1034. Livy, i. 14. 1 sq.; Dionysius Halicarn. Ant. Rom. ii. 52. 3; Plutarch, Romulus, 23.
1035. Dionysius Halicarn. Ant. Rom. iii. 35; Zonaras, Annales, vii. 6. As to his reported death by lightning, see above, p. 181.
1036. Plutarch, Numa, 22. I have pruned the luxuriant periods in which Plutarch dwells, with edifying unction, on the righteous visitation of God which overtook that early agnostic Tullus Hostilius.
1037. Aurelius Victor, De viris illustribus, v. 5.
1038. Livy, i. 40; Dionysius Halicarn. Ant. Rom. iii. 73.
1039. Livy, i. 48; Dionysius Halicarn. Ant. Rom. iv. 38 sq.; Solinus, i. 25. The reading Virbium clivum (“the slope of Virbius”) occurs only in the more recent manuscripts of Livy: the better-attested reading both of Livy and Solinus is Urbium. But the obscure Virbium would easily and naturally be altered into Urbium, whereas the reverse change is very improbable. See Mr. A. B. Cook, in Classical Review, xvi. (1902) p. 380, note 3. In this passage Mr. Cook was the first to call attention to the analogy between the murder of the slave-born king, Servius Tullius, and the slaughter of the slave-king by his successor at Nemi. As to the oak-woods of the Esquiline see above, p. 185.
1040. Nicolaus Damascenus, in Stobaeus, Florilegium, x. 70. Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iii. 457.
1041. H. Jordan, Die Könige im alten Italien (Berlin, 1887), pp. 44 sq. In this his last work Jordan argues that the Umbrian practice, combined with the rule of the Arician priesthood, throws light on the existence and nature of the kingship among the ancient Latins. On this subject I am happy to be at one with so learned and judicious a scholar.
1042. R. E. Dennett, At the Back of the Black Man’s Mind (London, 1906), pp. 11 sq., 111, 131 sq., 135. The word translated “sacred ground” (xibila, plural bibila) means properly “sacred grove.” Such “sacred groves” are common in this part of Africa, but in the “sacred grove” of the king of Loango the tree beside which the monarch takes post to fight for the crown appears to stand solitary in a grassy plain. See R. E. Dennett, op. cit. pp. 11 sq., 25, 96 sqq., 110 sqq. We have seen that the right of succession to the throne of Loango descends in the female line (above, pp. 276 sq.), which furnishes another point of resemblance between Loango and Rome, if my theory of the Roman kingship is correct.
1043. J. G. Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy, ii. 530. My authority is the Rev. John Roscoe, formerly of the Church Missionary Society in Uganda.
1044. Memoirs of Samuel Pepys, edited by Richard, Lord Braybrooke, Second Edition (London, 1828), i. 193 sq. (under April 23rd, 1661).
1045. Varro, Rerum rusticarum, ii. 1. 9 sq. “Romanorum vero populum a pastoribus esse ortum quis non dicit?” etc. Amongst other arguments in favour of this view Varro refers to the Roman personal names derived from cattle, both large and small, such as Porcius, “pig-man,” Ovinius, “sheep-man,” Caprilius, “goat-man,” Equitius, “horse-man,” Taurius, “bull-man,” and so forth. On the importance of cattle and milk among the ancient Aryans see O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde (Strasburg, 1901), pp. 541 sq., 689 sqq., 913 sqq.
1046. Above, vol. i. p. 366.
1047. As to the foundation of Rome on this date see Varro, Rerum rusticarum, ii. 1. 9; Cicero, De divinatione, ii. 47. 98; Festus, s.v. “Parilibus,” p. 236, ed. C. O. Müller; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 247; Propertius, v. 4. 73 sq.; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 801-806; id., Metam. xiv. 774 sq.; Velleius Paterculus, i. 8. 4; Eutropius, i. 1; Solinus, i. 18; Censorinus, De die natali, xxi. 6; Probus on Virgil, Georg. iii. 1; Schol. Veronens. on Virgil, l.c.; Dionysius Halicarnas, Ant. Rom. i. 88; Plutarch, Romulus, 12; Dio Cassius, xliii. 42; Zonaras, Annales, vii. 3; Joannes Lydus, De mensibus, i. 14, iv. 50. As to the birth of Numa, see Plutarch, Numa, 3. The festival is variously called Parilia and Palilia by ancient writers, but the form Parilia seems to be the better attested of the two. See G. Wissowa, s.v. “Pales,” in W. H. Roscher’s Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, iii. 1278.
