Here Marshal Soult had taken a strong position, extending about a mile in length along a range of tabular heights; his right, under Reillé, resting on them upon the high road to Dax, and occupying the village of St. Boes; the centre, under Drouet, taking the bend of a sickle, as the hill formed a cove, and being thus protected by the flanks; the left, under Clausel, resting upon the town and the heights above it, and defending the passage of the river from Sir Rowland. Villatte’s and Harispe’s divisions, and Paris’s brigade, were formed in reserve on high ground upon the road ♦Feb. 27.♦ to Sault de Navailles. “Thus,” in the words of a French historian, “from 35,000 to 40,000 French troops were collected at a point as favourable as the most skilful commander could have chosen for ♦Beauchamp’s Narrative of the Invasion, 2. p. 52.♦ resisting the advance of an invading army.” Lord Wellington’s arrangements were, that Beresford, with the 4th and 7th divisions, and Colonel Vivian’s brigade of cavalry, should turn and attack the enemy’s right; while Picton, with the 3rd and 6th, supported by Sir Stapleton with Lord Edward Somerset’s brigade of horse, should move along the Peyrehorade road, and attack their centre and left. Baron Alten, with the light division, kept up the communication, and was in reserve between these; and Sir Rowland was to force the passage of the Gave, and turn and attack their left.

The action commenced about nine in the morning. The 4th division, under Sir Lowry Cole, carried the village of St. Boes, after an obstinate resistance. Beresford then directed his efforts against two lines of the enemy formed on the heights above it; but the troops had not room here to deploy for the attack, the only approach being along a narrow tongue of land, which had on either side a deep ravine, and was completely commanded by the enemy’s guns. Sir Lowry’s division led the way; 15 pieces of artillery played on them diagonally with full effect; in front they were opposed by the main line of the French infantry, and strong bodies were formed in the ravines on their flanks. Repeated attempts were made by Major-General Ross, and by Vasconcellos’s Portugueze brigade, till at length that brigade was completely broken, and the remainder of the division, with a brigade of Baron Alten’s that hastened to their assistance, with difficulty covered their retreat: thus, on this point, the attack totally failed.

Lord Wellington saw that it was impossible to turn this wing of the enemy by their right, without extending his line too far; he therefore ordered the immediate advance of the 3rd and 6th divisions, and the 7th, with a brigade of the light division, to support them by attacking the height which the enemy occupied at the point of junction between their right and centre. The 52nd regiment, under Colonel Colborne, led up the hill, supported closely by the other troops both on the right and left; and the artillery gained a knoll from whence it swept the whole line of the enemy’s centre. It made such havoc among their reserve masses, that the French 21st hussars were provoked to a most daring movement for seizing it; they galloped round the hill, and, under a heavy fire of musquetry, charged and drove back one of the supporting battalions; then with equal courage fell upon the 42nd Highlanders, but the Highlanders received their charge firmly, and the hussars suffered so much in it, that they gave up this brave though unsuccessful attempt. Meantime the allied troops were advancing steadily, under a destructive fire: Major-General Inglis’s brigade distinguished itself now, as it had done on all occasions, and made a successful charge on the enemy’s left; every regiment in the 3rd division was hotly engaged, they drove the French from every height where they attempted to make a stand, and in spite of all resistance gained at length the summit of the main position. There a severe struggle ensued; on no former occasion had the enemy fought so well when opposed to British troops; it was the only action in which they came fairly to the bayonet; but the determination which brought them to that sure trial could not support them in it, and, giving up all hope now of a successful resistance, they began to retreat over the level ground in their rear in good order, by echellons of divisions, each successively covering the other, and supported by their cavalry, which, by a gallant charge on the 6th division, endeavoured, but in vain, to check the pursuit. The infantry rallied upon some rising ground, and attempted again to make a stand: the 9th hussars, under Colonel Vivian, made them again give way. They then formed into squares, and continued to retire still in admirable order; and, though warmly pursued, and suffering heavily from the British guns, they took every advantage of the numerous positions which the ground afforded.

