1332 In 1526 or 1527, the authorities of Seville endeavored to regulate this by forbidding certain articles of dress to concubines, whether of ecclesiastics or laymen.—Wahu, Le Pope et la Société Moderne, Paris, 1879 p. 395.

1333 Ribadeneira Vit. Ignat. Loyol. Lib. II. cap. v.

Ribadeneira was one of Loyola’s early disciples, and is therefore good authority. His description would show that permanent unions were formed, respected by the people but not recognized by the church, in the same manner as those alluded to by Bishop Pelayo, two centuries earlier.

1334 Diaz de Luco, Practica Criminalis Canonica cap. lxxiii. (Venetiis, 1543).

1335 Concil. Coloniens. ann. 1536, P. II. c. 28. Six years later, in 1542, Bishop Hermann embraced Lutheranism, married, and in 1546, was driven from his see and retired to his county of Wied, where he died some years afterwards, at the ripe age of 80 years.

1336 Concil. Salisburg. XLI. (Dalham, Concil. Salisburgens. pp. 296-322).

1337 Acta Concil. Trident. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VIII. 1063-9).

1338 Sarpi, Istor. del Concilio Trident. Lib. VI. (Ed. Helmstad. II. 140).—Cf. Le Plat, V. 337-8.

1339 Le Plat, V. 235.

1340 Charles was careful to put on record his ceaseless endeavors with Clement and Paul to obtain the convocation of a council and the numberless promises made to him, for the evasion of which reasons were always found.—Commentaires de Charles-Quint, pp. 96-7 (Paris, 1862).

1341 Select. Harl. Miscell., London, 1793, p. 137.

1342 The temper with which the Protestants now viewed the council is well expressed in a letter from Aonio Paleario written in 1542 or 1545, from Rome to Luther, Melanchthon, Bucer, and Calvin, urging them by no means to sanction the assembly with their presence—(Published by Illgen, 4to. Leipzig, 1833).

1343 There is something very amusingly suggestive in the guarded manner in which Charles alludes to the translation of the Council—“O ditto Papa Paulo por respeitos, que o moveram (os quaes Deus permitta que forsem bons) tratton de avocar e transferir a Bolonha”—(Commentaires, p. 98).

1344 That the complaints of the Protestants were well founded, is evident from the secret instructions given, Feb. 20th, 1552, by Julius III. to the Bishop of Monte Fiascone, when sending him as legate to Charles V. He was to explain to the emperor that the Council would not discuss the propositions of the heretics “nimirum quod judex non respondet parti, ne ex judice se partem constituat;” and he is further to explain that “petentes commune concilium hæretici et schismatici repellendi sunt a onciliis universalibus ... nullo modo commmunicandum esse concilium cum hæreticis et schismaticis, qui sunt extra ecclesiam ... sed bene possunt admitti, ut possint interesse pro convincendis etiam pluries eorum erroribus.”—Le Plat, Monument. Concil. Trident. T. IV. p. 534-5.

1345 The feeling entertained by Pius towards the council is shown by his remark, in Dec. 1561, to M. de Lisle, the French ambassador, that it had been called simply for the benefit of France—“dautant que ledit concile, qui est de peu de besoin pour le reste de la chrestienté, superflu aux Catholiques et non desiré des papes” (Le Plat, Monument. Concil. Trident. IV. 742).

1346 The characteristic correspondence is in Le Plat, IV. 678-87.

1347 Charles declares that at the commencement of his pontificate Paul was earnestly desirous of reforming the abuses of the church, but that his zeal rapidly diminished and he followed the example of Clement in contenting himself with empty promises.—“Com tudo despois com o tempo aquellas mostras e ardor primeiro se foi esfriando, e seguindo os passos e exemplo do Papa Clemente, com boas palavras prolongon e entretene sempre a convoçáō e ajuntamento do concilio” (Commentaires, p. 97).

1348 Per serrar la bocca agl’ heretici i quali non facevano altro in voce et in scritto che dir male della corte di Roma.—Carraciolo, Vita di Paolo IV. MS. Br. Mus. (Young, Life and Times of Aonio Paleario, I. 261).

1349 Concilium de Emendanda Ecclesia (Le Plat, Monument. Concil. Trident. II. 601, 602).

1350 It has been customarily stated by Catholic writers that this proceeding of Paul IV. was directed not against his own work, but against the heretically commentated editions, but this, I believe, has been refuted by Schelhorn. See Gibbings’s “Taxes of the Penitentiary,” p. xlix.

