1124 In one passage More describes his Utopians as considering virtue to consist in living according to nature. “Nempe virtutem definiunt, secundum naturam vivere: ad id siquidem a Deo institutos esse nos.... Vitam ergo jucundam, inquiunt, id est voluptatem, tanquam operationum omnium finem, ipsa nobis natura præscribit: ex cujus præscripto vivere, virtutem definiunt” (Utopiæ Lib. II. Tit. de Peregrinatione). In another passage, however, he describes two sects or heresies, the one consisting of men who abstained from marriage and the use of flesh, the other of those who devoted themselves to labor, marrying as a duty and indulging in food to increase their strength, and says of them “Hos Utopiani prudentiores, at illos sanctiores reputant” (Ibid. Tit. de Religionibus).

1125 Respons. ad Lutherum Perorat.

It should be borne in mind that this was written after his friend Erasmus had publicly given in his adhesion to marriage as the only remedy for sacerdotal corruption.

1126 Ibid. Lib. I. cap. iv.

1127 Froude’s England, Ch. x.

1128 Wilkins III. 669, 678.

1129 Card. Eboracens. Epist. v. (Martene Ampliss. Collect. III. 1289).

1130 Strype’s Eccles. Memorials, T. I. App. p. 19.

1131 Strype’s Memorials of Cranmer, Bk. II. ch. v.

1132 Rymer’s Fœdera, XIV. 15.

1133 Wilkins III. 704.—Bishop Burnet says that Wolsey’s design in procuring this Bull was to suppress all monasteries, but that he was persuaded to abandon his purpose on account of opposition and dread of scandals.—Hist. Reform. Vol. I. p. 20 (Ed. 1679).

1134 Rymer, XIV. 24.—Confirmed by the king, January 7, 1525 (Ibid. p. 32).

1135 Ibid. pp. 156-6, 172-5.

1136 Ibid. pp. 240-44, 250-58. See a letter of the English ambassadors at Rome to Wolsey, describing a conference on this subject with the Pope, wherein he freely acknowledged the propriety of destroying those houses which were nothing but a “Scandalum religionis.”—Strype, Eccles. Memorials, I. App. 58.

1137 Rymer, XIV. pp. 270-1.

1138 Rymer, XIV. 272-3.

1139 Ibid. 273-5.

1140 Ibid. 291-3.

1141 Ibid. 345-6. A document showing one phase of the struggle may be found in Strype’s Memorials I. Append. p. 89. It is to the credit of Wolsey that he retained his interest in his colleges even after his fall. See his letter to Gardiner of July 23rd, 1530 (Ibid. p. 92).

1142 Pecock’s Records of the Reformation No. 276 (Vol. II. p. 259).

1143 Wilkins III. 755-62.

1144 Ibid. 770-82, 789.—Parliamentary Hist. of England, I. 525. In 1532 Henry had complained to his Parliament that the clergy were but half subjects to him, in consequence of their oaths to the pope, and he desired that some remedy should be found for this state of things (Ibid. p. 519).

1145 Strype, Eccles. Memor. I. 195.

1146 Suppression of Monasteries, p. 40 (Camden Soc.).—Strype, op. cit. p. 197.

1147 Strype, op. cit. pp. 277-8.

1148 Burnet I. 182.

1149 Wilkins III. 787.

1150 Suppression of Monasteries, p. 175.

1151 Hist. Reform. I. 190-1.

1152 Le Plat V. 244-5.

1153 Suppression of Monasteries, p. 112.

1154 Eccles. Memorials, I. 256-7.

1155 Suppression of Monasteries, Nos. xvii., xxi., xxiv., xlii., xlv., xlvii., xcviii., &c.

1156 Ibid. No. cxx.

1157 Travels of Nicander Nucius, pp. 68-71 (Camden Soc.).

1158 Strype, Eccles. Memor. I. 249.

1159 As published in the Harleian Miscellany, the Beggars’ Petition bears the date of 1538, but internal evidence would assign it to a time anterior to the suppression of the monasteries, and Burnet attributes it to the period under consideration, saying that it was written by Simon Fish, of Gray’s Inn, that it took mightily with the public, and that when it was handed to the king by Ann Boleyn, “he lik’d it well, and would not suffer anything to be done to the author” (Hist. Reform. I. 160). Froude, indeed, assigns it to the date of 1528, and states that Wolsey issued a proclamation against it, and further, that Simon Fish, the author, died in 1528 (Hist. Engl. Ch. VI.), while Strype (Eccles. Memorials1. 165) includes it in a list of books prohibited by Cuthbert, Bishop of London, in 1526. In the edition of 1546, the date of 1524 is attributed to it.