Marshal Soult, in whom nothing was that day wanting which could be required of a commander in the field, was compelled to withdraw his wings, when the centre had thus been forced, and to order a general retreat. The wings had comparatively suffered little; and this movement was as well conducted as all his former ones had been. But meantime Sir Rowland had forced the passage of the Gave above the town; and seeing the state of the action, he moved, with the 2nd division, and Major-General Fane’s brigade of cavalry, for the great road to St. Sever, keeping thus upon the enemy’s left, but in a direction towards a point in their rear which would have cut off their retreat on Sault de Navailles. Their movements quickened as soon as they perceived this danger; and as their march was accelerated, Sir Rowland quickened his, till the retreat became a flight; they ran, and the allies ran also, and the race continued till the French broke so completely, that no resemblance of a column was remaining. It was the lively expression of an officer there present that, “in the battle they met the charge like lions, but that the pursuit was like hare-hunting;” prisoners were literally caught by the skirts as they ran. Could the cavalry have acted sooner off the great road, the French army must have been almost destroyed. They suffered greatly where any obstacle impeded their flight; the enclosures and ditches were thickly strewn with their killed and wounded; 2000 fugitives were picked up by the infantry, and 12 pieces of cannon taken, and many more prisoners upon the only opportunity which was offered for the cavalry to charge, when the enemy had been driven from the high road by Sir Rowland. The victory, complete as it was, might have been followed to more advantage, if Lord Wellington had not been struck on the pommel of his sword by a musquet-shot, and bruised so severely by the blow, that he was unable to cross this intersected country on horseback time enough to direct the farther movements of the divisions in pursuit: the most decisive victory would have been dearly purchased by his loss. When it became dusk, the army was halted in the neighbourhood of Sault de Navailles. The loss of the allies, in killed, wounded, and missing, was somewhat less than 2300, of whom about 600 were Portugueze; no Spaniards were engaged that day. That of the ♦Beauchamp, 2. p. 55.♦ enemy was estimated by one of their own writers at from 14,000 to 16,000, very much the greater part being by desertion after the rout; for the conscripts threw down their arms, and took the opportunity of escaping from compulsory service. Foy was severely wounded, General Bechaud killed, and another General mortally wounded.

The main body of the French army continued its retreat during the night, and was joined at Hagetman by the garrison of Dax, and by two fresh battalions of conscripts; it then halted behind the Adour, near St. Sever, to re-organize itself: the allies followed them to St. Sever on the day after the battle, and the centre advanced in three columns with the hope of enveloping them. That which marched on the chaussée arrived at the appointed moment; but the flank columns ♦March 1.♦ could not proceed upon the unpaved roads at the pace which was required; and thus the enemy had time to move off in the direction of Agen, escaping an attack which they were in no condition to have withstood. Beresford then with the light division, and with Colonel Vivian’s brigade, passed the Higher Adour, and occupied Mont de Marsan, the principal town in the department of the Landes, where he took a very large ♦The French driven from Aire.♦ magazine of provisions. Here no resistance was attempted; but at Aire, where the enemy had other magazines, a corps was collected with the intention of making a stand to protect their removal. Against this place, which is on the left bank of the Adour, Sir Rowland moved upon the 2nd of March; and when his advanced guard arrived within two miles of the town, the French were discovered strongly posted on a ridge of hills, with their right upon the river, thus covering the approach. Notwithstanding the strength of the post, Sir William Stewart was ordered to attack them with the second division along the road, and Brigadier-General Da Costa’s Portugueze brigade about the centre of their position. The French force consisted of two divisions; and the Portugueze, when they forced their way up and gained the summit, found, which had not been expected, an extent of flat ground on the top, and a strong body of the enemy completely formed there to resist them; the Portugueze were so broken and confused that they could regain no formation, and must have suffered accordingly, if Sir William Stewart, having beaten back the enemy on his side, had not dispatched his first brigade under Major-General Barnes to their timely support. The enemy were then in their turn thrown into confusion by a vigorous charge, nor could they after many attempts recover the ground, but were driven from all their positions, and finally from the town, where the magazines fell into the conqueror’s hands. Two divisions of the French were engaged in this affair, one of them was Harispe’s, which had not been at Orthes; their loss was very considerable: that of the allies amounted to 20 killed and 135 wounded; among the former was the Honourable Lieutenant-Colonel Hood, of the general staff, an officer of great merit and promise.

At this time the French were once more favoured by the weather. Heavy and continued rain fell during the beginning of the month, swelling all the rivulets so as materially to impede the progress of the allies, increasing in proportion the Adour, which was so rapid that pontoons could not be laid upon it, and rendering it more difficult to repair the numerous bridges which the enemy had destroyed in their retreat; yet till this could be done, the different parts of the army were without communication. Lord Wellington was therefore compelled to halt; and Marshal Soult, who after his defeat at Orthes had been forced by the movement of Sir Rowland’s corps to retire in the direction of Bourdeaux, had leisure and opportunity to choose his course. The divisions which had been driven from Aire retreated up both banks of the Adour towards Tarbes, with a view, as Lord Wellington perceived, of being reinforced by farther detachments from Marshal Suchet’s army. This direction Soult had resolved to take, because it was only from Suchet that he could look for any efficient aid; though it appears that there was not that concert and clear understanding between the two Marshals which might have been expected in men of such experience and great ability. By thus approaching the Pyrenees he left the way to Bourdeaux open to the allies; he, however, supposed that Lord Wellington would not venture to advance upon that city, but of necessity must follow his movements. In the latter conclusion he was not mistaken; but he greatly mistook the disposition of the French people, who now looked to the English as their liberators, a disposition that was increased by his own conduct, and by the licentious habits of his troops. The loss of his magazines compelled him to impose heavy requisitions, as far as his power to collect them extended, to the ruin of the inhabitants, while their countrymen in other parts were enriched by the presence of an invading army, paying for every thing at the exorbitant prices that its own demand occasioned. His troops, therefore, in their own country were in want of every thing, and the English were abundantly supplied. ♦Beauchamp, 2. 61. Batty’s Narrative, 139.♦ The depredations and the enormities which his men committed, though not aggravated by that fiendish cruelty which had characterized the French in Portugal, were yet such that they were execrated wherever they went; and the allies, in every town and village where they entered, were welcomed as deliverers and protectors. Many instances occurred in which our sick soldiers were taken in by some hospitable family, and nursed with the greatest kindness.