1351 Published by Clausen, Copenhagen, 1829.

1352 Lib. ad Ration. Concord. ineundam Art. XXII. § 13 (Goldast. II. 199).

1353 Formul. Reformat, cap. XVII. § 4 (Goldast. II. 335).

1354 Ibid. cap. III. § 1, cap. V. § § 7, 9.

1355 Synod. Augustan. ann. 1548 c. 10.

1356 Synod. Trevirens. ann. 1548.

1357 Synod. Trevirens. ann. 1548 cap. ii.

1358 Synod. Trevirens. II. ann. 1549 cap. xi., xix.

1359 Mandat. de abjic. Concub. (Hartzheim VI. 353).

1360 Ibid. p. 358. A Diocesan Synod was also held at Liége, Nov. 15, which gave offending clerks fifteen days to part with their concubines (Ibid. VI. 395).

1361 Concil. Coloniens. ann. 1549 cap. Quibus possint.—Cap. de Monach. conjugat.—Cap. de Concub. Monach.—Cap. Comœdias.

1362 Hartzheim VI. 767, 781.

1363 Dalham, Concil. Salisburg. pp. 328, 337 (Concil. Salisburg. XLIV. can. vii.).

1364 Gropp, Collect. Script. Wirceburg. I. 311.—Hartzheim VI. 359, 417. In the epistle convoking his council, Bishop Melchior of Wurzburg alluded passionately to the evils everywhere existing: “Videtis percussum pastorem; videtis oves dispersas; videtis impudentem peccandi licentiam; videtis adversus pietatem audaciam tum loquendi tum disputandi impiissimam, et indies scelerata gliscere schismata” (Ibid. X. 753).

1365 Concil. Mogunt. ann. 1549 c. 82, 102.

1366 Synod. Camerac. ann. 1550 (Hartzheim VI. 654).

1367 Le Plat, Monument. Concil. Trident. IV. 611.

1368 Consult. Imp. Ferdinand. (Le Plat, V. 235). It would be impossible to conceive a darker picture of clerical life than is given in this document. “Ejici autem nunc clerum, conculcari pedibus, pro nihilo haberi et tanquam publicum offendiculum devoveri diris aut paulo plus, tam verum est quam minime falsum, cleri mores insulsos esse, vanos esse, turpes esse, æque ecclesiæ perniciosos ac Deo execrabiles”—Ibid. p. 237.

1369 Krasinski, Reformation in Poland, I. 190, 285.

1370 Hosii Dialogus de ea, num Calicem Laicis et Uxores Sacerdotibus permitti etc. Dilingæ, 1558.

1371 Pallavicini, Storia del Concil. di Trento, Lib. XIV. c. 13.

Twelve years before, his uncle, the Bishop of Liége, in promulgating the Augsburg formula of reformation, had made a similar assertion—“Preterquam quod hoc infœlici sæculo, quo omnis caro corrupit viam suam, præsertimque ordo clericorum et ecclesiasticorum, nimium degenerant, plus quam unquam est necessaria”—Concil. Leodiens. ann. 1548 (Hartzheim VI. 392). The increased emphasis of Ferdinand is a measure of the success which had attended the reformatory movements of Charles V. during the interval.

In such a condition of ecclesiastical morality it is no wonder that even in orthodox Vienna the most popular theme on which preachers could expatiate was the corruption of the church.—See the Emperor Ferdinand’s secret instructions to his envoy in Rome, March 6th, 1560, in Le Plat, Monument. Concil. Trident. IV. 622.

1372 Pallavicini, loc. cit. That the Catholic church of Germany had become widely infected with this Lutheran heresy is also shown by the fact that in 1548 the Archbishop of Cologne had found it necessary to prohibit throughout his province all marriages of priests, monks, and nuns, and had pronounced illegitimate the offspring of such unions.—Hartzheim VI. 357.

1373 Le Plat, Monument. Concil. Trident. IV. 644.

1374 Pallavicini, Lib. XV. c. 5.—The duke, though no bigot, was a good Catholic.

1375 Pallavicini, Lib. XVII. c. 4. At the request of Duke Albert, the question was also mooted at the provincial synod of Salzburg, held in 1562 for the purpose of sending delegates to Trent.—Hartzheim VII. 230.

1376 Articuli de Reform. Eccles. No. 14, 15, 18.—Goldast. II. 376.

1377 Consultat. Imp. Ferdinandi (Le Plat, V. 249, 252).

1378 Considerat. Cæsar. Majest. sup. Matrim. Sacerd. Nos. 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17 (Goldast. II. 382-3—Le Plat, VI. 315).