The tone of that which was thus equally agreeable to the court and to the city, may be judged from the following extracts, which are by no means the plainest spoken that might be selected.

“§ 13. Yea, and what do they more? Truly, nothing but apply themselves by all the sleights they may to have to do with every man’s wife, every man’s daughter, and every man’s maid; that cuckoldry should reign over all among your subjects; that no man should know his own child; that their bastards might inherit the possessions of every man, to put the right-begotten children clean beside their inheritance, in subversion of all estates and godly order.

Ҥ 16. Who is she that will set her hands to work to get three-pence a day, and may have at least twenty-pence a day to sleep an hour with a friar, a monk, or a priest? Who is he that would labour for a groat a day, and may have at least twelve-pence a day to be a bawd to a priest, a monk, or a friar?

“§ 31. Wherefore, if your grace will set their sturdy loobies abroad in the world, to get them wives of their own, to get their living with their labour, in the sweat of their faces, according to the commandment of God, Gen. iii., to give other idle people, by their example, occasion to go to labour; tye these holy, idle thieves to the carts to be whipped naked about every market-town, till they will fall to labour, that they may, by their importunate begging, not take away the alms that the good Christian people would give unto us sore, impotent, miserable people your bedemen.”

1160 Articles devised by the Kinges Highnes Majestie, ann. 1536 (Formularies of Faith, Oxford, 1856 p. xxxi.).

1161 Burnet I. 193-4, 222-4;—Parl. Hist. I. 526-7. To our modern notions, there is something inexpressibly disgusting in the openness with which bribes were tendered to Cromwell by those who were eager to obtain grants of abbey lands (Suppression of Monasteries, passim). On the other hand, the abbots and abbesses who feared for their houses had as little scruple in offering him large sums for his protection. Thus the good Bishop Latimer renders himself the intermediary (Dec. 16th, 1536) of an offer from the Prior of Great Malvern of 500 marks to the king and 200 to Cromwell to preserve that foundation; while the Abbot, of Peterboro’ tendered the enormous sum of 2500 marks to the king and £300 to Cromwell (Ibid. 150, 179). The liberal disposition of the latter seems to have made an impression, for, though he could not save his abbey, he was appointed the first Bishop of Peterboro’—a see erected upon the ruins of the house.

1162 “They be very pore, and can have lytyll serves withowtt ther capacytes. The bischoyppys and curettes be very hard to them, withowtt they have ther capacytes.”—The Bishop of Dover to Cromwell, March 10th, 1538 (Suppression of Monasteries, p. 193). These “capacities” empowered them to perform the functions of secular priests. The good bishop pleads that certain poor monks may obtain them without paying the usual fee.

1163 27 Henry VIII. c. 25, renewed by 28 Hen. VIII. c. 6.—Parliament. Hist. I. 574.

1164 Burnet I. 227-34; Collect. 160.—Wilkins III. 784, 792, 812.—Rymer XIV. 549.

1165 28 Henry VIII. c. 10.—Parl. Hist. I. 533.

1166 Burnet I. 235-7. These pensions were not in all cases secured without difficulty, even after promises had been made and agreements entered into (Suppression of Monasteries, p. 126).

1167 Suppression of Monasteries, p. 170.—Strype’s Eccles. Memor. I. 262.

1168 Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, Book I. Chap. ix.

1169 Suppression of Monast. pp. 194, 203.

1170 A letter from John Bartelot to Cromwell shows that the abbot purchased secrecy by distributing thirty pounds to those who detected him, and promising them thirty more. This latter sum was subsequently reduced to six pounds, for which the holy man gave his note. This not being paid at maturity, he was sued, when he had the audacity to complain to Cromwell, and to threaten to prosecute the intruders for robbery and force them to return the money paid. Bartelot relates his share in the somewhat questionable transaction with great naïveté, and applies to Cromwell for protection.—Suppression of Monasteries, Letter xxv.

