1. Lord Palmerston’s letter to Lord Clarendon, Feb. 17, 1857.

2. John Morley’s “The Life of Richard Cobden,” vol. ii. p. 189.

3. “In the year 1855 or 1856 his father’s influence succeeded in procuring him a position in the suite of General Muravieff, who as Governor-general of Eastern Siberia, had undertaken a more accurate investigation of the Amoor territory, and was preparing for its colonization. During this work, the French and English war with China broke out; the allies occupied Pekin, and seemed to threaten the existence of the Celestial Empire. This moment was taken advantage of by Russia, who had already been negotiating for some time with China, respecting the cession of a large territory south of the Amoor. Ignatieff was sent to China as ambassador extraordinary” (F. E. Bunnett’s “Russian Society,” p. 170).

4. “The preciousness of Saghalien in the eye of the Russians, however, does not lie so much in its coal beds, its promise of future harvests, its use as a penal colony, or its six hundred miles of length, but in its situation commanding the northern entrance to the sea of Japan, and guarding, like a huge breakwater, the mouth of the great river Amoor” (John Geddie, F.R.G.S., “The Russian Empire,” p. 484).

5. “If war is made to enforce a commercial treaty, we run the risk of engaging in protracted hostilities, and of earning a reputation for quarrelling with every nation in the East.... The Japanese may well be jealous of Europeans, who insult their usages and carry away their gold” (Lord J. Russell to Mr. Alcock, Feb. 28, 1860).

6. “The Present Condition of European Politics,” p. 175.

7. Earl Russell, Nov. 22, 1861, echoed these conditions (four conditions) and equivalent, and added a somewhat cunning addition: “The opening of the ports of Tsushima (in place of Osaka, the centre and trading city of the Empire) and the neighbouring coast of Corea as far as Japanese authority extends, to the trade of the treaty powers.” It could only be the expectation of some secret advantages that do not at first sight meet the eye that could have induced any one to propose the port of Tsushima for that of Osaka (“Diplomacy in Japan,” p. 61). The Japanese wisely declined the British offer.

8.

In 1887.	Imports in value from	Exports in value to
Great Britain	25,666,477 tael	16,482,809 tael.
Hong Kong	57,761,039 tael	31,393,189 tael.
India	5,537,375 tael	797,579 tael.
Continent of Europe (without Russia)	2,587,548 tael	11,545,406 tael.

The average value of the Haikwan tael during 1887 was 4s. 10¼d. (“The Statesman’s Year-book,” 1889.)

9. The Czar approved of the plan for completing the Siberian Railway, and for its connection with the Trans-Caucasian line, Jan., 1890; the works are to be commenced by the 1st of May at the latest.

10. The Chinese Government gave its assent to the construction of a railway from Pekin to Kirin viâ Moukden Jan., 1890.

11. There are now more than sixteen million miles of wire, and in 1887 the number of telegrams carried were about five millions (“The Statesman’s Year-book,” 1889).

12. The post office carried, in 1887, 54,313,385 letters, 55,332,873 post cards, 20,713,422 newspapers and books, 163,630 packets, 7,014,859 letters and newspapers free of postage (“The Statesman’s Year-book,” 1889).

13. “The English world-empire has two gigantic neighbours in the west and in the east. In the West she has the United States, and in the East Russia for a neighbour” (Prof. Seeley’s “Expansion of England,” p. 288).

14. Extracts from a pamphlet written in 1847 by His Imperial Majesty, Napoleon III.:—

“There are certain countries which, from their geographical situation, are destined to a highly prosperous future. Wealth, power, every national advantage, flows into them, provided that where Nature has done her utmost, man does not neglect to avail himself of her beneficent assistance.

“Those countries are in the most favourable conditions which are situated on the high road of commerce, and which offer to commerce the safest ports and harbours, as well as the most profitable interchange of commodities. Such countries, finding in the intercourse of foreign trade illimitable resources, are enabled to take advantage of the fertility of their soil; and in this way a home trade springs up commensurate with the increase of mercantile traffic. It is by such means that Tyre and Carthage, Constantinople, Venice, Genoa, Amsterdam, Liverpool, and London attained to such great prosperity, rising from the condition of poor hamlets to extensive and affluent commercial cities, and exhibiting to surrounding nations the astonishing spectacle of powerful states springing suddenly from unwholesome swamps and marshes. Venice in particular was indebted for her overwhelming grandeur to the geographical position which constituted her for centuries the entrepôt between Europe and the East; and it was only when the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope opened a ship passage to the latter that her prosperity gradually declined. Notwithstanding, so great was her accumulation of wealth, and consequent commercial influence, that she withstood for three centuries the formidable competition thus created.