1048. Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Ant. Rom. i. 88) hesitates between these two views. With truer historical insight Plutarch (Romulus, 12) holds that the rustic festival was older than the foundation of Rome.
1049. See, for example, vol. i. above, p. 32.
1050. For modern discussions of the Parilia, see L. Preller, Römische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., i. 413 sqq.; J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., 207 sq.; W. Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, pp. 309-317; W. Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals, pp. 79-85; G. Wissowa, s.v. “Pales,” in W. H. Roscher’s Lexikon der griech. u. röm. Mythologie, iii. 1276-1280; id., Religion und Kultus der Römer, pp. 165 sq.
1051. Cicero, De divinatione, ii. 47. 98; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 806; Calendar of Philocalus, quoted by W. Warde Fowler, op. cit. p. 79; Probus on Virgil, Georg. iii. 1; Plutarch, Romulus, 12; Zonaras, Annales, vii. 3.
1052. Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. i. 88.
1053. Festus, s.v. “Pales,” p. 222, ed. C. O. Müller; Dionysius Halic. l.c.
1054. Servius on Virgil, Georg. iii. 1. See also Arnobius, Adversus nationes, iii. 40; Martianus Capella, i. 50.
1055. Ovid, Fasti, iv. 637-640, 731-734; Propertius, v. 1. 19 sq.
1056. See above, p. 229. As to the sacrifice of the horse in October see The Golden Bough, Second Edition, ii. 315 sqq.
1057. Tibullus, ii. 5. 91 sq.:—
1058. Ovid, Fasti, iv. 735-738. In his account of the festival Ovid mentions only shepherds and sheep; but since Pales was a god of cattle as well as of sheep (Arnobius, Adversus nationes, iii. 23), we may suppose that herds and herdsmen equally participated in it. Dionysius (l.c.) speaks of four-footed beasts in general.
1059. So Mr. W. Warde Fowler understands Ovid, Fasti, iv. 735-742.
1060. Ovid, Fasti, iv. 805 sq.
1061. Ovid, Fasti, iv. 739 sq.
1062. Ovid, Fasti, iv. 747 sq.:—
With this sense of noxa compare id. vi. 129 sq., where it is said that buckthorn or hawthorn “tristes pellere posset a foribus noxas.”
1063. Ovid, Fasti, iv. 763-774. The prayer that the wolves may be kept far from the fold is mentioned also by Tibullus (ii. 5. 88).
1064. Ovid, Fasti, iv. 779-782; Tibullus, ii. 5. 89 sq.; Propertius, v. 1. 19, v. 4. 77 sq.; Persius, i. 72; Probus on Virgil, Georg. iii. 1.
1065. I owe this observation to F. A. Paley, on Ovid, Fasti, iv. 754. He refers to Virgil, Georg. ii. 435, Ecl. x. 30; Theocritus, xi. 73 sq.; to which may be added Virgil, Georg. iii. 300 sq., 320 sq.; Horace, Epist. i. 14. 28; Cato, De re rustica, 30; Columella, De re rustica, vii. 3. 21, xi. 2. 83 and 99-101. From these passages of Cato and Columella we learn that the Italian farmer fed his cattle on the leaves of the elm, the ash, the poplar, the oak, the evergreen oak, the fig, and the laurel.
1066. Ovid, Fasti, iv. 749-754.
1067. Ovid, Fasti, iv. 757-760.
1068. Columella, De re rustica, vii. 3. 11. In this respect the practice of ancient Italian farmers would seem to have differed from that of modern English breeders. In a letter (dated 8th February 1908) my friend Professor W. Somerville of Oxford writes: “It is against all modern custom to arrange matters so that lambs are born five months after April 21, say the end of September.” And, again, in another letter (dated 16th February 1908) he writes to me: “The matter of coupling ewes and rams in the end of April is very perplexing. In this country it is only the Dorset breed of sheep that will ‘take’ the ram at this time of the year. In the case of other breeds the ewe will only take the ram in autumn, say from July to November, so that the lambs are born from January to May. We consider that lambs born late in the season, say May or June, never thrive well.”
1069. The suggestion was made by C. G. Heyne in his commentary on Tibullus, i. 5. 88.
1070. O. Keller, Thiere des classischen Alterthums (Innsbruck, 1887), pp. 158 sqq.
1071. Calpurnius, Bucol. v. 16-28.
1072. Plutarch, Romulus, 12.
1073. Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. 1. 88.