One of the enemy’s columns having been cut off from the Adour by Sir Rowland’s rapid march upon Aire, retreated in disorder toward Pau, the men throwing away their arms, the better to effect their escape and facilitate their desertion. The few who reached that place were driven out by a detachment which Lord Wellington sent thither under General Fane to occupy it; and there the allies established a hospital in which the Sœurs de la Charité attended upon the sick and wounded soldiers, after the manner of their exemplary order. Travellers are still shown at Pau the chamber in which Henri IV. was born, and the tortoise-shell in which he slept as in a cradle. The gardens which had been his delight were remaining at the close of the 17th century; and the walks overarched with trees, the arbours, and the evergreens, though all neglected then, bore testimony still to the care with which they had formerly been dressed, and to the topiary skill which had been displayed there. Bearn, of which Pau was the capital in former times, was one of the most favoured parts of France, and indeed of the world, before the French revolution cut up the well-being of a whole generation by the roots; for the division of property, and the industry and manners of the people had combined there with all fortunate circumstances of soil, surface, and climate, to render the inhabitants contented and happy.

When the news of the battle of Orthes reached St. Jean de Luz, two deputies arrived at the same time from Toulouse, to assure the Duc d’Angoulême that the inhabitants of that city eagerly desired the restoration of the Bourbons. The Duc upon this repaired to Lord Wellington’s head-quarters at St. Sever; Rochejaquelein followed him, and they were joined there by M. Bontemps Dubarry, who came from Bourdeaux, charged by the better part of the citizens to invite the Duc, and to assure Lord Wellington that a British force would be received there as friends. Lord Wellington no longer hesitated; and as soon as Freyre’s Spanish corps, which had been stationed in reserve near Irun, could be brought up, and every disposable body was closed to the right, he dispatched Marshal Beresford ♦The Duc d’Angoulême proceeds thither with Marshal Beresford.♦ with three divisions toward that important city, to drive out its inconsiderable garrison, and give the inhabitants an opportunity of declaring for the exiled family if such were their wish, and they chose to venture upon a measure which might be so injurious to themselves, if Buonaparte should accept of the peace that still was offered him. Lord Wellington still doubted of this, even after he had determined upon making the trial; and Rochejaquelein, when he went to receive the Duc’s last order, before he set off with the advanced guard, found that the Duc himself seemed to entertain the same discouraging opinion. Upon this he requested permission to precede the English by six-and-thirty hours, and declared that if Bourdeaux did not declare itself, his head should be ♦Mémoires de la Marquise de la Rochejaquelein, p. 529.♦ responsible for the failure. “You are certain then of your grounds,” the Duc rejoined. “As certain,” replied Rochejaquelein, “as one can be of any earthly thing!” The Duc then expressed his full confidence in him, and bade him go.

The sandy tract which extends from Bayonne to Bourdeaux is well known by the name of the Landes; so called, it has been supposed, because all other ground in the adjacent country had its proper appellation of field, meadow, marsh, wood, or other such terms according to its produce and uses; but this region ♦Gallia Christiana, T. 1. Gloss.♦ was mere land and nothing else; it is a vast plain, perfectly level, in some parts covered with pine forests, in others only a wide waste of sand, where the trees are so thinly scattered in the sea-like circle, that in hot and hazy weather they have the appearance of ships at sea. The peasant stalks over the loose sand upon high stilts, which are found as useful here as racquets for the snow in Canada. Uncultivated, however, and thinly peopled as this extensive tract is, the pine forests yield a considerable revenue; the trees are regularly tapped for turpentine, pitch is extracted from them, and candles made from resin are in common use. While Marshal Beresford advanced without opposition over this remarkable country, Rochejaquelein having proceeded with the light troops as far as Langon, made his way to the house of one of his confederates at Preignac; and from thence was safely conducted, though the avenues were then watched by detachments of soldiers and of gendarmerie, into Bourdeaux. He found that the secret council of the royalists there, contrary alike to his wishes and expectations, had just dispatched ♦March 10.♦ a messenger to Marshal Beresford, requesting him to delay his movement, that they might have more time for preparing the people, and bringing the royalists from the country round to the support of those in the town. This was at ten on the night of the 10th; his representations how impolitic it was to allow the timid time for considering the danger, and how desirable that at this crisis Bourdeaux should declare itself for their legitimate king by a spontaneous movement, inspired them with a braver spirit: and four of their confederates were then successively sent off to meet the Duc d’Angoulême and the English, and entreat them to expedite their march.

