580. Anna Comn., ii. p. 104.
581. Ibid., x. p. 48.
582. For the account of the assault, see Ville-Hardouin, Conquête de Consple., c. 35; Nicetas Chon., pp. 719-723; Count Hugo, in Tafel et Thomas, p. 309.
583. Barbaro, pp. 719-722.
584. Cananus, p. 460; Phrantzes, p. 237; cf. Ducas, p. 263.
585. Paspates, p. 61.
586. Cananus, pp. 460, 470, 472; Critobulus, i. c. 27; Phrantzes, p. 237.
587. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 214: Pusculus, iv. 179.
588. Constantinopolis Christiana, lib. i. c. 15, p. 49.
589. Banduri, Imperium Orientale, lib. vii. p. 150.
590. Nicetas Chon., p. 529.
591. Ducas, p. 282.
592. Page 37.
593. Cedrenus, vol. i. p. 784; Theophanes, p. 583.
594. Theophanes, pp. 582, 583.
595. Ibid., ut supra.
596. Paschal Chron., p. 720.
597. Theophanes Cont., p. 340.
598. Ad Reg. XIV.
599. Ville-Hardouin, c. 33.
600. Paschal Chron., p. 618.
601. Theophanes Cont., p. 340; Synaxaria, July 29.
602. Paschal Chron., p. 720.
603. Attaliotes, p. 251.
604. Cantacuzune, i. pp. 290, 305; iii. p. 501.
605. John Tzetzes, as quoted by Gyllius and Du Cange, ut infra.
606. III. p. 58. Page 30.
607. Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., p. 30; where it is named τοῦ Βαρνύσσον: Theophanes Cont., p. 340, τοῦ Βαθύρσου.
608. Leo Diaconus, p. 129; Cinnamus, p. 75.
609. Anna Comn., x. p. 47. Nicetas Choniates, p. 719, adds that near the bridge stood a perforated rock, τρυπετὸν λίθον.
610. De Top. CP., iv. c. 6; see, on the whole subject, Du Cange, Constantinopolis Christiana, iv. p. 179.
611. Paschal Chron., p. 720.
612. Gyllius, De Bosporo Thracio, ii. c. 13.
613. Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 28-30.
614. Anna Comn., x. p. 47.
615. Cinnamus, p. 75.
616. Chap. 33.
617. Lib. i. pp. 290, 305; iii. p. 501.
618. La Conquête de Constantinople, c. 52: “Et il y en eut assez qui conseillièrent qu’on allât de l’autre côté de la ville, du côté où elle n’était pas si fortifiée. Et les Vénitiens, qui connaissaient mieux la mer, dirent que s’ils y allaient, le courant de l’eau les emmènerait en aval du Bras; et ils ne pourraient arrêter leurs vaisseaux.” Compare with this Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365.
619. Theophanes, pp. 607, 608.
620. Cedrenus, vol. ii p. 82.
621. Leo Gram., p. 241.
624. Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Constantinople, p. 21. The inscription was in the same terms as that in honour of Constantine on the Porta Rhousiou. See above, p. 47.
625. Anonymus, iii. p. 56.
626. Theophanes, p. 589.
627. Theophanes, pp. 670, 671; Nicephorus Patriarcha CP., pp. 76, 77.
628. Genesius, p. 75; Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 107.
629. Manasses, 4824-4829.
631. Vol. i. numbers 8, 10, 19.
632. Von Hammer, Constantinopolis und Bosporos, vol. i. appendix, numbers 23, 24. These inscriptions are noted also by Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, lettre xi. p. 180.
633. Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple., vol. xvi., 1885; Archæological Supplement, p. 31.
634. Cf. Proceedings of the Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple., vol. xvi., 1885; Archæological Supplement, p. 32. The following reading of the inscription has been suggested:
For the words in brackets, read instead, ἤ εὐκοσμίαν. Cf. Mordtmann, p. 53.