“There exists another city famous in history, although now fallen from its pristine grandeur, so admirably situated as to excite the jealousy of all the great European Powers, who combine to maintain in it a government so far barbarous as to be incapable of taking advantage of the great resources bestowed upon it by nature. The geographical position of Constantinople is such as rendered her the queen of the ancient world. Occupying, as she does, the central point between Europe, Asia, and Africa, she could become the entrepôt of the commerce of all these countries, and obtain over them an immense preponderance; for in politics, as in strategy, a central position always commands the circumference. Situated between two seas, of which, like two great lakes, she commands the entrance, she could shut up in them, sheltered from the assaults of all other nations, the most formidable fleets, by which she could exercise dominion in the Mediterranean as well as in the Black Sea, thereby commanding the entrance of the Danube, which opens the way to Germany, as well as the sources of the Euphrates, which open the road to the Indies, dictating her own terms to the commerce of Greece, France, Italy, Spain, and Egypt. This is what the proud city of Constantine could be, and this is what she is not, ‘because’ as Montesquieu says, ‘God permitted that Turks should exist on earth, a people the most fit to possess uselessly a great empire.’

“There exists in the New World a state as admirably situated as Constantinople, and we must say, up to the present time, as uselessly occupied; we allude to the state of Nicaragua. As Constantinople is the centre of the ancient world, so is the town of Leon, or rather Massaya, the centre of the new; and if the tongue of land which separates its two lakes from the Pacific Ocean were cut through, she would command by her central position the entire coast of North and South America. Like Constantinople, Massaya is situated between two extensive natural harbours, capable of giving shelter to the largest fleets, safe from attack. The state of Nicaragua can become, better than Constantinople, the necessary route for the great commerce of the world, for it is for the United States the shortest road to China and the East Indies, and for England and the rest of Europe to New Holland, Polynesia, and the whole of the western coast of America. The state of Nicaragua is, then, destined to attain to an extraordinary degree of prosperity and grandeur; for that which renders its political position more advantageous than that of Constantinople is, that the great maritime powers of Europe would witness with pleasure, and not with jealousy, its attainment of a station no less favourable to its individual interests than to the commerce of the world.

“France, England, Holland, Russia, and the United States, have a great commercial interest in the establishment of a communication between the two oceans; but England has more than the other powers a political interest in the execution of this project. England will see with pleasure Central America become a flourishing and powerful state, which will establish a balance of power by creating in Spanish America a new centre of active enterprise, powerful enough to give rise to a great feeling of nationality and to prevent, by backing Mexico, any further encroachment from the north. England will witness with satisfaction the opening of a route which will enable her to communicate more speedily with Oregon, China, and her possessions in New Holland. She will find, in a word, that the advancement of Central America will renovate the declining commerce of Jamaica and the other English island in the Antilles, the progressive decay of which will be thereby stopped. It is a happy coincidence that the political and commercial prosperity of the state of Nicaragua is closely connected with the policy of that nation which has the greatest preponderance on the sea.”

15. “The total length of the canal from sea to sea would be little short of 200 miles, viz., 15½ miles from the Pacific to the lake, 56½ across the lake, and 119 to the Atlantic; total, 191 miles; and the Lake of Nicaragua is navigable for ships of the largest class down to the mouth of the river San Juan” (C. B. Pin’s “The Gate of the Pacific,” p. 133).

16. Prof. Seeley’s “Expansion of England,” p. 87.

17. “The negotiations with the Imperial Government for the establishment of a permanent line of first-class steamships, suitable for service as armed cruisers in case of need, resulted in an official notification that Her Majesty’s Government had decided to grant a subsidy of £60,000 per annum for a monthly service between Vancouver and Hong Kong, viâ Yokohama” (“Canada, Statistical Abstract and Record for the Year 1887,” p. 306).

18. “China is a storehouse of men and means; its outer door has scarcely yet been opened” (R. E. Webster’s “The Trade of the World,” p. 317).

