838. A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, Up the Niger (London, 1892), p. 37.
839. Miss Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in West Africa, pp. 599 sq.
840. P. de Tournefort, Relation d’un voyage du Levant (Amsterdam, 1718), i. 93 (Lettre vi.); Sibthorp, in R. Walpole’s Memoirs relating to European and Asiatic Turkey (London, 1817), pp. 284 sq.; W. G. Clark, Peloponnesus (London, 1858), p. 111; J. T. Bent, The Cyclades (London, 1885), p. 365. The giant fennel (Ferula communis, L.) is still known in Greece by its ancient name, hardly modified (nartheka instead of narthex), though W. G. Clark says the modern name is kalami. Bent speaks of the plant as a reed, which is a mistake. The plant is described by Theophrastus (Histor. plant. vi. 2. 7 sq.).
841. Hesiod, Works and Days, 50-52; id., Theogony, 565-567; Aeschylus, Prometheus Bound, 107-111; Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 7. 1; Hyginus, Fabulae, 144; id., Astronomica, ii. 15.
842. See my article, “The Prytaneum, the Temple of Vesta, the Vestals, Perpetual Fires,” Journal of Philology, xiv. (1885) pp. 169-171.
843. Arnobius, Adversus nationes, ii. 67.
844. See my article, “The Prytaneum, the Temple of Vesta, the Vestals, Perpetual Fires,” Journal of Philology, xiv. (1885) pp. 145 sqq.
845. G. Turner, Nineteen Years in Polynesia (London, 1861), p. 326.
846. Ph. Paulitschke, Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, die materielle Cultur der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl (Berlin, 1893), p. 145.
847. J. B. Labat, Relation historique de l’Éthiopie Occidentale, i. 256 sq.
848. J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) pp. 43, 51 sq.; id., in a letter to me dated Mengo, Uganda, 3rd August 1904.
849. W. G. Browne, Travels in Africa, Egypt, and Syria (London, 1799), p. 306.
850. J. J. Monteiro, Angola and the River Congo (London, 1875), ii. 167.
851. P. Pogge, Im Reiche des Muata Jamwo (Berlin, 1880), p. 234.
852. A. Bastian, Die Völker des östlichen Asien, iii. 515 sq.
853. Du Pratz, History of Louisiana (London, 1774), pp. 330-334, 346 sq., 351-358; Charlevoix, Histoire de la Nouvelle France, vi. 172 sqq.; Lafitau, Mœurs des sauvages Ameriquains, i. 167 sq.; Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, Nouvelle Édition, vii. (Paris, 1781) pp. 7-16 (reprinted in Recueil de voyages au nord, ix. Amsterdam, 1737, pp. 3-13); “Relation de la Louisianne,” Recueil de voyages au Nord, v. (Amsterdam, 1734) pp. 23 sq.; Bossu, Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes Occidentales (Paris, 1768), i. 42-44; Chateaubriand, Voyage en Amérique (Paris, 1870), pp. 227 sqq.; H. R. Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, v. 68. The accounts differ from each other in some details. Thus Du Pratz speaks as if there were only two fire-temples in the country, whereas the writer in the Lettres édifiantes says that there were eleven villages each with its fire-temple, and that formerly there had been sixty villages and temples. The account in the text is based mainly on the authority of Du Pratz, who lived among the Natchez on terms of intimacy for eight years, from the end of 1718 to 1726.
854. Hennepin, Nouvelle Découverte d’un très grand pays situé dans l’Amérique (Utrecht, 1697), p. 306.
855. Xenophon, Cyropaedia, viii. 3. 12; Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 6. 34; Quintus Curtius, iii. 3. 7.
856. Dio Cassius, lxxi. 35. 5; Herodian, i. 8. 4, i. 16. 4, ii. 3. 2, ii. 8. 6, vii. 1. 9, vii. 6. 2.
857. H. Schinz, Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika, p. 320.
858. O. Dapper, Description de l’Afrique (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 392.
859. O. Dapper, op. cit. p. 400.
860. Quintus Curtius, v. 2. 7. Curtius represents this as a signal adopted by Alexander, because the sound of the bugle was lost in the trampling and hum of the great multitude. But this maybe merely the historian’s interpretation of an old custom.