The battle of Orthes had already struck fear into those persons from whom the royalists had most to apprehend; and no sooner was it known that a British force was advancing towards Bourdeaux, than the principal persons there who were in Buonaparte’s service thought it hopeless to resist. The senator M. Cornudet, who was Commissioner Extraordinary in this department, ordered all the civil and ecclesiastical authorities to be dissolved, and every person in the employ of government to leave the city. He gave directions for destroying two frigates which were upon the stocks; and when it was rumoured that this would be opposed by the people, he set fire to them himself; and, taking with him the public chests, and as much gunpowder and saltpetre as he could remove in haste from the public stores, he withdrew. General Lhuillier, who had the military command, could not collect more than 2000 soldiers; he, therefore, withdrew also. But the Archbishop, as well as the Mayor, M. Lynch, remained and prepared to receive the Duc d’Angoulême as the nephew of their lawful King, and the English as his allies. Instead of finding any force to resist him on the way, or any disposition for resistance, Marshal Beresford was met by royalists from all parts of Medoc and Guienne, who came in crowds to welcome the Duc. Long accustomed to adversity, the Duc himself was not elated by this fair appearance of returning fortune; he knew that, whatever might be the wishes of the allied sovereigns, they did not yet consider it their policy to espouse the cause of the Bourbons, and he requested the people not to endanger themselves by a hasty declaration; but ♦March 1.♦ notwithstanding this expressed desire, the cry of “Vive le Roi!” was raised in the little town of Bazan when he entered it. Early on the morning of the 12th, the local authorities of Bourdeaux assembled ♦The Duc enters, and the white flag is hoisted there.♦ at the Hotel de Ville. The English hussars were beginning to enter, when Rochejaquelein rode with all speed to meet Marshal Beresford, and requested him to withdraw them, that the royalists might declare themselves before he entered: of course this was instantly done. The municipality went out to meet him; the royal guard which had secretly been formed were instructed to assemble upon the road with arms concealed, and their officers followed in the magistrates’ train. As soon as Beresford arrived at the bridge of La Maye, he sent Colonel Vivian to the Mayor, saying that he hoped to enter the city as a friend and an ally. The Mayor met the Marshal without the gates, and addressed him to this effect, that if he were about to enter Bourdeaux as a conqueror, he might possess himself of the keys, which there were no means of defending; but if he came in the name of the King of France and of his ally, the King of England, they should then be joyfully presented to him. Marshal Beresford replied, that his orders were to occupy the city and to protect it; that he hoped his message had been satisfactory, and that the city which he was about to enter was the city of an ally inhabited by the subjects of Louis XVIII. M. Lynch, upon this, exclaimed, “Vive le Roi!” cast away his scarf, and put on the white cockade. At the same moment the white flag was displayed from the steeple of St. Michael’s: those who were prepared with white cockades mounted them, those who were not supplied their place with paper; and when, about an hour afterwards, the Duc de Guiche arrived and announced the near arrival of Monseigneur the Duc d’Angoulême, Bourdeaux had never before witnessed so general or so generous a joy as was then manifested. Crowds pressed round him, if they might but touch his clothes or his horse; some cried, “He is of our blood; he was born a Frenchman, and feels like a Frenchman!” numbers fell on their knees and blessed him, and blessed God that they had lived to see this day; mothers pointed him out to their children and said, “Now we shall no longer lose all our sons in the war!”

It was nearly two hours before the Duc could make his way through the multitude to the cathedral. There the Archbishop at the head of the clergy awaited him at the great door, and Te Deum was performed there amid the acclamations of the populace. M. Lynch issued a proclamation in a strain well pitched to support the feeling which had thus strongly been excited. “Inhabitants of Bourdeaux,” said he, “happy circumstances have called upon the paternal magistrate of your city to become the interpreter of your long suppressed wishes and the organ of your interests, by welcoming in your name the nephew of Louis XVI., whose presence has converted into allies an irritated nation bearing the character of enemies till they reached your gates. It is not to subjugate our country that the English, and the Spaniards, and the Portugueze appear where they now are: they are come with united forces into the south of France actuated by the same feelings as the nations of the north, to destroy the scourge of Europe, and supply his place by a monarch who will be the father of his people. The hands of the Bourbons are undefiled with French blood; the testament of Louis XVI. is their guide, and they renounce all thoughts of resentment: they proclaim that clemency and tolerance are the leading features of their conduct; and, in deploring the terrible ravages of that tyranny which licentiousness introduced, they forget the errors caused by the illusions of liberty. No more tyranny! no more war! no more conscription! no more vexatious taxes! are the concise and consoling expressions addressed to you by a Prince who has the daughter of Louis XVI. for his consort. I am proud that you are the first who have set an example to France. Every thing tends to assure us that our misfortunes are about to terminate, and that national rivalry will cease with them. It seems to have been decreed by Providence that the great commander, who so well deserves to be entitled the Liberator of Nations, should attach his glorious name to this glorious epoch, this memorable consummation of all my wishes. Fellow-citizens, such are the hopes and motives which have supported me at this trying period, and directed my conduct, and determined me, if necessary, to sacrifice my life for you. God is my witness, that I have no object in view but the good of my country. Long live the King!”

