This whole town live by selling of wine, and every day come hundreds of people from Adrianople to be drunk; so that it was impossible but that the Plague should be brought thither. The Janizary Aga gets at least 10,000 dollars a year out of them for selling their wine; and yet he came there many times in show of severity, but notice was alwayes given at least an hour before he came, so that he alwayes found the coast clear. By the by, I must tell you that the Turkes love wine, and drink as much as other people; I am assur’d not one person in 5 (throughout all this part that I have travayled) refuseth it; at Court (excepting the G. Sr. himself, the Mosaïf, and Kaimacham) not a man but will take his Keiph profoundly. I have seen the Vizier himself, Mamúr that is, crop sick[372] severall times. All the Greekes and Armenians (not daring to be merry in Adrianople in companyes) come here to feast, and I have been severall times by when 200 or 300 persons have all been setting together feasting and drinking like fishes; and the Turkes observe the same freedome, or rather take much more.
My Landlord (the Parson) was the greatest vintner in the town, and to secure his wine he put the greatest part of it into a place in the Church; and in the yard by us the chief Turkes of the City would come and be merry publickly; the common Turkes never drink but to stark drunkennesse. The Parson had a kinswoman that lived but on the other side of our hedge; she was the onely child of her father, who would come and be merry with us, and we went thither to him often. This man was very rich and had promised his daughter and all that he had to a young silly fellow in town. She was extraordinary handsome and ingenious, and cared not for her lover. I know not how it came to passe, though they lived alone and had no neighbours, but yet she got the Plague, and dyed. I could tell you a most passionate story of her, but let this suffice. There were about 500 Greekes came to her buryall, notwithstanding the Plague, and the Metropolite of Adrianople came to burye her; and the chief of the Town, which were fled, came back to the funerall. The young fellow was in a manner distracted, and came constantly every morning for many dayes, and mourned over her grave.
The manner of the Christians buriall here is much the same; all have the Praeficae,[373] who sing (or rather howl and snarlle out), which they begin at home and continue to the grave. The weather was excessive hot, and the air stagnated in a manner, we being placed in a pan or flat; so that it was plague enough merely to stay there. Whilst we were in Adrianople the rats and mice, and fleas, and rumbling of carts al night long, and brawling of curs (great numbers being nourisht in every street), and the stink of the Jewes, did give us no small purgatory; but coming here, where we thought to have had braver accommodations, we found it worse. The terrible heat of the sun reflected from a dry barren sandy soil, and the fulsome foggy aire, broyled us and choked us.
We stayed there about 3 months, and returning to Stambol we found the plague as hot there; and we lost one of the servants that waited in my Ld.’s chamber (within a fourtnight after we came home) of it, and since we have found that another had it, but conceal’d it. For my part I am not so Calvinized as to say our Fate or Fortune is wrote in oure forheads; but this I will say, I think verily it was God alone that hath preserved me from so many deaths. Some that knowe me, I believe, may wonder what the Devil bewitch me to stay in this Hell of a place; and in good earnest I have wondered at myself, but that Fate (I think indeed) was written in my heart, and now begins to be obliterated; but so moch for that. Now I will give you a little account of the country round about, as farre as I have been.
The River Vardar and Meritch (Maritza), as is said, before they came to this town, meet; and a little above, upon the side of a hill betwixt them, is a pretty little countrey town most Greekes called Marás. A little further under the hill, next towards Meritch,[374] is a little pit of a blewish sort of clay; here a company of old gossips at the 15th of Aug., which is the Assumption of the B. V., bring water from the river and mix it and the clay together into a perfect pudding or stodge; and on that daye infinites of people, Turkes, Jewes, and Christians, resort thither and goe in, and tumble in the mire, which they believe will cure any sort of infirmity; and without doubt it often happens so.[375] These old Hags tell how in the night before the water springs out of the ground, and how it lasts till the Octave (that is, the 22nd day), and then dryes up; both which I proved to be a notorious lye. Yet the people are so zealously bent to believe the story, as I had liked to have been imbroglid for disputing of it. The earth is a kind of fuller’s earth, or very obstersive, and may doe good in many cutaneous diseases, without the help of the Παναγία,[376] as they call her.
On the other side that river, under a great ridge of hills or mountaines, is another pretty Greek village cal’d in Turkish Cadun-cui (Khanoum-cui), or Ladyes town; there is excellent wine there. Over the mountain is a great Turkish Town, famous for a Seraglio of the G. Sr., whither he retired in the Plague, leaving the Vizier to act all. It is call’d Ack-bonar[377] (white fountain), and seemes at a distance a brave place.