635. Phrantzes, pp. 287, 288.
636. Page 101. The supposition is probable; but one or two points are not clear. Phrantzes describes the post held by the Cretans as consisting of more than one tower (p. 101, τῶν πύργων), and as a single tower (p. 288, τοῦ πύργου). (1) Is the plural number to be understood literally or rhetorically? (2) Is the Basil associated by Phrantzes with Leo and Alexius (Alexander) their father, Basil I., or does the historian refer to Basil II. and the tower erected by that emperor? If the former alternative be adopted, only one tower was concerned in the matter, and the name of Basil I. must have dropped out of the inscription of Leo and Alexander when the tower, as the reversed position of part of the inscription proved, was injured and repaired. If, on the other hand, the historian, in referring to the tower of Basil, had the tower of Basil II. in view, then more than one tower was defended by the Cretans. It should be added that Phrantzes (p. 254) speaks of the crew of a Cretan ship as defending the fortifications near the Beautiful Gate, on the Golden Horn (see below, pp. 221, 222), and this may be thought to imply that the tower or towers he had in mind stood beside the harbour. But as three ships (p. 238) from Crete were present at the siege, Cretans could be found taking part in the defence at different points. The tower of Leo and Alexander has disappeared.
637. Page 274.
638. Two fragmentary inscriptions of doubtful import, on the walls beside the Sea of Marmora, may be cited here.
The first is found on the seventh tower south of Deïrmen Kapoussi, and reads:
The second is on the second tower west of Ahour Kapoussi:
639. Pachymeres, vol. i. pp. 186, 187.
640. Three pikes.
641. Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 364; Nicephoras Greg., v. p. 124; Metrical Chronicle, pp. 657-661.
642. Dr. Paspates (pp. 208, 209) considered the land wall of the Seraglio enclosure to be the work of Michael Palæologus. His argument for the opinion that the Seraglio grounds were enclosed by walls before the Turkish Conquest, and formed, after 1261, part of the domain attached to the palace of the Byzantine emperors, is the statement of Cantacuzene (iii. pp. 47, 66) that the Church of St. Demetrius stood within the palace (τῶν βασιλείων ἐντὸς). That church Dr. Paspates identified with the Church of St. Demetrius, near the Seraglio Point; hence his conclusion that the territory about that point was included in the grounds of the Byzantine palace. But Dr. Paspates must have forgotten, for a moment, that the Church of St. Demetrius, which formed the chapel of the emperors, was not near the Seraglio Point, but near the Pharos and the Chrysotriclinium of the Great Palace, buildings placed by Dr. Paspates himself at Domus-Dama, a short distance to the east of the Hippodrome, and to the west of the Seraglio enclosure. See his work on the Great Palace, Βυζαντινὰ Ἀνάκτορα, p. 183. There is an English translation of this work by Mr. Metcalfe.
643. From Broken Bits of Byzantium. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.)
644. Nicephorus Greg., vii. p. 275; Nicephorus Callistus, in the Dedication of his History to Andronicus II.
645. Nicephorus Greg., ix. p. 460.
646. Cantacuzene, iv. p. 70; Nicephorus Greg., xvii. chaps. i.-vii.
647. Cantacuzene, iv. pp. 212, 213; Nicephorus Greg., xxvi. pp. 83, 84.
648. From Broken Bits of Byzantium. (By kind permission of Mrs. Walker.) The bas-relief has been removed to the Imperial Museum.
650. Cantacuzene, iii. p. 585; iv. p. 196. See Proceedings of Greek Literary Syllogos of Consple., 1885; Archæological Supplement, pp. 37, 38.
651. Chalcocondylas, pp. 285, 286.
652. The father of Dr. Mordtmann, whose work on the topography of the city has been so often cited.
653. Belagerung und Eroberung Constantinopels durch die Türken in Jahre 1453, note 27, p. 132; Stuttgart, J. G., Cottascher Verlag.