861. Xenophon, Respublica Lacedaemoniorum, xiii. 2 sq.; Nicolaus Damascenus, quoted by Stobaeus, Florilegium, xliv. 41 (vol. ii. p. 188 ed. Meineke); Hesychius, s.v. πυρσοφόρος.
862. Herodotus, iv. 68.
863. Aeschylus, Choëph. 604 sqq.; Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 8. 2 sq.; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 34. 6 sq.; Ovid, Metamorph. viii. 445 sqq.; Hyginus, Fab. 171 and 174.
864. Servius, on Virgil, Aen. x. 228.
865. Le P. H. Geurtjens, “Le Cérémonial des Voyages aux Îles Keij,” Anthropos, v. (1910) pp. 337 sq.
866. J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., 237, 321; C. Julian, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines, ii. 1173. As to Vesta and the Vestals, see above, vol. i. pp. 13 sq.
867. C. Julian, l.c.
870. Diodorus Siculus, xvii. 114.
871. Thus in some African tribes the household fire is put out after a death, and afterwards relit by the friction of sticks (Sir H. H. Johnston, British Central Africa, p. 439; L. Concradt, “Die Ngumbu in Südkamerun,” Globus, lxxxi, (1902) p. 352). In Laos the fire on the hearth is extinguished after a death and the ashes are scattered; afterwards a new fire is obtained from a neighbour (Tournier, Notice sur le Laos français, p. 68). A custom of the same sort is observed in Burma, but there the new fire must be bought (C. J. F. S. Forbes, British Burma, p. 94). Among the Miris of Assam the new fire is made by the widow or widower (W. H. Furness, in Journal of the Anthrop. Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 462). In Armenia it is made by flint and steel (M. Abeghian, Der armenische Volksglaube, p. 71). In Argos fire was extinguished after a death, and fresh fire obtained from a neighbour (Plutarch, Quaest. Graec. 24). In the Highlands of Scotland all fires were put out in a house where there was a corpse (Pennant’s “Tour in Scotland,” in Pinkerton’s Voyages and Travels, iii. 49). Amongst the Bogos of East Africa no fire may be lit in a house after a death until the body has been carried out (W. Munzinger, Sitten und Recht der Bogos, p. 67). In the Pelew Islands, when a death has taken place, fire is transferred from the house to a shed erected beside it (J. S. Kubary, “Die Todtenbestattung auf den Pelau-Inseln,” Original-Mittheilungen aus der Ethnologischen Abtheilung der Königlichen Museen zu Berlin, i. 7). In the Marquesas Islands fires were extinguished after a death (Vincendon-Dumoulin et Desgraz, Iles Marquises, p. 251). Among the Indians of Peru and the Moors of Algiers no fire might be lighted for several days in a house where a death had occurred (Cieza de Leon, Travels, Markham’s translation, p. 366; Dapper, Description de l’Afrique, p. 176). The same custom is reported of the Mohammedans of India (Mandelsloe, in J. Harris’s Voyages and Travels, i. (London, 1744) p. 770). In the East Indian island of Wetter no fire may burn in a house for three days after a death, and according to Bastian the reason is the one given in the text, to wit, a fear that the ghost might fall into it and hurt himself (A. Bastian, Indonesien, ii. 60). For more evidence, see my article “On certain Burial Customs,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xv. (1886) p. 90.
872. For the list of the Alban kings see Livy, i. 3. 5-11; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 39-56; id., Metam. xiv. 609 sqq.; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. i. 70 sq.; Eusebius, Chronic. bk. i. vol. i. coll. 273, 275, 285, 287, 289, 291, ed. A. Schoene; Diodorus Siculus, vii. 3rd ed. L. Dindorf; Sextus Aurelius Victor, Origo gentis Romanae, 17-19; Zonaras, Annales, vii. 1.
873. See B. G. Niebuhr, History of Rome, i. 205-207; A. Schwegler, Römische Geschichte, i. 339, 342-345. However, Niebuhr admits that some of the names may have been taken from older legends.
874. H. M. Stanley, Through the Dark Continent (London, 1878), i. 380; C. T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan (London, 1882), i. 197; Fr. Stuhlman, Mit Emin Pascha ins Herz von Afrika (Berlin, 1894), pp. 192 sq.; J. Roscoe, “Farther Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 25, with plates i. and ii.; Sir Harry Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, ii. 681 sq.
875. Romulus and Tatius reigned for a time together; after Romulus the kings were, in order of succession, Numa Pompilius, Tullus Hostilius, Ancus Marcius, the elder Tarquin, Servius Tullius, and Tarquin the Proud.