19. Sir H. Parkes, late Minister of England in Japan, said: “The statement of the national liabilities this year (1878), shows that Japan has kept faith with her foreign creditors, the interest on her foreign debt and the sum requisite for the payment of the amount of capital redeemed during the year having been duly provided. There is no reason to doubt that care will be taken to ensure punctual payment in future on this account until the entire extinction of this debt in 1895.” Japan has never failed to pay her foreign debts.

20. There is also a Maritime Insurance Company.

21. Light-houses—fifty-seven in number and some of them are very powerful.

22. The Samoan Convention declared the Samoan Islands to be neutral territory. The citizens and subjects of the signatory powers will enjoy equal rights and the independence of the islands is recognized with Malietou as king: Jan., 1890.

23. The whole history of the French in the East is indissolubly bound up with the history of their efforts to destroy our Eastern supremacy. Mauritius was occupied to enable French cruisers to prey on our East Indiamen. Louis XIV. volunteered armed aid to Annam in order to cut off Calcutta from Canton. A French occupation of Tonkin is a serious matter. French cruisers supplied with coal from the mines of Tonkin would lie in the fairway of our China trade, Burmah and Calcutta would be effectually blockaded, and our outlying Oriental possessions grievously threatened (C. B. Norman’s “Tonkin and France in the Far East”).

24. The inhabitants of the eastern region refuse to recognize the Chinese authority. China cannot control the people of Formosa at all. There is a proverb, “Every three years an outbreak, every five a rebellion.”

25. In 1873 a Japanese vessel was wrecked on the eastern coast of Formosa and the crew massacred by the savages. The Japanese Government sent an expedition which was perfectly successful. Eighteen of the tribes in Formosa were defeated and subjugated.

26.

The Russian frontier has been advanced toward Berlin, Dresden, Munich, Vienna, and Paris—	about 700 miles
Towards Constantinople	about 500 miles
Towards Stockholm	about 630 miles
Towards Teheran	about 1000 miles
Towards Peshawar	about 1300 miles

27. E. Schuyler’s “Peter the Great,” vol. ii. p. 592.

28. “The separation of the Church of England from that of Rome, formally accomplished under Henry VIII., was a political and legal rather than a religious reformation. The doctrinal changes followed under Edward VI. and Elizabeth” (Taswell-Langmead’s “English Constitutional History,” p. 399).

29. “In the sixteenth century all Europe was aghast at the designs of Philip II. of Spain. He had the great mines of the New World, or at least levied a heavy tax on their produce. He seemed to be possessed of inexhaustible riches. He was baffled, beaten, made bankrupt by the Dutch, in whose country there was not an ounce of natural gold or silver, who got all their money by trade, were rapidly becoming the richest nation of Europe when Philip had ruined Spain and brought down the Genoese traders, on his declaring himself bankrupt” (J. E. Thorold Rogers’s, “The Economic Interpretation of History,” p. 95).

30. “Till this time our merchants were struggling to gain a footing and open up trade between England and different quarters of the globe, and endeavouring to prove that the encouragement of trade was for the royal honour and benefit ... and their interests coincided with the national ambition of out-doing the Dutch, who would not acknowledge our sovereignty on the sea, and of thus attaining a mercantile supremacy throughout the world” (Dr. Cunningham’s “Growth of English Industry and Commerce,” p. 325).

31. (1) 1651. That the importation of goods into England, except in English ships, or in the ships of the nation producing the goods, was forbidden.

(2) 1663. That the colonies should receive no goods whatsoever by foreign vessels.

(3) 1672. That all the principal articles of commerce should be prohibited from being imported into England unless by English ships manned by a crew of whom at least three-quarters were English subjects.

32. England, Holland, and Sweden.

33. Prof. Seeley’s “Expansion of England,” p. 95.

34. “There was between England and France during the Seven Years’ War the most disastrous struggle in which France was ever engaged. For all the wars in Europe, from the Peace of Utrecht to the outbreak of the great Continental War, were waged on behalf of monopolies of commerce, or, to be more accurate, monopolies of market, for success meant the exclusion of the beaten nation from the markets now secured by the victorious rival. At the end of the Seven Years’ War France was stripped of nearly every colony she possessed. At the beginning of it she was the rival of England in North America and in India. At the end of it she had scarce a foothold in either” (J. E. Thorold Rogers, “The Economic Interpretation of History,” p. 110).