654. Ducas, pp. 196, 275; cf. Phrantzes, p. 118.
655. Ducas, pp. 93, 94. See Schlumberger, Un Empereur Byzantin au Dixième Siècle, pp. 48, 49, for an account of the interpreters attached to the Varangian Guard. Ville-Hardouin (c. 39) speaks of the dragoman who assisted Isaac Angelus in the negotiations with the envoys of the Crusaders in 1203: “Et il (the emperor) se leva, et entra en une chambre; et n’emmena avec lui que l’impératrice, et son chancelier, et son drogman, et les quatre messagers” (of the Crusaders).
657. Librum Insularum Archipelagi.
658. Ville-Hardouin, c. xxxvi., lii., liii.
659. Evlia Tchelebi. Aivan Serai means the Palace of the Porch, or Verandah. The name refers, probably, to the Palace of Blachernæ.
660. Constant. Porphyr., De Cer., p. 542, cf. p. 551. In the Bonn Edition the term is translated, “Depressa et in humilius deducta.”
661. Page 721, τὸ τεῖχος ὅ παρατείναι πρὸς θάλασσαν περὶ τόπον ὅς ἀποβάθρα τοῦ βασιλέως ὠνόμασται. Cf. Ville-Hardouin, c. 35: “un avant-mur ... près de la mer.”
662. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 124.
663. Paspates, pp. 357-360. Cf. Theophanes Cont., pp. 147, 148; Anna Comn., iii. p. 166.
664. Mordtmann, p. 39.
665. Theophanes, p. 402. The building is ninety-eight feet long by sixty feet wide. The central aisle is twenty feet wide; the side aisles fifteen feet. The dividing walls, pierced by seven arches, are five feet thick.
666. Pachymeres, vol. i. p. 365.
667. Paspates, p. 317; Du Cange, Constantinopolis Christiana, iv. p. 116.
668. Νεολόγου Ἑβδομαδιαία Ἐπιθεώρησις, January 3, 1893, p. 203.
669. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 233.
670. Συγγραφαὶ αἱ Ἐλάσσονες, p. 441.
671. Nicetas Chon., pp. 744-746.
672. Acta Patriarchatus CP., vol. i. p. 568.
673. Gedeon, Χρονικὰ τοῦ Πατριαρχικοῦ Οἴκου καὶ τοῦ Ναοῦ, pp. 72-75.
674. Cæsarea Legatio, pars. iii. p. 94 (Vienna, 1668).
675. It is now in the Imperial Museum.
676. Ancient and Modern Constantinople, p. 15.
677. De Top. CP., iv. c. 4; De Bosporo Thracio, ii. c. 2. This depression was visible as late as 1852, according to Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i. p. 582. It was then known as a Tchoukour Bostan, the usual Turkish designation for a garden in a hollow.
678. Tagebuch der Gesandschaft an die Ottomanische Pforte durch David Ungnad, p. 454. All subsequent references to Gerlach are to this Diary of his visit to Constantinople, 1573-1578.
679. Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.
681. Page 254.
682. IV. p. 181.
683. N. Barbaro, p. 789.
684. Clavijo, p. 14, “Il fut décidé que les ambassadeurs retourneraient (from Pera) à Constantinople mercredi, par la porte nommée ‘Quinigo,’ où ils devaient trouver le sieur Hilaire ... ainsi que des chevaux de monture, et qu’ils visiteraient alors la plus grande partie de la ville.” Cf. p. 15, “Les dits ambassadeurs passèrent à Constantinople et trouvèrent bientôt le dit sieur Hilaire et d’autres personnes de la cour, près de la porte de ‘Quinigo,’ où ils les attendaient; ils montèrent à cheval et partirent pour visiter une église nommée Sancta Maria de la Cherne (St. Mary of Blachernæ).”