876. See A. Schwegler, Römische Geschichte, i. 579 sq.
877. According to one account, Romulus had a son and a daughter (Plutarch, Romulus, 14). Some held that Numa had four sons (Plutarch, Numa, 21). Ancus Marcius left two sons (Livy, i. 35. 1, i. 40; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. iii. 72 sq., iv. 34. 3). Tarquin the Elder left two sons or grandsons (Livy, i. 46; Dionysius Halic., Ant. Rom. iv. 6 sq. iv. 28).
878. Pompilia, the mother of Ancus Marcius, was a daughter of Numa. See Cicero, De re publica, ii. 18. 33; Livy, i. 32. 1; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. ii. 76. 5, iii. 35. 3, iii. 36. 2; Plutarch, Numa, 21.
879. Numa married Tatia, the daughter of Tatius (Plutarch, Numa, 3 and 21); Servius Tullius married the daughter of the elder Tarquin (Livy, i. 39. 4); and Tarquin the Proud married Tullia the daughter of Servius Tullius (Livy, i. 42. 1, i. 46. 5).
880. Numa was a Sabine from Cures (Livy, i. 18; Plutarch, Numa, 3; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. ii. 58); Servius Tullius, according to the common account, was the son of Ocrisia, a slave woman of Corniculum (Livy, i. 39. 5; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. iv. 1.), but according to another account he was an Etruscan (see above, p. 196 note); and Tarquin the Proud was a son of the elder Tarquin, who was an Etruscan from Tarquinii (Livy, i. 34; Cicero, De re publica, ii. 19 sq., §§ 34 sq.). The foreign birth of their kings naturally struck the Romans themselves. See the speech put by Livy (i. 35. 3), in the mouth of the elder Tarquin: “Se non rem novam petere, quippe qui non primus, quod quisquam indignari mirarive posset, sed tertius Romae peregrinus regnum adfectet; et Tatium non ex peregrino solum sed etiam ex hoste regem factum, et Numam ignarum urbis non petentem in regnum ultro accitum: se, ex quo sui potens fuerit, Romam cum conjuge ac fortunis omnibus commigrasse.” And see a passage in a speech actually spoken by the Emperor Claudius: “Quondam reges hanc tenuere urbem, nec tamen domesticis successoribus eam tradere contigit. Supervenere alieni et quidem externi, ut Numa Romulo successerit ex Sabinis veniens, vicinus quidem sed tunec externus,” etc. The speech is engraved on bronze tablets found at Lyons. See Tacitus, ed. Baiter and Orelli, i. 2nd Ed., p. 342.
881. “In Ceylon, where the higher and lower polyandry co-exist, marriage is of two sorts—Deega or Beena—according as the wife goes to live in the house and village of her husbands, or as the husband or husbands come to live with her in or near the house of her birth” (J. F. McLennan, Studies in Ancient History (London, 1886), p. 101).
882. The system of mother-kin, that is, of tracing descent through females instead of through males, is often called the matriarchate. But this term is inappropriate and misleading, as it implies that under the system in question the women govern the men. Even when the so-called matriarchate regulates the descent of the kingdom, this does not mean that the women of the royal family reign; it only means that they are the channel through which the kingship is transmitted to their husbands or sons.
883. Ancient writers repeatedly speak of the uncertainty as to the fathers of the Roman kings. See Livy, i. 4. 2; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. ii. 2. 3; Cicero, De re publica, ii. 18. 33; Seneca, Epist. cviii. 30; Aelian, Var. Hist. xiv. 36.
884. Ovid, Fasti, vi. 773-784; Varro, De lingua Latina, vi. 17. Compare L. Preller, Römische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., ii. 180 sq.
885. See The Golden Bough, Second Edition, iii. 266 sqq., 328 sqq.
886. See Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 203 sqq.; The Golden Bough, Second Edition, iii. 318 sq.
887. Plutarch, Numa, 3.
888. T. E. Bowdich, Mission from Cape Coast Castle to Ashantee, New Edition (London, 1873), pp. 185, 204 sq.; A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast, pp. 287, 297 sq.; id., The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, p. 187.
889. J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) pp. 36, 67. In Benin “the legitimate daughters of a king did not marry any one, but bestowed their favours as they pleased.” (Mr. C. Punch, in H. Ling Roth’s Great Benin (Halifax, England, 1903), p. 37).
