. Viehe (ll.cc.), though Dr. Schinz gives otyia as the name. I have followed Dr. Brincker in accepting otyiya (otjija) as the correct form of the word. Further, Dr. Schinz derives ondume, the name of the pointed stick, from a verb ruma, meaning “to have intercourse with a woman.” Moreover, he reports that the Ai San Bushmen, near Noihas, in the Kalahari desert, call the vertical fire-stick tau doro and the horizontal fire-stick gai doro, where tau is the masculine prefix and gai the feminine. Finally, a Herero explained to him the significance of the names by referring in an unmistakable manner to the corresponding relations in the animal kingdom. That the two sticks are regarded as male and female is positively affirmed by Mr. Viehe, Mr. Meyer (quoted by J. Kohler), and Dr. Brincker.
715. See above, pp. 213 sq. Mr. G. Viehe says that the omuwapu tree “acts a very important part in almost all the religious ceremonies” of the Herero (op. cit. i. 45). Probably it is only used where the omumborombonga cannot be had.
716. J. Hahn, “Das Land der Herero,” Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin, iii. (1868) pp. 200, 213, 214 sq.; C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, pp. 218, 221; id., The Okavango River (London, 1861), pp. 21 sq.; H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 182.
717. C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, p. 221; Francis Galton, op. cit. p. 115; J. Hahn, op. cit. iii. (1868) p. 215, iv. (1869) p. 498, note; Rev. H. Beiderbecke, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) pp. 92 sq.; H. Schinz, op. cit. pp. 182 sq.; Meyer, quoted by J. Kohler, op. cit. p. 297; P. H. Brincker, in Mittheilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin (1900), Dritte Abtheilung, p. 73; J. Irle, Die Herero, pp. 75 sq., 77; E. Dannert, Zum Rechte der Herero, pp. 3 sq.
718. On the evidence for this migration see J. Chapman, Travels in the Interior of South Africa, i. 325-327; J. Hahn, op. cit. iii. (1868) pp. 227 sqq. As to the physical features and climate of Hereroland, see J. Hahn, “Das Land der Ovaherero,” Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde zu Berlin, iii. (1868) pp. 193 sqq.; J. Irle, Die Herero, pp. 9 sqq., 19 sqq.
719. Pausanias, v. 13. 3, v. 14. 2. On the substitution of the poplar for the oak, see Mr. A. B. Cook in Folk-lore, xv. (1904) pp. 297 sq.
720. Rev. G. Viehe, “Some Customs of the Ovaherero,” (South African) Folk-lore Journal, i. (1879) pp. 64-66; Rev. H. Beiderbecke, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) p. 91; H. Schinz, op. cit. pp. 183 sq.; P. H. Brincker, in Mittheilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, pp. 89 sq.; J. Irle, Die Herero, pp. 74, 75, 77. Apparently it is only a powerful or eminent man who becomes an omukuru after his death. Or rather, perhaps, though all dead men become ovakuru, only the strong and brave are feared and worshipped.
721. H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 183.
722. Rev. E. Dannert, “Customs of the Ovaherero at the Birth of a Child,” (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (1880) pp. 66 sq. Compare Rev. G. Viehe, op. cit. i. (1879) p. 41; H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 168.
723. Rev. G. Viehe, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, i. (1879) pp. 49 sq.
724. Rev. G. Viehe, op. cit. i. 51.
725. H. Schinz, op. cit. p. 166. Compare J. Irle, Die Herero, p. 77.
726. J. Hahn, op. cit. iv. (1869) p. 500, note.
727. C. J. Andersson, Lake Ngami, pp. 228 sq. The ceremony is described more fully by the Rev. G. Viehe, “Some Customs of the Ovaherero,” (South African) Folk-lore Journal, i. (1879) pp. 61 sq., from whose account some of the details in the text are borrowed.
728. The distinction is made also by Mr. J. Irle. According to him, while the fire-sticks are called ozondume (plural of ondume), the sticks which represent the ancestors are called ozohongue and are made from the omuvapu bush. In every chief’s house there is a bundle of about twenty of these ancestral sticks. When a chief dies, the sticks are wrapped in a portion of the sacred bull (omusisi) which is slaughtered on this occasion, and a new stick is added to the bundle. At the same time Mr. Irle tells us that the fire-sticks (ozondume) also represent the ancestors and are made like them from the omuvapu bush. See J. Irle, Die Herero, pp. 77, 79.
729. Bensen, quoted by J. Kohler, “Das Recht der Herero,” Zeitschrift für vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, xiv. (1900) p. 305.
730. Rev. G. Viehe, or his editor, op. cit. i. (1879) p. 39. The otyiza (otyiya) is the female fire-stick. See above, p. 218 note 1.
731. Rev. G. Viehe, in (South African) Folk-lore Journal, i. (1879) p. 61.
732. Ibid. p. 43, compare p. 50.
733. J. Irle, Die Herero, p. 79.
734. I have assumed that the ancestral sticks, whatever their origin, represent only men. This is plainly implied by Dr. Brincker, who tells us that “each of these sticks represents the male member of generation and in the Bantu sense a personality, which stands for the presence of the deceased chief on all festive occasions and especially at religious ceremonies” (“Character, Sitten, und Gebräuche, speciell der Bantu Deutsch-Südwestafrikas,” Mittheilungen des Seminars für Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin, iii. (1900) Dritte Abtheilung, p. 74). In savage society women are of too little account for their ghosts to be commonly worshipped. Speaking of the Bantu peoples, a writer who knows them well observes: “This lack of respect for old women is a part of the natives’ religious system, and is connected with their conception of a future life, in which women play a subordinate part, their spirits not being able to cause much trouble, and therefore not being of much account” (Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir, p. 23).