1074. This is the view of J. Marquardt (Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii. 2nd Ed., 207), and Mr. W. Warde Fowler (Roman Festivals, p. 83, note 1).
1075. Boecler-Kreutzwald, Der Ehsten abergläubische Gebräuche, Weisen und Gewohnheiten, pp. 82-84, 116-118; F. J. Wiedemann, Aus dem inneren und äusseren Leben der Ehsten, pp. 332, 356-361; Holzmayer, “Osiliana,” Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnischen Gesellschaft zu Dorpat, vii. (1872) p. 61.
1076. F. J. Wiedemann, op. cit. p. 413.
1078. W. R. S. Ralston, Russian Folk-tales, pp. 344, 345.
1079. W. R. S. Ralston, Songs of the Russian People, pp. 229-231. In the island of Rhodes also it is customary for people to roll themselves on the grass for good luck on St. George’s Day. See Mary Hamilton, Greek Saints and their Festivals (Edinburgh and London, 1910), p. 166.
1080. Olga Bartels, “Aus dem Leben der weissrussischen Landbevölkerung,” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xxxv. (1903) p. 659.
1081. W. R. S. Ralston, op. cit. p. 389. French peasants of the Vosges Mountains believe that St. George shuts the mouths of wild beasts and prevents them from attacking the flocks which are placed under his protection (L. F. Sauvé, Le Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges, p. 127).
1082. W. R. S. Ralston, op. cit. pp. 319 sq.
1083. R. F. Kaindl, “Zauberglaube bei den Rutenen in der Bukowina und Galizien,” Globus, lxi. (1892) p. 280.
1084. R. F. Kaindl, Die Huzulen (Vienna, 1894), pp. 62 sq., 78, 88 sq.; id., “Zauberglaube bei den Huzulen,” Globus, lxxvi. (1899) p. 233.
1085. P. Drechsler, Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien, i. (Leipsic, 1903) pp. 106 sq. The authority quoted for the sacrifice is Tiede, Merkwürdigkeiten Schlesiens (1804), pp. 123 sq. It is not expressly said, but we may assume, that the sacrifice was offered on St. George’s Day.
1086. A. Birlinger, Aus Schwaben (Wiesbaden, 1874), ii. 166. Compare id., Volksthümliches aus Schwaben, ii. 21 n. 1.
1087. E. H. Meyer, Badisches Volksleben im neunzehnten Jahrhundert (Strasburg, 1900), pp. 219, 408.
1088. J. Haltrich, Zur Volkskunde der Siebenbürger Sachsen (Vienna, 1885), p. 281.
1089. W. Schmidt, Das Jahr und seine Tage in Meinung und Brauch der Romänen Siebenbürgens (Hermannstadt, 1866), pp. 9, 11. Compare R. F. Kaindl, “Zur Volkskunde der Rumänen in der Bukowina,” Globus, xcii. (1907) p. 284. It does not appear whether the shepherd’s pouch (“Hirtentaschen”) in question is the real pouch or the plant of that name.
1090. A. und A. Schott, Walachische Maehrchen (Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1845), pp. 299 sq.
1091. A. Strausz, Die Bulgaren (Leipsic, 1898), p. 287.
1092. A. Strausz, op. cit. p. 337.
1093. W. R. S. Ralston, Songs of the Russian People, p. 230.
1095. F. S. Krauss, Volksglaube und religiöser Brauch der Südslaven, pp. 125-127; id., Kroatien und Slavonien (Vienna, 1889), pp. 105 sq.
1096. W. J. A. Tettau und J. D. H. Temme, Die Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und Westpreussens (Berlin, 1837), p. 263.
1097. L. Lloyd, Peasant Life in Sweden, pp. 246-251; A. Kuhn, Herabkunft des Feuers, 2nd Ed., pp. 163 sq.
1099. W. R. S. Ralston, Russian Folk-tales, p. 345.
1100. Marie Andree-Eysn, Volkskundliches aus dem bayrisch-österreichischen Alpengebiet (Brunswick, 1910), pp. 180-182.
1101. E. H. Meyer, Badisches Volksleben im neunzehnten Jahrhundert (Strasburg, 1900), p. 423; K. Freiherr von Leoprechting, Aus dem Lechrain (Munich, 1855), p. 168.