890. C. T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan (London, 1882), i. 200; J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 67.
891. J. Roscoe, op. cit. pp. 27, 62. Mr. Roscoe says: “The royal family traces its pedigree through the maternal clan, but the nation through the paternal clan.” But he here refers to the descent of the totem only. That the throne descends from father to son is proved by the genealogical tables which he gives (Plates I. and II.).
892. Proyart’s “History of Loango,” in Pinkerton’s Voyages and Travels, xvi. 570, 579 sq.; L. Degrandpré, Voyage à la côte occidentale d’Afrique (Paris, 1801), pp. 110-114; A. Bastian, Die deutsche Expedition an der Loango Küste, i. 197 sqq. Time seems not to have mitigated the lot of these unhappy prince consorts. See R. E. Dennett, At the Back of the Black Man’s Mind (London, 1906), pp. 36 sq., 134. Mr. Dennett says that the husband of a princess is virtually her slave and may be put to death by her. All the sisters of the King of Loango enjoy these arbitrary rights over their husbands, and the offspring of any of them may become king.
893. Father Guillemé, “Au Bengouéolo,” Missions Catholiques, xxxiv. (1902) p. 16. The writer visited the state and had an interview with the queen, a woman of gigantic stature, wearing many amulets.
894. Pausanias, i. 2. 6.
895. Pausanias, ii. 29. 4. I have to thank Mr. H. M. Chadwick for pointing out the following Greek and Swedish parallels to what I conceive to have been the Latin practice.
896. Diodorus Siculus, iv. 72. 7. According to Apollodorus (iii. 12. 7), Cychreus, King of Salamis, died childless, and bequeathed his kingdom to Telamon.
897. J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 450. Compare Pausanias, ii. 29. 4.
898. Apollodorus, iii. 13. 1. According to Diodorus Siculus (iv. 72. 6), the king of Phthia was childless, and bequeathed his kingdom to Peleus.
899. Apollodorus, iii. 13. 8; Hyginus, Fabulae, 96.
900. Pausanias, i. 11. 1 sq.; Justin, xvii. 3.
901. Apollodorus, i. 8. 5.
902. Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 37; Ovid, Metam. xiv. 459 sq., 510 sq. Compare Virgil, Aen. xi. 243 sqq.
903. Diodorus, iv. 73; Hyginus, Fabulae, 82-84; Servius, on Virgil, Georg. iii. 7.
904. Thucydides, i. 9; Strabo, viii. 6. 19, p. 377.
905. Apollodorus, iii. 10. 8.
906. Schol. on Euripides, Orestes, 46; Pindar, Pyth. xi. 31 sq.; Pausanias, iii. 19. 6.
907. H. M. Chadwick, The Origin of the English Nation (Cambridge, 1907), pp. 332 sq. In treating of the succession to the kingdom in Scandinavia, the late K. Maurer, one of the highest authorities on old Norse law, also remarked that “some ancient authorities (Quellenberichte) profess to know of a certain right of succession accorded to women, in virtue of which under certain circumstances, though they could not themselves succeed to the kingdom, they nevertheless could convey it to their husbands.” And he cites a number of instances, how one king (Eysteinn Halfdanarson) succeeded his father-in-law (Eirikr Agnarsson) on the throne; how another (Gudrodr Halfdanarson) received with his wife Alfhildr a portion of her father’s kingdom; and so on. See K. Maurer, Vorlesungen über altnordische Rechtsgeschichte, i. (Leipsic, 1907) pp. 233 sq.