1171 This may have been true, for Dr. London was one of the miserable tools who are the fitting representatives of the time. His desire to discover the irregularities of the monastic orders arose from no reverence for virtue, for he underwent public penance at Oxford for adultery with a mother and daughter (Strype, Eccles. Memor. I. 376); and his zeal in suppressing the monasteries was complemented with equal zeal in persecuting Protestants. In 1543 he made himself conspicuous, in conjunction with Gardiner, by having heretics burned under the provisions of the Six Articles. His eagerness in this good work led him to commit perjury, on conviction of which he was pilloried in Windsor, Reading, and Newbury, and thrust into the Fleet, where he died.—Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, Book I. Chap. 26, 27.

In fact, Henry’s capricious despotism rendered it almost impossible that he could be served by men of self-respect and honor.

1172 Burnet I. 238-43.—See also Froude’s Hist. Engl. III. 285 et seq. During his visitation (Aug. 27th, 1538), the Bishop of Dover writes to Cromwell, “I have Malkow’s ere that Peter stroke of, as yt ys wrytyn, and a M. as trewe as that” (Suppression of Monasteries, p. 212). In a report of Dec. 28th, 1538, Dr. London observes, with dry humor, “I have dyvers other propre thinges, as two heddes of seynt Ursula, wich bycause ther ys no maner of sylver abowt them, I reserve tyll I have another hedd of herse, wich I schall fynd in my waye within theese xiiii. days, as I am creadably informyd” (Ibid. p. 234). Dr. Leighton writes in the same spirit to Cromwell—“Yee shall also receive a Bag of Relicks wherein ye shall see Stranger Things as shall appear by the Scripture. As God’s Coat, or Ladie’s Smock; Part of God’s Supper, In cœna Domini; Pars petræ super qua natus erat Jesus in Bethlehem. Besides there is in Bethlehem plenty of Stones and sometimes Quarries, and maketh their mangers of Stone. The scripture of every thing shall declare you all. And all these of Mayden Bradley. Where is a holy Father Prior; and hath but six Sons and one Daughter married yet of the goods of the Monastery. And he thanketh God, he never meddled with married women; but all with Maidens, the fairest could be gotten. And always married them right well. The Pope, considering his fragility, gave him license to keep a w——: and hath good writing, sub Plumbo, to discharge his conscience” (Strype, Eccles. Memor. I. 253).—Nicander Nucius (op. cit. pp. 51-62) relates some of the stories current at the time of the miracles engineered by the monks to stave off their impending doom.

1173 Parl. Hist. I. 535.

1174 31 Henry VIII. c. 13 (Parl. Hist. I. 537).

1175 32 Hen. VIII. c. 24 (Ibid. 543-44).

1176 Burnet I. 262-3.

1177 Rymer XIV., XV.

1178 37 Hen. VIII. c. 4 (Parl. Hist. I. 561).

1179 Parl. Hist. I. 537. Such hospitals, chantries, &c., as were spared by Henry VIII. were speedily swept away, as soon as Edward VI. succeeded to the throne, by the act 1 Edw. VI. c. 14 (Parl. Hist. I. 583).

1180 This may readily be considered no exaggeration. A letter from John Freeman to Cromwell values at £80,000 the lead alone stripped from the dismantled houses (Suppression of Monasteries, p. 290).

1181 Such is the substance of a memorandum in Henry’s own hand-writing (Suppression of Monasteries, No. 131, p. 263).

1182 31 Hen. VIII. c. 9 (Parl. Hist. I. 540).

1183 Burnet I. 300.

1184 Strype, Eccles. Memor. I. 345.

1185 See letters of the Lord Chancellor Audley and the learned Sir Thomas Elyot to Cromwell.—Strype, Eccles. Memor. I. 263-5.

1186 Op. cit. I. 392-403; II. 258-63.

1187 5-6 Edw. VI. c. 2 (Parl. Hist. I. 596).

1188 1 Edw. VI. c. 3.—Parl. Hist. I. 583.—Burnet II. 45. In 1538 the Bishop of Dover interceded with Cromwell for licenses to enable some ejected friars to abandon their monastic gowns, “For off trewthe ther harttes be clene from the relygyon the more parte, so they myght change ther cotes, the whyche they be not abull to paye for, for they have no thenge” (Suppression of Monasteries, p. 197).