The Royalists, by whom this most important movement was prepared and directed, were none of those time-servers who take advantage of all changes to forward their own fortunes, and whose professed principles are always found to be in perfect accord with their immediate interest. When Rochejaquelein and the Bordelais set life and fortune thus upon the die, the Bourbons were wholly disregarded by the Allied Powers; those powers were still negotiating with Buonaparte, ... still willing, and, as it seemed, desirous to conclude a peace with him which should have left him the recognized Emperor of France. He, too, giving proof of greater military genius than could justly be inferred from his most brilliant career of success, had made head against their invading armies with an inferior force; and obtained advantages which raised the hopes of his admirers, and confirmed his overweening confidence in his own resources and strength of character. He flattered himself at this time, and endeavoured to persuade the French people, that the allies considered the scheme of invasion hopeless, that they were about to withdraw from the French territory, and to dissolve their ill-compacted league. The former conduct of those powers afforded some ground for such expectation; but they had profited by experience, and while the negotiations for peace were ♦Mar. 1.♦ still pending at Chatillon, concluded a treaty among themselves which might have wakened Buonaparte from his delusion. By this treaty, Austria, Russia, Prussia, and Great Britain, formed a league offensive and defensive for twenty years, each binding itself not to treat separately with the enemy, and each to keep on foot an army of 150,000 men, exclusive of garrisons, England reserving an option to subsidize other troops in place of her own, and agreeing to supply five millions sterling, to be divided among the other powers for maintaining the war. Each of these contracting powers was fully supported in this energetic policy by the spirit of its people. But Buonaparte continued to act as if he had still only to deal with sovereigns whom he might cajole, and statesmen whom ♦Mar. 15.♦ he might intimidate or corrupt; and in this temper he sent his ultimatum to the congress, demanding for himself the whole line of the Rhine, great part of that of the Waal, and the fortress of Nimeguen; Italy, including Venice, for his son-in-law Eugene Beauharnois; indemnities for that prince as having been Grand Duke of Frankfort, for Jerome on the score of his kingdom of Westphalia, for Louis as Grand Duke of Berg, ... and for Joseph the Intruder, not indeed in compensation for Spain, but for Naples, ... from whence Buonaparte himself had moved him to Madrid! Such demands were at once rejected, and the congress was dissolved.

This was subsequent to the declaration of Bourdeaux in favour of the Bourbons; and when the news of that declaration was known in England, some apprehensions were felt for its immediate consequences to the persons who were principally concerned. What mercy they might expect if Buonaparte should maintain himself upon the throne was plainly indicated in a proclamation addressed at this time by Marshal Soult to his troops; it was directed against the British General as well as the Royalists, and in the spirit of one who had served the tyrant in his schemes of iniquitous ambition, without scruple and without remorse. “Soldiers,” said he, in this remarkable address, “there will be no repose for us till this hostile army shall be annihilated, or till it shall have evacuated the territory of the Emperor. It does not suspect the dangers which surround, nor the perils which await it; but time will teach this army, and the General who commands it, that our territory is not invaded with impunity, and that French honour is not with impunity insulted. The British General has had the audacity to incite you and your countrymen to revolt and sedition! He has dared insult the national honour: he has had the baseness to excite the French to break their oaths, and to be guilty of perjury! Yet a few days and those who have been capable of believing in the sincerity and delicacy of the English will learn to their cost that the English have no other object in this war than to destroy France by its own instrumentality, and reduce the French to servitude like the Portugueze, the Sicilians, and all the other people who have groaned under their yoke. Let these deluded Frenchmen look back upon the past; they will see the English at the head of every conspiracy, of the overthrow of all principles, of the destruction of all establishments, whether of greatness or of industry, for the sake of gratifying their inordinate ambition and their insatiable avarice. Is there a single point on the surface of the globe where they have not either by fraud or violence brought about the ruin of the manufactories which rivalled or surpassed their own? Soldiers, let us devote to shame and general execration every Frenchman who shall have favoured the projects of the enemy; there is no longer any bond between them and us! Our motto is Honour and Fidelity. Our duty is marked out: implacable hatred to traitors and to the enemies of the French name: interminable war to those who would divide in order to destroy us; as well as to the wretches who would desert the imperial eagles for any other standard! Let us have always in our minds fifteen ages of glory, and the innumerable triumphs which have rendered our country illustrious! Let us contemplate the prodigious efforts of our great Emperor, and his signal victories which will eternize the French name! Let us be worthy of him, and that we may bequeath to our posterity without a stain the inheritance which we have received from our fathers!”