685. Acta Patriarchatus CP., i. p. 568, year 1334.
686. Ducas, p. 279; cf. Barbaro, p. 789.
687. Page 728.
688. Page 720.
689. Clavijo, Constantinople, Ses Sanctuaires et ses Reliques, pp. 14, 15.
690. See History of the Council of Florence, by Sgyropoulos, who attended the Council in the suite of the patriarch. The Greek original and a Latin translation are found in Veræ Historia Unionis non Veræ inter Græcos et Latinos, sive Concilii Florentini. The translation, published in 1670, is by Robert Creyghton, and was dedicated to Charles II. For the account of the matters referred to above, see that work, pp. 51, 54, 55, 67, 318. Cf. Scarlatus Byzantius, vol. i. p. 582.
691. Historia Politica, p. 19.
692. Pages 254, 255.
693. On the supposition that there was no Imperial Gate near the eastern extremity of the Harbour Walls, it is impossible to identify the Basilikè Pylè and the Gate of the Kynegos, for these names are sometimes employed in a way which renders it perfectly evident that they referred to different gates. See Phrantzes, ut supra; Pusculus, iv. 179-221; Dolfin, s. 55; Ducas, p. 275.
694. Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.
695. Page 254.
696. Codinus, De Officiis CP., p. 39.
697. Acta Patriarchatus CP., vol. i. p. 568, year 1334: Ὁ πλησίον τῶν οἰκημάτων αὐτοῦ, τῶν περὶ τὴν πόρταν τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ ἐνδόξου Προδρόμου καὶ Βαπτιστοῦ κατὰ τῶν Κυνηγῶν, διακείμενος πάνσεπτος ναὸς τοῦ ἐν μάρτυσι περιβοήτου, μυροβλύτου καὶ θαυματουργοῦ ἁγίου Δημητρίου.
Beyond all reasonable doubt, this was the same gate as the Gate of St. John mentioned in the Chrysoboullon of John Palæologus, p. 203, cited above on p. 197. The latter, also, was a gate near the water, with a considerable territory outside the entrance, occupied by numerous buildings. See p. 203 of the Νεολόγου Ἑβδομαδιαία Ἐπιθεώρησις, of January 3, 1893. The identity of the two gates is confirmed by the reference in the Chrysoboullon to Kanabus (τοῦ Κανάβη), the eponym of the Church of St. Demetrius.
698. Page 40.
699. Vol. ii. p. 582.
700. Pusculus, iv. 189; Zorzo Dolfin, s. 55.
701. Acta Patriarchatus CP., vol. i. p. 321.
702. Ibid., p. 721.
703. Anonymus, ii. p. 35; cf. i. p. 20.
704. Nicetas Chon., p. 753.
705. Antony of Novgorod, in Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 99.
706. Leunclavius, Pand. Hist. Turc., s. 200.
707. Metrical Chronicle, line 259.
708. Page 41.
709. Anna Comn., iii. p. 103; Bryennius, iii. p. 126.
710. Ville-Hardouin, c. 36; Nicetas Chon., p. 722.
711. Anonymus, ii. p. 39.
712. Cedrenus, vol. ii. p. 296.
713. Ibid., p. 537.
714. Anna Comn., ii. p. 103.
715. Nicetas Chon.; Ville-Hardouin, ut supra.
716. Nicetas Chon., pp. 753, 754; Ville-Hardouin, c. 52, 53.
717. N. Barbaro, p. 818.
718. Patriarch Constantius, Ancient and Modern Consple., pp. 85, 86. The church was erected or restored by Maria, the natural daughter of Michael Palæologus, upon her return to Constantinople, after the death of her husband, the Khan of the Mongols. It has remained in the possession of the Greek community, in virtue of a firman of Mehemet the Conqueror, who presented the church to Christodoulos, the architect of the mosque erected by the Sultan on the Fifth Hill (Acta Patriarchatus CP., vol. i. p. 321, year 1351).
719. Phrantzes, p. 254; Pusculus, iv. 190.
720. Codinus, De S. Sophia, p. 147; Anonymus, ii. p. 34.
721. Vol. ii. pp. 452-455.
722. Synaxaria, May 29.
723. Itinéraires Russes en Orient, p. 104.
724. Ducas, p. 293.
725. IV. 191.
726. S. 55.