1189 Fœdera, T. XIV. p. 551.

1190 Froude, Hist. Engl. IV. 543.

1191 Thus “An Exposition into the sevenith Chapitre of the firste Epistle to the Corinthians” seems to have been almost entirely devoted to an argument against celibacy, adducing all manner of reasons derived from nature, morality, necessity, and Scripture, and describing forcibly the evils arising from the rule. The author does not hesitate to declare that “Matrimony is as golde, the spirituall estates as dung,” and the tenor of his writings may be understood from his triumphant exclamation, after insisting that all the Apostles and their immediate successors were married—“Seeing that ye chose not married men to bishoppes, other Criste must be a foole or unrighteous which so did chose, or you anticristis and deceyvers.”

The “Sum of Scripture” was more moderate in its expressions. “Yf a man vowe to lyve chaste and in povertie in a monasterie, than yf he perceyve that in the monastery he lyveth woorse than he did before, as in fornication and theft, then he may leve the cloyster and breke his vowe without synne.”

Tyndale in “The Obedience of a Cristen Man” is most uncompromising. “Oportet presbyterem ducere uxorem duas ob causas.” ... “If thou bind thy self to chastitie to obteyn that which Criste purchesed for the, surely soo art thow an infidele.”

The “Revelation of Anticriste” carries the war into the enemy’s territory in a fashion somewhat savage. “Keping of virginitie and chastite of religion is a devellishe thinge” (Wilkins III. 728-34).

1192 Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, Book III. Chapter 34.

1193 For instances of these practices, see Froude’s England, Ch. III.

1194 Wilkins III. 778.—Strype, in his “Memorials of Cranmer,” Bk. I. Chap. 18, gives this proclamation as dated Nov. 16, in the 30th year of Henry VIII. which would place it in 1538, and Bishop Wilkins also prints (III. 696) from Harmer’s “Specimen of Errors” the same with unimportant variations, as “given this 16th day of November, in the 13th year of our reign,” which would place it in 1521. It is impossible, however, at a time when even the Lutherans of Saxony had scarcely ventured on the innovation, that in England priestly marriage could already have become as common as the proclamation shows it to be. The bull of Leo X., thanking Henry for his refutation of Luther, was dated Nov. 4th, 1521, and we may be sure that the king’s zeal for the faith would at such a moment have prompted him to much more stringent measures of repression, if he had ventured, at that epoch, to invade the sacred precincts of ecclesiastical jurisdiction—a thing he would have been by no means likely to do. The date of 1521 is therefore evidently an error.

For the same reasons I have been forced to reject a discussion in convocation of the same year (Wilkins III. 697), in which the question of sacerdotal marriage was decided triumphantly in the affirmative. The proceedings are evidently those of Dec. 1547, in the first year of Edward VI.

1195 Burnet’s Collections I. 319.

1196 MS. State Paper Office (Froude, III. 65). Ap Rice’s report to Cromwell is sufficiently suggestive as to the interior life of the monastic orders to deserve transcription. “As we were of late at Walden, the abbot there being a man of good learning and right sincere judgment, as I examined him alone, showed me secretly, upon stipulation of silence, but only unto you as our judge, that he had contracted matrimony with a certain woman secretly, having present thereat but one trusty witness; because he, not being able, as he said, to contain, though he could not be suffered by the laws of man, saw he might do it lawfully by the laws of God; and for the avoiding of more inconvenience, which before he was provoked unto, he did thus, having confidence in you that this act should not be anything prejudicial unto him.”

1197 MS. State Paper Office (Froude, III. 372). It is not to be assumed, however, that the clergy were worse than the laity. During the visitation of the monasteries, Thomas Leigh, one of the visitors, says, in writing to Cromwell, Aug. 22, 1536, concerning the region between Coventry and Chester “For certain of the knights and gentlemen, and most commonly all, liveth so incontinently, having their concubines openly in their houses, with five or six of their children, and putting from them their wives, that all the country therewith be not a little offended, and taketh evil example of them” (Miscellaneous State Papers, London, 1778, I. 21). It perhaps would not be easy to determine the exact responsibility of the clergy for this immorality of their flocks.