1379 Le Plat, V. 154, 208, 211.

1380 Le Plat, V. 562-3.

1381 Capi dati da’ Francesi cap. 1—(Baluz. et Mansi IV. 374) Comp. Zaccaria pp. 133-4.

1382 Votum castitatis sacris ordinibus conjunctum, atque vota quæ in probatis religionibus emittuntur, et alia quæcunque rite suscepta, fideliter sunt observanda.—Le Plat, IV. 649.

1383 Ibid. IV. 756, 760, 761, 765.—The 182 articles which, according to Archbishop Bartholomew, required reform in the internal discipline of the church form as damaging a commentary upon its condition as any of the attacks of the Protestants.

1384 Art. v.—Lettere del Arcivesc. Calini (Baluz. et Mansi IV. 295).—Le Plat, V. 674.

1385 Lettere di Calini (Ibid. 326).

1386 See the apologetic letter of the nuncio to the emperor, Jan. 19th, 1562 (Le Plat, op. cit. V. 320). Ferdinand remonstrated earnestly, but did not venture to rebel against their decision (Ibid. 351-60).

1387 Ibid. p. 388.

1388 Lettere del Nunzio Visconti (Baluz. et Mansi III. 453).

1389 Disputat. Joann, de Ludegna (Harduin. X. 359). The learned doctor presents his argument in the form of a colloquy between himself and Calvin, and its spirit may be gathered from the first speech of Calvin, in which he is made to declare that he is endeavoring to find arguments with which to defend himself and his apostate strumpets.

1390 Sarpi, Lib. VII. (Opere, II. 280, Helmstat, 1761).

1391 Sarpi (loc. cit.).

1392 Pallavicini, Lib. XVII. c. 4.

1393 Sarpi, Lib. VIII. p. 315.

1394 Concil. Trident. Sess. XXIV. De Sacrament. Matrimon.

Can. IX. Si quis dixerit clericos in sacris ordinibus constitutos, vel regulares castitatem solemniter professos, posse matrimonium contrahere, contractumque validum esse, non obstante lege ecclesiastica vel voto; et oppositum nihil aliud esse quam damnare matrimonium; posseque omnes contrahere matrimonium, qui non sentiunt se castitatis, etiamsi eam voverint, habere donum; anathema sit; quum Deus id recte petentibus non deneget, nec patiatur nos supra id quod possumus tentari.

Can. X. Si quis dixerit statum conjugalem anteponendum esse statui virginitatis vel cœlibatus, et non esse melius ac beatius manere in virginitate aut cœlibatu, quam jungi matrimonio, anathema sit.

1395 The feelings which the Council excited among the Protestants are expressed with more vigor than elegance by Alexander Nowell, at that time Dean of St. Paul’s—“No Sir, your Prelats sat not there about conning of Articles of Religion, or to Dispute with Hereticks to vanquish them. A few louzy Friars, whom no Man would fear but in his Pottage or Egg-py, did serve that Turn well enough. And your great Prelates devised the while by that long Consultation, how by Sword and Fire they might most cruelly murder all true Christians, whom they call Hereticks; and now do labour to put in Execution such their bloody Devices.”—Strype’s Annals, I. 377.