Acrosse the river from our town (Caragátch[378]), upon the top of a high hill, stands a little (but very curious) Seraglio, or rather Kiosk or sommer house, whither the G. Sr. retires for a fine girle sometimes; and it is contrived very convenient for the purpose. I have been in it; it is the best prospect about all Adrianople; they call it Khiderleh, which is the same with St. George, it having been formerly a Greek church of that name. You must know St. George is a great saint even amongst the Turkes, and their galleyes commonly set out that day to the White Seas. I have been many times reflecting on the name which they give him, Khiderleh (and very commonly Khidreleh), the Khi being pronounced strong in the throat like an aspirate, and I have fancy’d it to be taken (as is perhaps the whole story) from ὓδρα; and both that tale of Hercules and the Hydra, and Apollon and the Python, from Eve and the serpent. I may venture to give my conjecture now Dr. Haylin[379] is dead, and I shall be obstinate in it too.
At the bottome of that hill, next Adrianople, is a large suburb cal’d Ildrém,[380] or thunder. Round about Khiderléh, and all the waye upon the mountaines betwixt Ack-bónor and Khanoum-cui, are planted vineyards most plentifully; the Turkes by their law may eat what grapes they please (it being the greatest part of their food from August to Christmasse), and now (as is said) they freely taste the blood likewise.
On the North-east of Adrianople stands the Seraglio, which is very large, and on one side of it runs the river Tunza,[381] on the other side is a plain where we saw all the sights. There is a very stately bridge, or rather pile of stone, built over the Tunza from Adrianople to Ildrem; it is at least 970 of my paces long, and was built by Michael Waivod of Moldavia, as is cal’d Michael’s[382] Kupru, or Michael’s bridge. Tunza under it meets with a branch of Arda-Meritch; over Tunza by the Seraglio on the Town side is a very strong stone bridge; on the other side, about a mile and a half from it, is another bridge of wood. Upon that river on the west side, a little farther, Backstrevacui, where they make very good tiles and brick; next stands Carajauis, on the other side about 2 miles distant; and the mountaines on the east side of it have many quarreys of soft spongy stone, yet they use it in many buildings. It stands over against Ack-bonar. About 2 or 3 mile farther is Corojecui, a little village, and about a mile farther is a very fine lake call’d by the Turkes Gióle-babba, or father Lake (Giole being a lake); it stands with Tunza on the West, high hills on the E., and Corojécui to the S. It is well stock’t with fish (and fowl in the winter time); we saw there in August multitudes of Pelicans, swans, and some Ducks. At the East end of it, at the foot of the hills, stands a summer-house of the G. Sr.’s, furnisht allwayes ready. There are many excellent fountaines of very good water; there are some few houses about it inhabited by Turkes; we found them civil, and had liberty to go in and see what we desired. It is seated very pleasantly, being overshadowed by many Chinár (or Plane) trees. The Lake is round about environed with a great quantitye of sedge, which yearly yeild a plentifull crop.
The river Tunza comes from a place cal’d now Yianobole,[383] but I never was higher upon it then this place; all the way hither it runs very crooked and winding, and the hills on both sides lye in like manner winding in and out, and make a crook’d but large meadow or plain, in which the G. Sr. or Vizier, drawing out their forces for the warres, first pitch their tents. We saw all along the vestiges of them, and many, many ovens and kitchings framed in the earth, to make ready their bread (the true staff of a Janizaryes life), and pelów,[384] or Boiled rice.
From Caragatch to Adrianople we passe thre long bridges, the first of wood, serviceable onely in winter, the water being little or nothing in sommer; yet this bridge is the longest, and the river under it is nothing but sand. The second bridge is likewise wood, over a branch of the river that runs all sommer; for after Arda and Mellitch (Maritza) meet they go in one stream to the city, where meeting with Tonza (Tondja), they again divide into two streames, making severall very pleasant little Islands. About 2 or 3 mile of the City, to the South, is seated a large town call’d Bosnacui,[385] where the French Ambassadore was seated when he was at audience; and he tells me that upon that Island are about 9 or 10 such villages more. The rivers running on either side about 10 or 12 mile unite into one again, and the broad sandy brook to the W. enters into the same channell likewise; of these three the first is call’d (likewise on this south side the City) Tonza, the middle one Merrich, the sandy one Ardar; as if the 3 streames after that had met at Adrianople, sever’d themselves intirely again. By this you may see the error of our common maps placing Adrianople upon the Hebrus, which cannot be properly said to be till all these three meet again beneath Bosnacui; at least the currents are falsely there by them laid down. Mellitch comes from Pilippopoli,[386] Arda comes from Sta. Sophia[387]; upon which, next to Caragátch, stands Choróocui, or rotten town. About it are many long (but narrow) lakes, which may give the name in Turkish; and there growes infinity of Tribulus aquaticus,[388] which the vulgar Greek calls ἀγριοκάστανο, or wild chestnut, and from thence they call the name of the town in Greek Καστανοχωριὸ. Southerly from the river Arda is another village, cal’d in Turkish Ishék-cui,[389] or Asses town, in Greek Γαιδαροχωριὸ, which signifyes the very same; it was cal’d formerly ἀηδονοχωριὸ, that is Nightingale town, but (as the Greeks now tell the story) a great lord of this countrey whom they call Ἰουλιανούφερα, whom they make a Turke, sent for the Bishop of this town, who chanc’d to anger him highly about a Cheflick, or summer house, which he desired of the Bishop there; and therefore he swore that whosover cal’d it hereafter otherwise then γαίδάρο-χωριὸ should be hang’d.