1198 Strype, Eccles. Memorials, Vol. I. Append. p. 176.

1199 Burnet’s Collect. I. 362.

1200 Formularies of Faith, Oxford, 1856.—Wilkins III. 826.

1201 Suppression of Monasteries, pp. 160-1.

1202 He made one exception. Nuns professed before the age of 21 were at liberty to marry after the dissolution of their houses, whereat, according to Dr. London, they “be wonderfull gladde ... and do pray right hartely for the kinges majestie” (Suppression of Monasteries, p. 214).

1203 Strype’s Eccles. Memor. I. 320.

1204 Burnet I. 254-55; Collect. 332, 347.

1205 “Nothing has yet been settled concerning the marriage of the clergy, although some persons have very freely preached before the king upon the subject.”—John Butler to Conrad Pellican (Froude III. 381).

1206 Burnet, Collect. I. 329.

1207 Strype’s Eccles. Memor. I. 339, 343.

1208 Strype’s Eccles. Memor. I. 344.—Wilkins III. 847.

1209 Yet the moderate party ventured to submit to parliament “A Device for extirpating Heresies among the People,” among the suggestions of which was a bill for abolishing ecclesiastical celibacy, legalizing all existing marriages, and permitting the clergy in general “to have wives and work for their living”—Rolls House MS. (Froude III. 381).

1210 Burnet I. 258-9.—31 Henry VIII. c. xiv. Mr. Froude endeavors to relieve Henry of the responsibility of this measure, and quotes Melanchthon to show that its cruelty is attributable to Gardiner (Hist. Engl. III. 395). He admits, however, that the bill as passed differs but slightly from that presented by the king himself, with whom the committee which framed it must have acted in concert. According to Strype, “The Parliament men said little against this bill, but seemed all unanimous for it; neither did the Lord Chancellor Audley, no, nor the Lord Privy Seal, Cromwel, speak against it: the reason being, no question, because they saw the king so resolved upon it.... Nay, at the very same time it passed, he (Cranmer) stayed and protested against it, though the king desired him to go out, since he could not consent to it. Worcester (Latimer) also, as well as Sarum (Shaxton), was committed to prison; and he, as well as the other, resigned up his bishopric upon the act”—(Memorials of Cranmer, Book I. Chap. 19). This shows us how the royal influence was used. Cranmer, indeed, in his reply to the Devonshire rebels, when in 1549 they demanded the restoration of the Six Articles, expressly asserts “that if the king’s majesty himself had not come personally into the Parliament house, those lawes had never passed” (Ibid. App. No. XL.).

1211 31 Henry VIII. c. 6 (Parl. Hist. I. 536-40).

1212 Parl. Hist. I. 540.

There is a story current that soon after the passage of the Act, the Duke of Norfolk, who had had so much to do with it, on meeting a former chaplain of his named Lawney, jocularly said to him “O, my Lawney (knowing him of old much to favor priests’ matrimony), whether may priests now have wives or no?” “If it please your grace,” replied he, “I cannot well tell whether priests may have wives or no; but well I wot, and am sure of it, for all your act, that wives will have priests.”—Strvpe’s Memorials of Cranmer, Book I. Chap. viii.

1213 Dr. London chronicles the troubles of this class. “I perceyve many of the other sortt, monkes and chanons, whiche be yonge lustie men, allways fatt fedde, lyving in ydelnes and at rest, be sore perplexide that now being prestes they may nott retorn and marye” (Suppression of Monasteries, p. 215).

Nicander Nucius asserts that many did marry openly—“ἂλλους δδὲ γυναῖκας ἐννόμως συνεύνους εἰσαγομένους” (Op. cit. p. 71).

1214 His first marriage was entered into while he was still quite young, and before he had taken orders. The second, however, shows that he acted with some independence, for it took place in 1531, before Henry’s open rupture with Rome, and while he was ambassador to the Emperor. At that time he was King’s chaplain and archdeacon of Taunton, and his nuptials therefore were plainly an indication of heresy.—Strype’s Memorials of Cranmer, Book I. Chap. iii., Book III. Chap. xxvii.

1215 Burnet I. 256-7. It was not until 1543 that he ventured to confess this to the king (Ibid. p. 328). At his trial in 1556 his two marriages were one of the points of accusation against him (Ibid. II. 339).