1396 Concil. Trident. Sess. XXV. Decret. de Reformat. cap. 14,15.

1397 Ma noi facciamo quello che ci si permette di fare, non quello che vorremmo.—Examinatore, Firenze, 1868, p. 15.

1398 Lett. No. LXIX. (Ed. Amsterd. II. 299). This and the concluding letters are not in Mansi’s edition.

1399 Pallavicini, Lib. XXII. c. 10.

1400 Goldast. II. 380.—Le Plat, VI. 310, 312.

It is observable from this that many priests left the church and married without formally embracing the Lutheran faith, and a return of these was anticipated from a relaxation of the canons. Others, as may be gathered from various references above, married and still performed their regular duties. Of these, some no doubt acted in virtue of dispensations granted by the nuncios of Paul III., after the promulgation of the Interim, but many did so in utter contempt of discipline. An illustrative example of the latter class may be found in the well-known Stanislas Orzechowski, whose marriage, notwithstanding his prominent position, shows the laxity of opinion which prevailed on the subject. As priest and canon of Przemysl in Poland, his marriage naturally gave great offence to his colleagues, which was not diminished by a dissertation which he wrote in favor of priestly marriage. This, he subsequently claimed, had been prepared for the purpose of laying before the council of Trent, and its publication had arisen from the indiscretion of a friend to whom he had entrusted it. Somewhat contaminated with the new ideas by his education at Wittenberg, he sturdily refused to give up either his wife or his position. His consequent excommunication he disregarded, though according to his own account he gave up on marrying his benefices and the ministry (Lettera a Guilio III. trad. di B. Leoni, Milano, anno. VI.), and notwithstanding this he had a very narrow escape from the death-penalty, and his condemnation excited a commotion throughout Poland that was very favorable to the spread of the reformed opinions (Orichovii Annales, pp. 71-84, 108, Ed. 1854). At length the feeling against the pretensions of the church became so strong that the Diet of 1552 removed all the civil and temporal penalties of excommunication, so that he triumphed for the time. When in 1556, the legate Lippomani held a synod at Lovictz, he called to account those who had connived at so great an irregularity. They denied granting the dispensation, saying that they had only suspended the censures until the pleasure of the pope should be known; but at the same time many prelates used all their influence with Lippomani to obtain one. Lippomani declared that he had no power to grant it, nor would he do so if he could, seeing that Orzechowski defended himself on heretical grounds (Concil. Lovitiens.—Labbei et Coleti Supp. T. V. p. 702). In 1561 Orzechowski, in his address to the synod of Warsaw, admitted that he had sinned, but claimed that he had been punished sufficiently—“Si quis igitur a me quærat; Num uxorem sacerdos duxerim? Duxisse me fatebor. Peccasti igitur? Peccavi. Pœnas ergo peccati debes? Debui et persolvi” (Doctrina de Sacerd. Cœlibatu, Varsaviæ, 1801). He therefore complained of the persecutions to which he was exposed on account of his wife, and he petitioned both the pope and the council of Trent for a dispensation. While the Tridentine fathers refused it, some authors assert that it was granted by Pius IV. to him as an exceptional case “tibi soli Orichovio,” but careful investigation has failed to discover the Bull, and, according to Zaccaria the pope merely sent secret orders to his legate Commendone not to allow Orzechowski to be molested, but at the same time to give no publicity to an act of tolerance in contravention of the canons of the council of Trent (Grégoire, Hist du Mariage des Prêtres en France, pp. 51-55).

In his answer to Fricius, Orzechowski assumes that he was absolved from his excommunication by the Legate—“Præterea a sententia excommunicationis, qua eram a Joanne Episcopo Premisliensi, ob hanc eandem uxorem, ex ecclesia pulsus, a Legato Romani Petri absolutus cum sim, nihil feci contra ilium” (ap. Doctrin. de Sacerd. Cœlibat. p. 24). He also alleges the extraordinary excuse that he abandoned the priesthood before his marriage.

The history of Orzechowski, with probably a less fortunate result, is no doubt that of innumerable others, whose obscurity has prevented their sufferings from being known beyond their own narrow circle.

Strype (Annals, I. 485-6) asserts that after the accession of Queen Elizabeth the Catholic emissaries in England had a general dispensation to marry, in order to assist their concealment and to further the design of creating schism in the Anglican church. He gives as his authority one Malachi Malone, a converted Irish friar.

1401 Le Plat, Monument. Concil. Trident. VI. 331.

1402 This was not his first attempt of this kind. In 1540 he had called upon John Cochlæus to examine the Confession of Augsburg and report as to what points were reconcilable with Catholicism and what were not. Cochlæus responded in an elaborate dissertation, wherein he took strong ground against abandoning celibacy, but admitted that he was utterly unable to suggest any remedy for the evils resulting from it,—especially the “scandalosus presbyterorum in seculo concubinatus, præsertim apud plebanos in pagis, qui communiter cum ancillis rem domesticam gubernare necessitate quadam coguntur.”—Le Plat, II. 667.

1403 G. Cassandri Consult, XXIII., XXV. (Le Plat, VI. 761-2, 783-4).

1404 Wicelii Via Regia, De Conjug. Sacerd.

Both these tracts were printed with other controversial matter, by Hermann Conring, 4to. Helmstadt, 1569.