35. Macaulay’s famous Essay on the Earl of Chatham.

36. “His (the elder Pitt) greatness is throughout identified with the Expansion of England; he is a statesman of Greater Britain. It is in the buccaneering war with Spain that he sows his political wild oats; his glory is won in the great colonial duel with France; his old age is spent in striving to avert schism in Greater Britain” (Prof. Seeley’s “Expansion of England,” p. 144).

37. The epitaph on Chatham’s monument in Westminster Abbey.

38. The declaration of American Independence.

39. “As in the American War, France avenges on England her expulsion from the New World, so under Napoleon she makes Titanic efforts to recover her lost place there. This, indeed, is Napoleon’s fixed view with regard to England. He sees in England never the island, the European state, but always the world Empire, the network of dependencies and colonies and islands covering every sea, among which he was himself destined to find his prison and his grave” (Seeley’s “Expansion of England,” p. 33).

40. The first coalition of England, Prussia, Holland, and Sweden, was for the purpose of keeping the European Peace.

The second coalition (1799–1801), composed of Russia, England, Austria, Portugal, Naples, and the Ottoman Empire.

The third coalition (1805), composed of England, Russia, Austria, and Sweden.

41. “Though he was still but forty-seven, the hollow voice and wasted frame of the great Minister had long told that death was near, and the blow to his hopes proved fatal. ‘Roll up that map,’ he said, pointing to the map of Europe, ‘it will not be wanted these ten years.’ Once only he rallied from stupor; and those who bent over him caught a faint murmur of ‘My country! How I leave my country!’” (Green’s “Short History of English People,” p. 799).

42. Prof. Seeley’s “Expansion of England,” p. 105.

43. Napoleon, at St. Helena, prophesied that before a century was over Europe would be Cossack or Republican.

44. “The English victory at La Hogue, and the revival of the trade with Holland, had much to do with Peter’s visit to Archangel” (E. Schuyler’s “Peter the Great,” vol. i. p. 276).

45. E. Schuyler’s “Peter the Great,” vol. i. p. 323.

46. E. Schuyler’s “Peter the Great,” vol. i. p. 368.

47. “Upon the Continental System he (Napoleon) had staked everything. He had united all Europe in the crusade against England; no state, least of all such a state as Russia, could withdraw from the system without practically joining England. Nevertheless, we may wonder that, if he felt obliged to make war upon Russia, he should have chosen to wage it in the manner he did, by an overwhelming invasion” (Seeley’s “A Short History of Napoleon the Great,” p. 169). Prof. Seeley also told the author that “if the Continental System had existed a little longer England would have been ruined, because it seems to me that a revolution would have taken place in England.”

48. “Napoleon’s great mistake was that he had laid his plan for an invasion of England and a war in Europe at the same time” (Seeley’s “A Short History of Napoleon the Great,” p. 115).

49. The Prince Regent declared his personal adherence to its principles.

50. Lord Castlereagh’s Speech, 1812.

51. He was “engaged in the glorious attempt to restore that country to her ancient freedom and renown” (The Epitaph in the Church near Newstead).

52. “In the present state of European politics there seems to be in the East a sort of vacuum, which it is advisable to supply, in order to counterbalance the preponderance of the North.... If anything like an equilibrium is to be upheld, Greece must be supported. Mr. Canning, I think, understands this, and intends to behave towards Greece” (R. C. Jebb’s “Modern Greece,” pp. 178–179).

53. This disadvantageous treaty for Russia was made owing to the disappearance of immense numbers of soldiers.

54. “The pressure of the heavy taxation and of the debts, which now reached eight hundred millions, was embittered by the general distress of the country” (J. R. Green’s “A Short History of the English People,” p. 812).

55. “Our ultimate object is the peace of the world; but let it not be said that we cultivate peace either because we fear or because we are not prepared for war. The resources created by peace are the means of war. In cherishing these resources we but accumulate those means. Our present repose is no more a proof of our inability to act than the state of inertness and inactivity in which I have seen those mighty masses that float in the waters above your town is a proof they are devoid of strength and incapable of being fitted for action. You well know how one of those stupendous masses now reposing on their shadow in perfect stillness, how soon, upon any call of patriotism or necessity, it would assume the likeness of an animated thing, instinct with life and motion; how soon it would ruffle, as it were, its swelling plumage; how quickly it would put forth all its beauty and its bravery, collect its scattered elements of strength, and awake its dormant thunders. Such as is one of these magnificent machines when springing from inaction into a display of its strength, such is England herself, while apparently passive and motionless she silently causes power to be put forth on an adequate occasion” (Canning’s speech at Plymouth, August, 1823).