1103. A. Strausz, Die Bulgaren, pp. 337, 385 sq. There seems to be a special connexion between St. George and serpents. In Bohemia and Moravia it is thought that up to the twenty-third of April serpents are innocuous, and only get their poison on the saint’s day. See J. V. Grohmann, Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren, §§ 326, 580, pp. 51, 81; W. Müller, Beiträge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in Mähren, p. 323. Various other charms are effected by means of serpents on this day. Thus if you tear out the tongue of a live snake on St. George’s Day, put it in a ball of wax, and lay the ball under your tongue, you will be able to talk down anybody. See J. V. Grohmann, op. cit., §§ 576, 1169, pp. 81, 166.
1104. J. V. Grohmann, op. cit. § 1463, p. 210.
1105. F. S. Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der Südslaven, p. 175.
1106. F. S. Krauss, op. cit. pp. 175 sq.
1107. Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, Fest-Kalender aus Böhmen, pp. 194 sq.; J. V. Grohmann, op. cit., § 554, p. 77.
1108. S. J. Curtiss, Primitive Semitic Religion To-day, pp. 83 sq., 118 sq.
1109. S. Baring-Gould, Curious Myths of the Middle Ages, pp. 278 sqq. The authority for this identification is the nominal translator, but real author, of the work called The Agriculture of the Nabataeans. See D. A. Chwolson, Über Tammuz und die Menschenverehrung bei den alten Babyloniern (St. Petersburg, 1860), pp. 56 sq. Although The Agriculture of the Nabataeans appears to be a forgery (see above, p. 100, note 2), the identification of the oriental St. George with Tammuz may nevertheless be correct.
1110. J. Maeletius (Menecius), “De sacrificiis et idolatria veterum Borussorum Livonum aliarumque vicinarum gentium,” Mitteilungen der Litterarischen Gesellschaft Masovia, Heft 8 (Lötzen, 1902), pp. 185, 187, 200 sq.; id. in Scriptores rerum Livonicarum, ii. (Riga and Leipsic, 1848), pp. 389, 390; J. Lasicius, “De diis Samagitarum caeterorumque Sarmatarum,” ed. W. Mannhardt, in Magazin herausgegeben von der Lettisch-literärischen Gesellschaft, xiv. (1868) pp. 95 sq. The first form of the prayer to Pergrubius is from the Latin, the second from the German, version of Maeletius’s (Jan Malecki’s) work. The description of Pergrubius as “he who makes leaves and grass to grow” (“der lest wachssen laub unnd gras”) is also from the German. According to M. Praetorius, Pergrubius was a god of husbandry (Deliciae Prussicae, Berlin, 1871, p. 25).
1112. J. Geikie, Prehistoric Europe (Edinburgh, 1881), pp. 420 sq., 482 sqq., 495.
1113. R. Munro, Ancient Scottish Lake Dwellings or Crannogs (Edinburgh, 1882), p. 266, quoting Alton’s Treatise on the Origin, Qualities, and Cultivation of Moss Earth.
1114. J. Geikie, op. cit. pp. 432-436.
1115. J. Geikie, op. cit. pp. 461-463.
1116. A. von Humboldt, Kosmos, i. (Stuttgart and Tübingen, 1845) p. 298. The passage is mistranslated in the English version edited by E. Sabine.
1117. Sir Charles Lyell, The Geological Evidence of the Antiquity of Man 4th ed., (London, 1873), pp. 8, 17, 415 sq.; Sir John Lubbock (Lord Avebury), Prehistoric Times 5th Ed., (London, 1890), pp. 251, 387; J. Geikie, op. cit. pp. 485-487.
1118. J. Geikie, op. cit. pp. 487 sq.
1119. J. Geikie, op. cit. p. 489.
1120. R. Munro, Ancient Scottish Lake Dwellings, p. 20, quoting the article “Crannoges” in Chambers’s Encyclopædia.
1121. R. Munro, op. cit. p. 23. For more evidence of the use of oak in British crannogs, see id., op. cit. pp. 6-8, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33 sq., 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 51 sq., 53, 61, 62, 97, 122, 208, 262, 291-299; id. The Lake Dwellings of Europe (London, Paris, and Melbourne, 1890), pp. 350, 364, 372, 377.