1405 Goldast. II. 381.

1406 Le Plat, VI. 335.

1407 De Thou, Lib. xxxvii.

1408 In 1560 Ferdinand addressed to Pius IV. an earnest request that a special dispensation might be granted to Maximilian, then king of Bohemia, authorizing him to receive the communion in both elements. In this he stated that his son’s scruples of conscience on the subject were so strong that he had abstained for three years from taking the sacrament. In the secret instructions to the Imperial ambassador accompanying this request, the latter is furnished with elaborate reasons to prove that the suspicions entertained at Rome of Maximilian’s orthodoxy were unfounded.—Le Plat, Monument. Concil. Trident. IV. 619-23.

1409 Le Plat, VI. 336.

1410 Struvii Corp. Hist. German. II. 1097.

1411 Bernardi Sermo. 66, in Cantica, cap. i.

1412 Le Plat, Monument. Concil. Trident. V. 340.

1413 The council of Trent has never been received in France. For a résumé of the efforts made to obtain its adoption and their uniform lack of success, see Chavart, Le Célibat des Prêtres, pp. 507-12.

1414 In August, 1564, Philip II. had ordered its publication in the Low Countries, but Margaret of Parma had hesitated to obey in consequence of the intense opposition excited by its interference with local liberties and franchises, as it completed and crowned the centralizing policy which rendered the papacy supreme over all local churches. It was not until Dec. 18, 1565, that it was finally promulgated, under imperative commands from Philip. It is characteristic of Philip’s habitual double-dealing, however, that while his public orders commanded the reception of the Council without exception, he secretly reserved the rights of himself and his subjects (Le Plat, Concil. Trident. VII. Præf. p. vi.).

1415 By a Bull dated July 18, 1564, Pius IV. fixed May 1, 1564, as the time when the Tridentine canons became the law of the church. His letter to the Archbishop of Bremen with an official copy and directions as to its promulgation, is dated Oct. 3d of the same year (Hartzheim VII. 25).

It would seem to be a work of supererogation for a learned Italian lawyer to write an elaborate treatise, dedicated to Pius IV., against the abolition of celibacy, yet Marquardo dei Susani thought it worth while to do this in his “Tractatus de Cœlibatu Sacerdotum non abrogando,” 4to. Venice, 1565.

1416 Bull. Cum primum § 12 (Mag. Bull. Roman. II. 180).

1417 “Plerosque ... abjecto Dei timore et sine ulla hominum verecundia, concubinas palam habere, easque perinde, ac si legitimæ eorum uxores essent, in ecclesiis et aliis locis publicis conspici, vulgo iisdem, quibus illi vocantur, officiorum et dignitatum nominibus appellatas; eoque hæreses tantopere crevisse, ac multiplicatas fuisse; quod ecclesiastici tam turpiter et nequiter vivendo, omnem plane existimationem amiserint, et in summam non apud hæreticos modo, sed etiam Catholicos contemptionem venerint.... Nisi enim tam nefandum concubinatus vitium extirpetur, nullam spem reliquam esse videmus reprimi posse hæreses. Sed timemus (quod Deus avertat) ne brevi tempore istæ, quæ supersunt, Catholicorum reliquias amittantur, et omnis prorsus Catholicæ religionis cultus apud vos extinguatur.”—Breve Pii V. ad Archiep. Salzburg. (Hartzheim VII. 231).

1418 Bull. Horrendum (Mag. Bull. Roman. II. 267).

1419 Dalham, Concil. Salisburgens. p. 556.

1420 De Thou, Hist. Univers. Lib. XXXVIII. ann. 1566.

1421 Bull. Quæ ordini.—How difficult was the task thus undertaken is admitted in the Bull itself—“Quia vero difficile nimis esset, præsentes quocumque illis opus erit proferre” (Ibid. II. 323-4).

1422 Bull. Ad Romanum. (Mag. Bull. Roman. II. 325).

1423 Synod. August. ann. 1610 P. III. c. iii. § 1 (Hartzheim IX. 59).

1424 In hac etiam urbe meretrices ut matronæ incedunt per urbem, seu mula vehuntur, quas affectantur de media die nobiles familiares cardinalium clericique. Nulla in urbe vidimus hanc corruptionem, præterquam in hac omnium exemplari, habitant etiam insignes ædes: corrigendus etiam hic turpis abusus.—Le Plat, Monument. Concil. Trident. II. 604.