56. Holland’s “European Concert on the Eastern Question,” p. 206.

57. “The growth of intimate relations between England and that country France ... was manifestly viewed by him with jealous distrust, calculated as it was to affect most seriously any designs which might be entertained at St. Petersburg for enlarging Russian territory at the expense of Turkey. To detach England from this alliance would naturally be regarded by the Czar as a master-stroke of policy, and the recent conduct of France in the Eastern Question may have seemed to furnish an opening for making the attempt. If, however, as currently believed at the time, one main object of his visit was to ascertain for himself whether this was possible, he must soon have been satisfied to the contrary by the very decided language with which Sir Robert Peel received his suggestions as to the probably selfish action of France, in the event of the affairs of Turkey coming to a crisis” (Sir T. Martyn’s “Life of the Prince Consort,” vol. i. p. 216).

58. Thornton’s “Foreign Secretaries of the Nineteenth Century,” vol. iii. p. 100.

59. In 1840 France succeeded in obtaining from the Porte a grant of distinguished privileges in regard to the Holy Land.

60. Ashley’s “Life of Lord Palmerston,” vol. i. p. 279.

61. Kinglake’s “History of Crimean War,” vol. i. p. 82.

62. Baron Brunnon, the Russian Minister, said, to Count Vitzthum, “he knew that his Emperor (Nicholas), relying on Lord Aberdeen’s well-known love of peace, and on the protocol which had been signed by Aberdeen in 1844 under entirely different circumstances, regarded two things impossible: first, that England should declare war against Russia; and secondly, that she should conclude an alliance against Russia with France” (Count Vitzthum’s “St. Petersburg and London,” vol. i. p. 66).

63. “Men dwelling amidst the snows of Russia are driven by very nature to grow covetous when they hear of the happier lands where all the year round there are roses and long sunny days. And since this people have a seaboard and ports on the Euxine, they are forced by an everlasting policy to desire the command of the straits which lead through the heart of an empire into the midst of that world of which men kindle thoughts when they speak of the Ægean and of Greece, and the Ionian shores, and of Palestine and Egypt, and of Italy, and of France, and of Spain, and the land of the Moors, and of the Atlantic beyond, and the path of ships on the ocean” (Kinglake’s “Invasion of the Crimea,” vol. i. p. 54).

64. Kinglake’s “Invasion of the Crimea,” vol. i. p. 90.

65. The Grand Vizier said the mission was meant “to win some important right from Turkey, which would destroy her independence, and that the Czar’s object was to trample under foot the rights of the Porte and the independence of the Sovereign” (Kinglake’s “Invasion of the Crimea,” vol. i. p. 99).

66. “That the Sultan’s promise to protect his Christian subjects in the free exercise of their religion differed extremely from a right conferred on any foreign Power to enforce that protection, and also the same degree of interference might be dangerous to the Porte when exercised by so powerful an empire as Russia, on behalf of ten millions of Greeks” (Lord Stratford’s view).

67. “When the Emperor gave his reasons for rejecting the modifications we found that he interpreted the Note in a manner quite different from ourselves, and in a great degree justified the objections of Turks. We could not therefore honestly continue to give an interpretation to the Note, and ask the Turks again to sign it, when we knew that the interpretation of the Emperor is entirely different” (Lord Sheridan’s letter to Earl Russel, Sept. 22, 1853).