Sanders, in commenting upon Cranmer’s time-serving disposition, which enabled him to accommodate himself to Henry’s capricious opinions, and yet to enter fully into the reformatory ideas predominant under Edward VI., does not fail to satirize his connubial propensities. “Unum illud molestissime tamen ferens, quod meretricem quandam suam non poterat palam uxoris loco libere habere, quia id non laturum Henricum sciebat, sed partim domi eam occultare, partim cum foras prodiret, cista quadam ad id affabre facta inclusam, secum una circumferre cogeretur. Iste ergo jam desiit esse Henricianus, et tam ex immatura regis Edouardi ætate quam ex Protectoris in sectas summa propensione, suæ statim simul et libidini et hæresi habenas laxandas statuit; nam et scorto suo mox est publice pro uxore usus, et catechismum Edouardo dedicatum, falsæ impiæque doctrinæ plenum, in lucem edidit.”—De Orig. et Prog. Schismatis Anglicani, p. 193 (Ed. 1586).

1216 Melanchthon. Epist. Ed. 1565 p. 34.

1217 2-3 Edw. VI. c. 21 (Parl. Hist. I. 586).

1218 32 Hen. VIII. c. 10.—Burnet I. 282.—Parl. Hist. I. 575.

Richard Hilles, writing in 1541 to Henry Bullinger, assumes that this modification of the Six Articles only applied to those who were guilty of incontinence, and that it did not “appear to the king at all extreme still to hang those clergymen who marry or who retain those wives whom they had married previous to the former statute” (Original Letters, Parker Soc. Pub. p. 205)—but both Burnet and the Parliamentary History make no such distinction, and in the abstract of the bill as printed in the Statutes at Large (I. 281) it is described as applicable to “priests married or unmarried.”

1219 [see transcriber’s notes} Hooper to Bullinger.—Original Letters, Parker Soc. Pub. p. 36.

1220 Thus Dr. Parker, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, was married on June 24th, 1547, within six months after Henry’s death, to Margaret, daughter of Robert Harlston of Mattishall. As he had been in priest’s orders since 1527, he assumed a liberty which was not even asked of Parliament until nearly eighteen months later (see his autobiographical memoranda in his Correspondence, pp. vii., x., Parker Soc., 1853).

1221 1 Edw. I. c. I, 12 (Parl. Hist. I. 582-4).—Wilkins IV. 16.—Burnet, II. 40, 41; III. 189.

1222 2-3 Edw. VI. c. 21 (Parl. Hist. I. 586).—Burnet II. 88-9.

1223 Wilkins IV. 26.—Cardwell’s Documentary Annals, I. 59. Wilkins and Cardwell date this in 1547, which is evidently impossible. Burnet (II. 102) alludes to it under 1549, which is much more likely to be correct.

1224 Sanderi Schisma Anglic. pp. 214-5.

1225 Strype, Memorials of Cranmer, Bk. II. chap. 14.—Smith subsequently at Louvain continued to urge the necessity of celibacy and was answered by Peter Martyr. Strype calls him a filthy fellow, notorious for lewdness, and his championship of chastity excited some merriment. There is an epigram upon him by Lawrence Humphrey—

1226 The vast growth of the sheep-farms had long been a subject of complaint. Even as early as 1516, Sir Thomas More describes with indignant energy the misery caused by the ejectment of the agricultural population in order to form enormous sheep-walks, which were found more profitable to the landlords than ordinary farming. He declares that the sheep “tam edaces atque indomitæ esse cœperunt, ut homines devorent ipsos, agros, domos, oppida vastent ac depopulentur.”—Utopia, Lib. I.

1227 Burnet II. 117-9.

1228 Strype’s Eccles. Memorials, II. 420.

1229 Burnet II. Collect. 217. In the Latin version, “ Episcopis, presbyteris et diaconis non est mandatum ut cœlibatum voveant; neque, jure divino coguntur matrimonio abstinere” (Wilkins IV. 76).

1230 Strype’s Eccles. Memorials, II. 355.

1231 Ibid. p. 445.—“Our curate is naught, an Assehead, a Dodipot, a Lack-Latine, and can do nothing.”

1232 5-6 Edw. VI. c. 12 (Parl. Hist. I. 594).—Burnet II. 192.

It is curious to observe that the modern “Ritualistic” portion of the English clergy adopt the same line of argument from the marriage service of the Anglican ritual, and apply it not only to the priesthood but to the whole body of believers. See “The Church and the World,” edited by the Rev. Orby Shipley, 2d edition, 1866, p. 161.