1425 De Thou, Lib. XXXIX.

1426 Bull. Postquam verus (Mag. Bull. Roman. II. 567)—“Certum nequeat suæ testimonium continentiæ exhibere.”

1427 Fleury, Liv. CLXXI. chap. 104 et seq.

1428 Muratori, Annal. ann. 1569.—Henrion, Hist. des Ordres Religieux I. 196.—Fleury, Liv. CLXXI. chap. 26.—De Thou, Lib. L.—The calm Muratori stigmatizes the Umiliati as “troppo scorretto e corrotto ordine,” and Henrion, who cannot certainly be regarded as a prejudiced authority, declares that “les excès des Humiliés surpassoient ceux des laïques les plus débauchés.” Pius V., in his Bull suppressing the order, is equally emphatic, and vouches for the truth of the miracle by which the life of St. Charles was preserved.—Bull. Quemadmodum sollicitus (Mag. Bull. Rom. II. 326).

1429 Vû que par toute l’Italie on le vit reconnoitre pour l’usage et observations de toutes les ordonnances, on n’en voit une seule entretenue de celles qui concerne la reformation de la vie et mœurs des ecclésiastiques.... Et ce peut dire pour ce regard que l’église n’est en autre lieu de la Chrétienté si déréglée et difforme qu’ès pays où le pape a commandement et puissance absolu.—Le Plat, VII. 259.

1430 Concil. Mediolanens. ann. 1565 P. II. Const. xiv. (Harduin. X. 661)—Concil. Mediolanens. ann. 1582 Const. xiv. (Ibid. p. 1117).

1431 Concil. Sipontin. ann. 1567 De Vit. et Honest. Cleric.—Concil. Ravennat. ann. 1568 De Vit. et Honest. Cleric. c. v.—Concil. Urbinat. ann. 1569 De Vit. et Honest. Cleric. c. vi.—Concil. Florent. ann. 1573 Rubr. XXXVII. c. 3, 4.—Concil. Neapol. ann. 1576 cap. XXII.—Concil. Consentin. ann. 1579 Sess. IV.—Concil. Salernit. ann. 1596 cap. XVIII.—Concil. S. Severin. ann. 1597 De Vit. et Honest. Cleric.—Concil. Amalfitan. ann. 1597 De Vit. et Honest. Cleric. c. v.—(Labbei et Coleti Supplement. T. V. pp. 827-1331).

1432 The documents are in Le Plat, Monument. Concil. Trident. VII. 199-201. For the condition of morals in the church of Holland, see Synod. Harlem. ann. 1564; Synod. Ultraject. ann. 1564; Concil. Ultraject. ann. 1565 (Hartzheim VII. 5, 22, 137). It was to the publication of the council of Trent that William of Orange attributed the inevitable revolution which followed (Stradæ de Bell. Belgic. Lib. iv.).

1433 Synod. Salisburg. ann. 1569 Const. XXVII. cap. xviii., xix., xx., xxi., xxii. (Hartzheim VII. 306-8).

1434 Concil. Salisburg. XLVII. (Dalham, Conc. Salisb. p. 583).

1435 Visitat. Salisburg. ann. 1616 Tit. I. cap. vi. (Hartzheim IX. 266).

1436 Decret. Reformat. Pragens. (Hartzheim VII. 53).

1437 Statut. Rural. Julii Wirceburg. P. III. c. iv. (Gropp Script. Rer. Wirceburg. I. 471-4). It is somewhat remarkable that Bishop Julius attributes the prohibition of marriage to the Council of Nicæa. After describing the custom of the Greek church, he proceeds, “Permissio vero et consuetudo illa duravit usque ad Nicænum concilium, in quo generali decreto abrogata est, statutumque ne aliquis habens uxorem consecretur sacerdos”—a falsification which is equally singular, whether it proceeded from ignorance or fraud, and an admission that celibacy was not of apostolic origin which was rare in a Catholic prelate of that period.

1438 Synod. Gnesnens. c. xxxiii. (Hartzheim VII. 891).

1439 Synod. Wratislav. ann. 1580 (Hartzheim VII. 890).

1440 Synod. Olomucens. ann. 1591 c. xiii. (Hartzheim VIII. 352).

1441 Synod. Osnabrug. ann. 1628 (Hartzheim IX. 431).—As usual, a distinction is drawn between those who thus formed permanent, though illicit connections, and others who indulged in promiscuous license—“alii vaga dissoluti lascivia, tanquam equi emissarii, ad incontinentissimum quodque scortum aut adulteram adhinniunt trahuntque ingentes liberorum spuriorum greges. Hæc in propatulo sunt; quæ vero in occulto fiunt ab ipsis, turpe est et dicere.”

1442 Llorente, Histoire Critique de l’Inquisition d’Espagne, Chap. XXVIII. Art. iii. No. 7.