This proclamation was more in accord with the moral than with the military reputation which Marshal Soult had established for himself. It ill became him as a great General to pour out coarse and angry invectives against his adversary; but the rancour with which he reviled and calumniated the English, the threat of interminable war to them, and of implacable hatred to the French loyalists, these were in the spirit of his councils and his conduct. For he had proved himself by his impassibility not less than by his talents, worthy of the confidence which Buonaparte placed in him ... and of the service in which he had been employed. But his exhortation to the French soldiers that they should be worthy of their Emperor was superfluous: Buonaparte’s soldiers had long been worthy of him! To this Jaffa had borne witness: Madrid and Porto, Ucles and Tarragona were witnesses; the wrongs, the sufferings, and the curses of all Europe testified it; and the confederated nations, in whom the insolence and the excesses of those soldiers had roused a feeling which no ordinary war could have excited, and who were now moving from the Tagus and the Elbe, the Danube and the Moskwa against the general oppressor, ... the common enemy, ... the individual who, when he might have conferred greater benefits upon Europe than ever sovereign before him, in ancient or modern times, had deliberately chosen the evil part, and employed his mighty power to bring about the worst ends by the most flagitious means.

But if some fears were entertained in England for the loyalists at Bourdeaux who had not waited to declare their loyalty till the danger would have been in delaying the declaration, a generous sympathy also was manifested. The militia availed themselves of the act which allowed them to volunteer for foreign service. The example was set by the Marquis of Buckingham and Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, and they sailed as soon as possible with 4000 men for the Gironde. Contrary winds impeded their passage: meantime Buonaparte had ordered a division under General Decaen to march against it by Perigueux, and Lhuillier collected what force he could to the north of the city. But Buonaparte and his Generals had now no force at their disposal strong enough to put down the spirit that had shown itself; the rich raised companies of cavalry, the artisans formed a volunteer guard for the Duc; and Lord Wellington was now so well acquainted with the disposition of the French people, that without any fears for Bourdeaux, he recalled Marshal Beresford with two divisions, thinking that Lord Dalhousie with 5000 men would secure it from any attempt that could be made against it. Admiral Penrose had hastened thither with ♦March 27.♦ the Egmont, the Andromache, and Belle Poule frigates, and some smaller vessels, and entered the Gironde without sustaining any loss from the fire of the forts and batteries at its mouth. There was more danger from the difficulty of the navigation, but this also was surmounted by the skill and the exertion of British seamen. The enemy had the Regulus line-of-battleship, three brigs of war, and some chasse-marées lying in the river, and the squadron chased them as high as the shoal of Talmont, where the French passed up through the narrow channel to the north, which had been buoyed for the purpose, and then took shelter under the strong batteries on each side of Talmont bay, the British squadron anchoring outside the shoal. Fort de Blaye still prevented the navigation of the Garonne; the mayor of that place would willingly have hoisted the white flag, but though he found means of letting the Duc know his own sentiments, he could not persuade the garrison to take that part. While the Admiral prepared to act against it, Lord Dalhousie, taking Rochejaquelein for his guide, crossed the Garonne, and pushed the enemy’s parties under General Lhuillier, beyond the Dordogne; ♦April 4.♦ he then crossed that river at St. Andre de Cubzac, with a view to the attack of the fort, but learning that Lhuillier with 300 cavalry and 1200 foot had retired by Etauliers, he moved on that point, intending to turn back again upon Blaye if that General continued his retreat. Lhuillier however drew out his corps in a large open common near Etauliers, and occupied some woods in front of it: the woods were soon cleared; the enemy’s horse and foot gave way and retired through the town, leaving scattered parties to shift for themselves; some 300 prisoners were taken, including about 30 officers, great numbers dispersed in the woods, and the conscripts took the desired opportunity of escaping. On the preceding day a detachment under Captain Coode, of the Porcupine, took or destroyed a numerous ♦March.♦ flotilla, which had been equipped in haste, and which, before the arrival of the British squadron, had threatened the coast of Medoc, and Bourdeaux itself. Among the prizes was a splendid barge designed for the Emperor when he visited that city, with his name on the stern, and his golden eagle on the prow; this the sailors humbly requested might be presented with their duty to the Prince Regent. Another corps of 600 seamen and marines, under Captain Harris of the Belle Poule, landed, marched more than fifty miles in six-and-thirty hours, reduced and dismantled five forts, destroyed 47 pieces of cannon and 17 mortars, and re-embarked without any loss. The Regulus and the smaller vessels which had sought protection with it, were attacked and burnt, and by the 9th of April the river was cleared as high up as Blaye. General Merle held out in that fortress till the 16th; when the news that had arrived induced the Admiral to agree to an armistice with him, and the Gironde was then opened from its mouth to Bourdeaux.