735. W. Jochelson, “The Koryak,” pp. 32-36 (Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. vi., Leyden and New York, 1908).
736. W. Bogaras, “The Chukchee Religion,” pp. 349-353 (Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. vii. part ii., Leyden and New York, 1904).
737. Livy, xxviii. 11. 6 sq.; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. ii. 67. 5.
738. Ovid, Fasti, vi. 265 sqq.; Festus, p. 262, ed. C. O. Müller.
739. Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir, pp. 11 sq. On the diffusion of the round hut in Africa Sir H. H. Johnston says: “The original form of house throughout all British Central Africa was what the majority of the houses still are—circular and somewhat like a beehive in shape, with round walls of wattle and daub and thatched roof. This style of house is characteristic of (a) all Africa south of the Zambezi; (b) all British Central Africa; as much of the Portuguese provinces of Zambezia and Moçambique as are not under direct Portuguese or Muhammedan influence which may have introduced the rectangular dwelling; (c) all East Africa up to and including the Egyptian Sudan, where Arab influence has not introduced the oblong rectangular building; (d) the Central Nigerian Sudan, much of Senegambia, and perhaps the West Coast of Africa as far east and south as the Gold Coast, subject, of course, to the same limitations as to foreign influence” (British Central Africa, London, 1897, P. 453).
740. J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., pp. 250, 341 sq.
741. J. Marquardt, op. cit. iii. 2nd Ed., pp. 340 sq.; Journal of Philology, xiv. (1885) pp. 155 sq.
742. Livy, i. 3 sq.; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. i. 76 sq.; Plutarch, Romulus, 3.
743. Plutarch, Numa, 10; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. ii. 67. 4, viii. 89. 5.
744. The suggestion is due to Mr. M. A. Bayfield (Classical Review, xv. 1901, p. 448). He compares the similar execution of the princess Antigone (Sophocles, Antigone, 773 sqq.). However, we must remember that a custom of burying people alive has been practised as a punishment or a sacrifice by Romans, Persians, and Germans, even when the victims were not of royal blood. See Livy, xxii. 57. 6; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxviii. 12; Plutarch, Marcellus, 3; id., Quaest. Rom. 83; Herodotus, vii. 114; J. Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer, 3rd Ed., pp. 694 sq. As to the objection to spill royal blood, see The Golden Bough, Second Edition, i. 354 sq.
746. Ovid, Fasti, iv. 629-672. Compare Varro, De lingua Latina, vi. 15; Joannes Lydus, De mensibus, iv. 49.
748. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxviii. 39; “Quamquam religione tutatur et fascinus, imperatorum quoque, non solum infantium custos, qui deus inter sacra Romana Vestalibus colitur.”
749. Virgil, Georg. i. 498; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 828; G. Henzen, Acta fratrum Arvalium, pp. 124, 147; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae selectae, Nos. 5047, 5048. Ennius represented Vesta as the mother of Saturn and Titan. See Lactantius, Divin. inst. i. 14.
750. Augustine, De civitate Dei, iv. 10.
752. Grihya Sûtras, translated by H. Oldenberg, vol. i. pp. 37, 168, 279, 283, 382, 384, vol. ii. pp. 46, 191, 260; M. Winternitz, “Das altindische Hochzeitsrituell,” pp. 4, 56-62 (Denkschriften der kaiserl. Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, xl., Vienna, 1892); H. Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, p. 312; G. A. Grierson, Bihār Peasant Life (Calcutta, 1885), p. 368; F. S. Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der Südslaven, pp. 386, 436, cp. 430; J. Lasicius, “De diis Samagitarum caeterorumque Sarmatarum,” in Magazin herausgegeben von der Lettisch-Literarischen Gesellschaft, xiv. 99; J. Maeletius (Maletius), “De sacrificiis et idolatria veterum Borussorum Livonum aliarumque vicinarum gentium,” in Mitteilungen der Litterarischen Gesellschaft Masovia, viii. (1902) pp. 191, 204 (this work is also reprinted under the name of J. Menecius in Scriptores rerum Livonicarum, ii. (Riga and Leipsic, 1848) pp. 389-392); F. Woeste, in Zeitschrift für deutsche Mythologie und Sittenkunde, ii. (1855) p. 91; A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche, pp. 433, 522; A. Kuhn, Sagen, Gebräuche und Märchen aus Westfalen, ii. 38; J. H. Schmitz, Sitten und Sagen, etc., des Eifler Volkes, i. 67; Montanus, Die deutsche Volksfeste, Volksbräuche und deutscher Volksglaube, p. 85; Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, Hochzeitsbuch (Leipsic, 1871), p. 222; L. v. Schroeder, Die Hochzeitsbräuche der Esten (Berlin, 1888), pp. 127 sqq.; E. Samter, Familienfeste der Griechen und Römer (Berlin, 1901), pp. 59-62; O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, pp. 356 sq. This evidence proves that the custom has been practised by the Indian, Slavonian, Lithuanian, and Teutonic branches of the Aryan race, from which we may fairly infer that it was observed by the ancestors of the whole family before their dispersion.