1122. F. Keller, The Lake Dwellings of Switzerland and other Parts of Europe 2nd Ed., (London, 1878), i. 37, 48, 65, 87, 93, 105, 110, 129, 156, 186, 194, 201, 214, 264, 268, 289, 300, 320, 375, 382, 434, 438, 440, 444, 446, 465, 639.
1123. F. Keller, op. cit. i. 332, 334, 375, 586.
1124. W. Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poebene (Leipsic, 1879), pp. 12, 16 sq., 26. The bones of cattle, pigs, goats, and sheep prove that these animals were bred by the people of the Italian pile villages. See W. Helbig, op. cit. p. 14.
1125. Strabo, v. 4. 1, p. 195.
1126. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 5.
1127. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 6 “Hercyniae silvae roborum vastitas ... glandiferi maxime generis omnes, quibus honos apud Romanos perpetuus.”
1128. H. Hirt, “Die Urheimat der Indogermanen,” Indogermanische Forschungen, i. (1892), p. 480; P. Kretschmer, Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache (Göttingen, 1896), p. 81; O. Schrader, Reallexikon der Indogermanischen Altertumskunde, s.v. “Eiche,” p. 164. This etymology assumes that Hercynia represents an original Perkunia, and is connected with the Latin quercus. However, the derivation is not undisputed. See O. Schrader, op. cit. pp. 1015 sq.
1129. Polybius, ii. 15. Compare Strabo, v. 1. 12, p. 218.
1130. Polybius, xii. 4.
1131. Strabo, v. 3. 1, p. 228.
1132. Diodorus Siculus, iv. 84.
1133. Pausanias, viii. 23. 8 sq. For notices of forests and groves of oak in Arcadia and other parts of Greece, see id. ii. 11. 4, iii. 10. 6, vii. 26. 10, viii. 11. 1, viii. 25. 1, viii. 42. 12, viii. 54. 5, ix. 3. 4, ix. 24. 5. The oaks in the Arcadian forests were of various species (id. viii. 12. 1).
1134. C. Neumann und J. Partsch, Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland (Breslau, 1885), p. 378.
1135. Encyclopædia Britannica, 9th Ed., xvii. 690.
1136. Virgil, Georg., i. 7 sq., 147-149; Lucretius, v. 939 sq., 965; Tibullus, ii. 1. 37 sq., ii. 3. 69; Ovid, Metam. i. 106; id., Fasti, i. 675 sq., iv. 399-402; Juvenal, xiv. 182-184; Aulus Gellius, v. 6. 12; Dionysius Halicarnas. Ars rhetorica, i. 6, vol. v. p. 230, ed. Reiske; Pollux, i. 234; Poryphry, De abstinentia, ii. 5.
1137. Hesiod, Works and Days, 232 sq.
1138. Herodotus, i. 66.
1139. Pausanias, viii. 1, 6. According to Pausanias it was only the acorns of the phegos oak which the Arcadians ate.
1140. Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 15.
1141. Strabo, iii. 3. 7, p. 155.
1142. Pliny, l.c.
1143. C. Neumann und J. Partsch, Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland, p. 379.
1144. C. Neumann and J. Partsch, op. cit., p. 382, note.
1145. Cervantes, Don Quixote, part ii. ch. 50, vol. iv. p. 133 of H. E. Watts’s translation, with the translator’s note (new edition, London, 1895); Neumann und Partsch, op. cit. p. 380; P. Wagler, Die Eiche in alter und neuer Zeit, i. (Wurzen, 1891) p. 35. The passage in Don Quixote was pointed out to me by my friend Mr. W. Wyse.
1146. Encyclopædia Britannica, 9th. Ed., xvii. 692.
1147. H. E. Watts, loc. cit.
1148. Encyclopædia Britannica, l.c.
1149. To avoid misapprehension, I desire to point out that I am not here concerned with the evolution of Aryan religion in general, but only with that of a small, though important part of it, to wit, the worship of a particular kind of tree. To write a general history of Aryan religion in all its many aspects as a worship of nature, of the dead, and so forth, would be a task equally beyond my powers and my ambition. Still less should I dream of writing a universal history of religion. The “general work” referred to in the preface to the first edition of The Golden Bough is a book of far humbler scope.
1151. For evidence of these aspects of Zeus and Jupiter, see L. Preller, Griechische Mythologie, i. 4th ed., 115 sqq.; id., Römische Mythologie, 3rd Ed., i. 184 sqq. In former editions of this book I was disposed to set aside much too summarily what may be called the meteorological side of Zeus and Jupiter.