Meantime another restoration, which once might have been deemed as little likely as that of the Bourbons in France, had taken place. When Ferdinand and his counsellors at Valançay found that neither San Carlos nor Palafox returned from their mission, they represented to Laforest that the best mode of removing all difficulties would be for the Emperor to let Ferdinand depart unconditionally, relying upon his honour to fulfil the treaty, if the obstacles to it should not be insurmountable. Suchet had given advice to the same effect, seeing that at that time, when there was no longer a hope of retaining any hold on Spain, it was of great consequence to withdraw from thence the garrisons, and that they could be extricated only by this means. If Ferdinand were honourable enough to restore them to their country upon being put in possession of the places which they occupied, the great and only advantage which was now desired would be obtained; if he should refuse to do this, or be unable to effect it, doubtful as it was what his authority might be, nothing would be lost, nor ever risked by the experiment. This the French government saw; and they were not without hope that the presence of Ferdinand in his own country might lead to a civil war, which would have the effect of at least embarrassing the English, and probably of impeding their operations in Gascony.

Ferdinand and his counsellors might have escaped from any imputation of bad faith in this transaction, if they had not themselves claimed credit for acting with duplicity. When they said the fulfilment of the treaty might be relied on, if there were no insurmountable obstacles, they well supposed that such obstacles existed in their relations to the allied powers; “but,” says the Canon Escoiquiz, “not knowing this of a certainty, we had a right, when treating with so perfidious a person, to put it in doubt; and by this just dissimulation to obtain the object of our wishes, which was the King’s liberty. Skilfully to deceive with truth a man so false was not an evil deed, but an excellent one; and this was our maxim8.” They represented farther that an unconditional liberation was of all things most likely to conciliate Ferdinand’s entire good-will; that it would moreover make the allied powers believe Buonaparte to be sincere in his desire of peace, and which was of more consequence, gratify the French nation, who had always indignantly regarded the war with Spain; that if Ferdinand should find it impossible to confirm the peace with France, it was not his interest that France should be dismembered, and to prevent any such danger he would only carry on an illusive war, merely to save appearances; that even if it were his desire to carry it on with vigour, he must of necessity be less able to do this than the Regency, because of the changes which his arrival in Spain could not but produce; finally, that his farther detention would occasion the Emperor a great and useless expense, and must also be a matter of some anxiety, when it was so possible that he might be delivered by the arms of the allies. Buonaparte, indeed, seems at one time to have been sensible either of the reproach which he had brought upon himself by his treachery toward Ferdinand, or of the likelihood that some successful plan might be formed for his escape; and it was once his intention to have shipped him off for Mexico, or for any other part of the Spanish colonies which he might have preferred, with Charles IV. and the Queen, the Infantes, his brothers, the Queen of Etruria, and as many other members of the family as he could collect, and to have given them large possessions there; but upon discovering that none of those colonies were at his disposal, as he had hoped them to be, and considering moreover that Ferdinand might easily from thence find his way to Spain, and there protest against the validity ♦Idea Sencilla, 78.♦ of his renunciation, he abandoned this project. At present, willing to be rid of him, knowing that his presence now could do him no hurt any where, desiring to get his soldiers out of Spain, which he had no hope of effecting by any other means, and perhaps also having a hope that Ferdinand’s return might create new troubles in that country, he readily assented to the proposal; and Laforest was instructed by the first post after the receipt of his dispatch to inform Ferdinand and the Infantes, that they were at liberty to depart unconditionally, and that orders had been given for forwarding to them the necessary passports.

Ferdinand had endured captivity as contentedly as if his patience had been the effect of philosophy or of religion. Nothing, however, could have rejoiced him more than this reply; and, as if believing that his return would be not less a matter of joy to the Regency, he determined that as soon as the passports came, Zayas should precede him by three or four days, and travel with all speed to notify his approach, that preparations might be made for receiving him. This happiness was but of six hours’ duration; for on the evening of the same day, San Carlos arrived with the refusal of the treaty. To conceal this was impossible, the utmost publicity having been given to it by the Spanish press; and as it was likely to irritate Buonaparte, whose violent temper was well known to his ministers, Laforest proposed that San Carlos himself should be the first bearer of the intelligence, and present with it such representations as might tend to appease him, and if possible avert his displeasure. The Duque accordingly, who had come post from Madrid, set off without delay, and at the same speed for Paris. Buonaparte was then with the army in the neighbourhood of Troyes; the ministers at Paris had withheld the passports till they should receive fresh instructions, and not allowing the Duque to proceed, sent him back to Valençay. Laforest, however, was of opinion that he should repair to the Emperor’s quarters: San Carlos again departed; failing to find, and perhaps not being able to follow him in the rapidity of his movements, he communicated his business by letter: the course which Laforest recommended coincided with the advice given by Suchet, in whom Buonaparte had great confidence, and the result was that orders were sent to Paris for forwarding the passports without delay. They reached Valençay on the night of March 7; San Carlos arrived on the 9th; Zayas set out for Madrid the next day. He bore a dispatch to the Regency, wherein Ferdinand said that their letter, which he had now received by Palafox, had filled his soul with satisfaction: he saw in it how anxiously the nation wished for his return, which he desired not less ardently, that he might devote all his powers to the good of his beloved subjects, to whom he was so greatly indebted on so many accounts. Then, after notifying his speedy departure, he said that the re-establishment of the Cortes, concerning which the Regency had informed him, and the other measures for the good of the realm which had been adopted during his absence, deserved his approbation, because they were in conformity with his ♦Idea Sencilla, 113, 119.♦ own royal intentions. On the following Sunday, March 13, Ferdinand and the Infantes commenced their journey towards Perpignan.