908. G. W. Dasent, Popular Tales from the Norse, pp. 131 sqq.; S. Grundtvig, Dänische Volksmärchen, First Series (Leipsic, 1878), pp. 285 sqq. (Leo’s German translation); Cavallius und Stephens, Schwedische Volkssagen und Märchen, No. 4, pp. 62 sqq. (Oberleitner’s German translation); Grimm, Household Tales, No. 60; Kuhn und Schwartz, Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche, pp. 340 sqq.; J. W. Wolf, Deutsche Hausmärchen, pp. 372 sqq.; Philo vom Walde, Schlesien in Sage und Brauch, pp. 81 sqq.; I. V. Zingerle, Kinder- und Hausmärchen aus Tirol, No. 8, pp. 35 sqq. No. 35, pp. 178 sqq.; J. Haltrich, Deutsche Volksmärchen aus dem Sachsenlande in Siebenbürgen, 4th ed., No. 15, pp. 103 sqq.; J. F. Campbell, Popular Tales of the West Highlands, No. 4, vol. i. pp. 77 sqq.; A. Schleicher, Litauische Märchen, Sprichwörte, Rätsel und Lieder, pp. 57 sqq.; A. Leskien und K. Brugmann, Litauische Volkslieder und Märchen, No. 14, pp. 404 sqq.; Basile, Pentamerone, First day, seventh tale, vol. i. pp. 97 sqq. (Liebrecht’s German translation); E. Legrand, Contes populaires grecques, pp. 169 sqq.; J. G. von Hahn, Griechische und albanesische Märchen, No. 98, vol. ii. pp. 114 sq.; A. und A. Schott, Walachische Maehrchen, No. 10, pp. 140 sqq.; W. Webster, Basque Legends, pp. 36-38; A. Schiefner, Awarische Texte (St. Petersburg, 1873), No. 2, pp. 21 sqq.; J. Rivière, Contes populaires de la Kabylie, pp. 195-197.
909. Saxo Grammaticus, Historia Danica, bk. iv. p. 126 (Elton’s translation). The passage occurs on p. 158 of P. E. Müller’s edition of Saxo.
910. The story of Hamlet (Amleth) is told, in a striking form, by Saxo Grammaticus in the third and fourth books of his history. Mr. H. M. Chadwick tells me that Hamlet stands on the border-line between legend and history. Hence the main outlines of his story may be correct.
911. Herodotus, i. 7-13.
912. Nicolaus Damascenus, vi. frag. 49, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iii. 380.
913. Athenaeus, xii. 11, pp. 515 F-516 B; Apollodorus, ii. 6. 3; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 31; Joannes Lydus, De magistratibus, iii. 64; Lucian, Dialogi deorum, xiii. 2; Ovid, Heroides, ix. 55 sqq.; Statius, Theb. x. 646-649.
914. Athenaeus, l.c.
915. Herodotus, i. 93; Clearchus, quoted by Athenaeus, xii. 11, p. 516 A B. The Armenians also prostituted their daughters before marriage, dedicating them for a long time to the profligate worship of the goddess Anaitis (Strabo, xi. 14. 16, p. 532 sq.). The custom was probably practised as a charm to secure the fertility of the earth as well as of man and beast. See Adonis, Attis, Osiris, Second Edition, pp. 32 sqq.
916. Herodotus, i. 7.
917. Clearchus, quoted by Athenaeus, xiii. 31, p. 573 A B.
918. See E. A. Freeman, History of the Norman Conquest of England, i. 3rd Ed., 410-412, 733-737. I am indebted to my friend Mr. H. M. Chadwick both for the fact and its explanation.
919. Procopius, De bello Gothico, iv. 20 (vol. ii. p. 593, ed. J. Haury). This and the following cases of marriage with a stepmother are cited by K. Weinhold, Deutsche Frauen 2nd Ed., (Vienna, 1882), ii. 359 sq.
920. Bede, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, ii. 5. 102; compare i. 27. 63.
921. Prudentius Trecensis, “Annales,” anno 858, in Pertz’s Monumenta Germaniae historica, i. 451; Ingulfus, Historia, quoted ibid.
922. This is in substance the view of Dr. W. E. Hearn (The Aryan House-hold, pp. 150-155) and of Prof. B. Delbrück (“Das Mutterrecht bei den Indogermanen,” Preussische Jahrbücher, lxxix. (1895) pp. 14-27).
923. Clearchus of Soli, quoted by Athenaeus, xiii. 2. p. 555 D; John of Antioch, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iv. 547; Charax of Pergamus ib. iii. 638; J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 111; id., Chiliades, v. 650-665; Suidas, s.v. Κέκροψ; Justin, ii. 6. 7.