68. “I thought the Emperor Alexander had shown considerable moral courage in making peace after the Crimean War, contrary to the general feeling in Russia, and Prince D—— gave me the following curious details of what occurred on that occasion, which he said had been related to him by one of the Ministers present:—The Emperor called a Council of War at St. Petersburg, which was composed of the following members: Prince Dolgorouky, Minister of War; the Grand Duke Constantine, Minister of Marine; M. de Broek, Minister of Finance; Count Blondoff, Prince Moronzow, and, I think, M. Lapouchine, Minister of the Interior. The Emperor first called on the Minister of War to report on the state of the army, and he said the resources were exhausted, that more recruiting was almost impossible, and that he did not see how the war could be continued. The Emperor next addressed himself to his brother, who, together with Count Blondoff, was in favour of continuing hostilities at all risks. The Emperor asked what was the state of the navy? The Grand Duke answered, ‘Sire, we have a fleet in the Baltic, and another in the Black Sea.’ The Emperor acquiesced, but added, ‘True; but those fleets have never left our harbours. Are they fit to oppose the English and French fleets?’ The Grand Duke was obliged to reply in the negative. ‘Then,’ said the Emperor, ‘it appears we have no army and no fleet?’ The Grand Duke sighed, looked down, but made no answer. The Emperor next addressed the Minister of Finance, and asked what report he could give. He said, ‘Sire, we have just made one disadvantageous loan, upon conditions imposed upon us at Hamburg, and I believe another to be impossible.’ The Emperor then addressed the Council, and said, ‘Gentlemen, it appears from what we have just heard that we have neither army, navy, nor money; how, then, is it possible for me to continue the war?’ Count Blondoff then stepped forward and said, with deep emotion, ‘Sire, after the report we have just heard, it is clear that your Majesty is forced to make peace, but at the same time you must dismiss your incompetent Ministers, who have not known how to serve either your father or yourself—dismiss us all.’ The consternation of the other members of the Council at this outburst was great, but peace was signed forthwith” (Lady Bloomfield’s “Court and Diplomatic Life”).

69. A letter to Lord Clarendon, May 22, 1853.

70. The strength of Lord Palmerston’s character and his determination in matters of ready action is well illustrated through an incident recorded by Baron Bunsen (“Memoirs of Bunsen”): “Bunsen and Palmerston had elected to be rowed over to Portsmouth from Osborne, when guests of Her Majesty Queen Victoria, and, the weather being rough, the Foreign Minister took the helm, demonstrating the connection between steering the vessel of State, as Bunsen phrased it, and steering a boat at sea—‘Oh, one learns boating at Cambridge, even though one may have learnt nothing better,’ remarked Lord Palmerston; and guide the craft safely to shore he certainly did. But when they landed, alas! the train was gone.”

71. Gladstone’s speech, May 8, 1854.

72. “Napoleon’s object was clear: in the first place, to wrest from the Emperor Nicholas the moral hegemony which he wielded on the Continent, and then, after conquering Russia, to get his hands free to tear up the treaties of 1815, restore to France her so-called natural frontiers, and reconstruct the map of Europe in accordance with Napoleonic ideas” (Count Vitzthum’s “St. Petersburg and London,” vol. i. p. 73).

73. Earl Russell’s “Recollections and Suggestions, 1813–1873,” p. 476.

74. “No sooner had Napoleon learned that an English Cabinet Minister was to go to Vienna than he sent thither also his own Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Drouyn de Lhuys, while Prince Gortschakoff, who had already been designated as Nesselrode’s successor, represented Russia at the Conference. The first two points—the cessation of the Russian protectorate over Moldavia and Wallachia, and the regulation of the navigation of the Danube in conformity with the resolutions of the Congress of Vienna—presented little difficulty. On the other hand, a lively word combat, and a not less lively interchange of despatches, arose over the third point, which demanded the revision of the Dardanelles Treaty of July 13, 1841, and the abrogation of Russian supremacy in the Black Sea. The words, ‘mettre fin à la prépondérance russe dans la Mer Noire,’ were of a very elastic nature, and capable of various interpretations. The Western Powers, mindful of Europe, demanded the neutralization of the Black Sea and a limitation of the number of Russian and Turkish war ships. Gortschakoff declared that Sebastopol was not yet taken, and probably never would be taken, and that Russia must reject any attempt to limit her naval forces as a humiliation unworthy of a Great Power. Austria then proposed a compromise that Russia should pledge herself to maintain the status quo of 1853; and that each of the Western Powers should be entitled to station two frigates in the Black Sea, in order to see that Russia did not increase her fleet. At the same time Austria promised to consider it as a casus belli if Russia kept there a single ship of war more than in 1853. M. Drouyn de Lhuys, who, in the interest of exhausted France, was anxious to bring the war to an end, accepted this proposed compromise, and induced Lord John Russell to do likewise. Both were disavowed. Drouyn de Lhuys sent in his resignation, and was succeeded at the Ministry on the Quai d’Orsay by Walewski; but Lord John Russell, scorned alike by his friends and foes, returned to London, and, in spite of all, remained Minister for the present” (Count Vitzthum’s, “St. Petersburg and London.”)