Marshal Suchet received them in that city. His instructions from the minister at war were, that he should send Ferdinand to Barcelona, and cause all the places which the French still possessed in Spain to be delivered up, taking, however, securities and precautions for the return of the garrisons to their own country. Hence the Marshal concluded that there was not such entire confidence placed in this prince as might otherwise have been inferred from the manner of his liberation. Both parties, however, were desirous of smoothing all difficulties, which may always best be done by fair dealing; and this was now the interest of both. San Carlos gave Suchet a full account of the temper of the Cortes, and their determination to control the King, or to resist him, if he should be found refractory; and he expressed his belief that the Generals, whether they were influenced by their fear or their opinions, would not acknowledge his authority until they received orders from Madrid. Ferdinand’s desire was to proceed without delay, and not to enter Barcelona, but go on to Valencia; and he promised to expedite as much as he could the deliverance of the garrisons in exchange for the places which they occupied. The Marshal frankly stated the difficulty wherein he was placed by his instructions, these being to conduct the King to Barcelona, and take securities for the deliverance of the garrisons; he had written to Paris, he said, for farther explanations, and till these should arrive, it was agreed that the Infante, Don Carlos, should remain at Perpignan, and that the King should pass the frontier without delay. Accordingly, on the 22nd, Ferdinand re-entered his own country. The rain had so swoln the streams, that he was detained two days at Figueras; during this delay, the Marshal addressed a note to him, requesting that the treatment of the French prisoners might be improved, and pressing for the deliverance of the garrisons. An assurance was given that there should be an immediate alteration in the condition of the prisoners, and a promise was given respecting the garrisons, to which Ferdinand affixed his signature. This answer was returned from Figueras, where he was still in the hands of the French; but, that it might appear more evidently his own free act and deed, he dated it from Gerona. Upon receiving this, Suchet immediately dispatched orders for letting the Infante, Don Carlos, proceed from Perpignan; thus he conferred an obligation, by releasing a hostage whom it would have been useless to detain; all questions concerning the fortresses and garrisons being, as by a tacit understanding, waived on both sides, there being a third party, without whose consent the garrison of Barcelona could not be dismissed; for Sir H. Clinton was then with the Anglo-Sicilian army blockading that city. A little before this time, instructions had been received by that General to embark one portion of his troops, including the Calabrians, ♦Suchet, 2. 375–8.♦ for the coast of Italy, there to be employed in an expedition under Lord William Bentinck; and with the remainder to march, by way of Zaragoza and Pamplona, into France, there to reinforce Lord Wellington. Sir Henry took upon himself the responsibility of not obeying these instructions: and his conduct in so doing was fully approved by Lord Wellington; for, if that army had been withdrawn, the Spaniards in Catalonia could not have prevented Suchet from collecting and bringing off the whole of his remaining garrisons.

As soon as the waters permitted, Ferdinand proceeded towards Gerona. General Copons had been apprized of his coming. Marshal Suchet escorted him to the Fluvia,

♦March 24.Ferdinand writes from Gerona to the Regency.♦ The French troops were drawn up in a semicircle on one side of the river, the Spaniards on the other; and, having crossed it amid salutes of artillery, and the joyful sound of martial music, and the acclamations of the surrounding inhabitants, who had flocked thither from all sides, Ferdinand found himself then indeed free, ... in his own country, among his own people, and a King. There was no difficulty about his reception; his retinue consisted only of Spaniards, among whom there were none to whom any exception could be taken, if Copons had been disposed to offer it. The General delivered into his hands the Regency’s letter, and the documents which accompanied it; and when Ferdinand came the same day to Gerona, he acknowledged them in a letter to the Regency announcing his arrival, saying that he should make himself acquainted with the contents of their papers; meantime he assured them that his greatest wish was to give them proofs of his satisfaction, and of his lively desire to do every thing which might conduce to the happiness of his subjects. It was a comfort indeed for him, he said, to see himself in his own country, in the midst of a nation and an army to whom he was beholden for a fidelity as constant as it was generous.