924. Ὁ μὲν οὖν ἀθηναῖος Σόλων ὁμοπατρίους ἐφεὶς ἄγεσθαι, τὰς ὁμομητρίους ἐκώλυσεν, ὁ δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων νομοθέτης ἔμπαλιν, τὸν ἐπὶ ταῖς ὁμογαστρίοις γάμον ἐπιτρέψας, τὸν πρὸς τὰς ὁμοπατρίους ἀπεῖπεν, Philo Judaeus, De specialibus legibus, vol. ii. p. 303, ed. Th. Mangey. See also Plutarch, Themistocles, 32; Cornelius Nepos, Cimon, 1; Schol. on Aristophanes, Clouds, 1371; L. Beauchet, Histoire du droit privé de la République Athénienne, i. (Paris, 1897) pp. 165 sqq. Compare Minucius Felix, Octavius, 31.
925. Polybius, xii. 5.
926. Strabo, xiii. 1. 40, pp. 600 sq.; Plutarch, De sera numinis vindicta, 12; and especially Lycophron, Cassandra, 1141 sqq., with the scholia of J. Tzetzes, who refers to Timaeus and Callimachus as his authorities.
927. Justin, xxi. 3. 1-6.
928. Strabo, iii. 4. 18.
929. Tacitus, Germania, 20. Compare L. Dargun, Mutterrecht und Raubehe und ihre Reste im germanischen Recht und Leben (Breslau, 1883), pp. 21 sq.
930. A. Giraud-Teulon, Les Origines du mariage et de la famille, pp. 206 sqq.; A. H. Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz, i. 13 sqq.; Sir Harry H. Johnston, British Central Africa, p. 471; A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast, pp. 297 sq.; id., The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast, pp. 207 sqq. Much more evidence will be found in my Totemism and Exogamy.
931. R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians, p. 50, note 2.
932. Tacitus, Germania, 20.
933. A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, pp. 286 sqq. The reipus or payment made on the remarriage of a widow is discussed by L. Dargun, op. cit. pp. 141-152.
934. W. F. Skene held that the Picts were Celts. See his Celtic Scotland, i. 194-227. On the other hand, H. Zimmer supposes them to have been the pre-Celtic inhabitants of the British Islands. See his paper “Das Mutterrecht der Pikten,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, xv. (1894) Romanistische Abtheilung, pp. 209 sqq.
935. “Cumque uxores Picti non habentes peterent a Scottis, ea solum conditione dare consenserunt, ut ubi res perveniret in dubium, magis de feminea regum prosapia quam de masculina regem sibi eligerent; quod usque hodie apud Pictos constat esse servatum,” Bede, Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, ii. 1. 7.
936. W. F. Skene, Celtic Scotland, i. 232-235; J. F. McLennan, Studies in Ancient History (London, 1886), pp. 68-70; H. Zimmer, loc. cit.
937. K. O. Müller, Die Etrusker (Stuttgart, 1877), ii. 376 sq.; J. J. Bachofen, Die Sage von Tanaquil (Heidelberg, 1870), pp. 282-290.
938. Θεόπομπος δ’ ἐν τῇ τεσσαρακοστῇ τρίτῃ τῶν ἱστοριῶν καὶ νόμον εἶναί φησι παρὰ τοῖς Τυρρηνοῖς κοινὰς ὑπάρχειν τὰς γυναῖκας ... τρέφειν δὲ τοὺς Τυρρηνοὺς πάντα τὰ γινόμενα παιδία, οὐκ εἰδότας ὅτου πάτρος ἐστὶν ἕκαστον, Athenaeus, xii. 14, p. 517 D E.
939. “Non enim hic, ubi ex Tusco modo Tute tibi indigne dotem quaeras corpore” (Plautus, Cistellaria, ii. 3. 20 sq.).
940. Herodotus, i. 94; Strabo, v. 2. 2, p. 219; Tacitus, Annals, iv. 55; Timaeus, cited by Tertullian, De spectaculis, 5; Festus, s.v. “Turannos,” p. 355, ed. C. O. Müller; Plutarch, Romulus, 2; Velleius Paterculus, i. 1. 4; Justin, xx. 1. 7; Valerius Maximus, ii. 4. 4; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. i. 67. On the other hand, Dionysius of Halicarnassus held that the Etruscans were an indigenous Italian race, differing from all other known peoples in language and customs (Ant. Rom. i. 26-30). On this much-vexed question, see K. O. Müller, Die Etrusker (Stuttgart, 1877), i. 65 sqq.; G. Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, 3rd Ed., i. pp. xxxiii. sqq.; F. Hommel, Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des Alten Orients, 2nd Ed., pp. 63 sqq. (in Iwan von Müller’s Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, vol. iii.).