As much farther, just at the foot of mount Rhodope, and very near Arda, is Orta-cui,[390] in Greek βουλγαροχωριὸ, whether the Germane resident went to avoyd the Plague. I was two or three dayes entertain’d there like a prince; and observed this and what followes: and, believe me, I will take it upon my credit to maintain this to be a pretty exact map of what is here set down. Orta-cui is a very populous town, built thre quarters round a very steep hill, like an Amphitheater reinverst or imbost. There are about 1,500 familyes in it, all Greekes. There crept in some few Turkes, but all the town setting against them, and playing them scurvy tricks, made them soon weary, and they have not of late had any, though it is a very paradise to live in. All the hills are cover’d with vineyards, which make a pleasant red wine, which we might buy anywhere for 5 aspers per Ook,[391] that is, about 3 pints. The valleyes grow either very good corne or pasture. On the south side the village, about ½ an hour, is amongst the hills a most pleasant clear fountain of purging waters, but they work without the least offence. On the North side, towards the east, is a great plain, very fruitfull in all manner of corne and flaxe. The town stands within ½ houre from the Arda, which runs amongst the mountaines most clear, and very deep. Just against this town it hath a mill set on it, on the side of which, towards the hills, it is very deep, and full of great rocky stones, those hills being nothing else. On the other side it is very shallow, with a small stream, and little pebbles at bottom, but no sand till below Ishek-cui, where the land round about is sandy; which confirmes me in my opinion that the river by Caragatch and Adrianople is so foul and sandy from the sand driven from shore by the wind; though beneath Adrianople, towards Bosnacui, it is foul by reason all the dunghills (the Turkes using little manure or compasse[392]), and carryon, and filth, and dead men (many whereof we saw dayly thrown in, being either executed, or perhaps dead of the Plague) which are continually thrown in. Here likewise are taken as good and sweet fish as may be—Carps, Roach, Dace, Pikes, and (above all) a pale-flesh’t trout, which are good, from the stony bottom; whereas, about Adrianople, from the sand or otherwise, all fish taste fleshy and beastly.
A little above this mill, next the town, amongst the hills, hath been a large old castle; part of the walls are yet standing. The high mountaines, quite above, are now cal’d Θεοβουνὸ, or God’s hill. I guesse not but these ridges of mountaines are the true Rhodope,[393] for the great road from Adrianople to Salonica lyes over there, and all travaylers assure me that on the other side are no other hills at all till they come to Hemus, which they still call ἁμομὸντε.[394] There is but little earth and few trees upon these mountaines that I ever saw. The stone, where it is naked, lyes many times Horizontal, but oftener declining. Arda comes running from the S.W. amongst these hills, having his head about 4 dayes journey (as they informe me) from Ortacui, at a place called Darovasi,[395] not farre from Sta. Sophia. Here are many, many houses built of wood entirely, the walls being made of whole trees hewn down and clench’t[396] at the ends. There are a few such at Caragatch. I am informed that in Poland almost all mean people’s houses are such.
All the people of this town seem to live well. We chanc’t to be there after harvest, when they were treading out their corn. That fashion, and the threshing floores (as we translate it), or publick places to which they bring their whole crop to tread the corne out, are still here every where in use, no other way being known to Turke or Greek but that, and no barnes being to be found, but so soon as ever they have cut down their corn, they tread it out immediately, which is likewise done with oxen yoked to a great thick plank (which these people and the Islanders call ροκάνη[397]) about a yard and a half long and a yard broad. The bottome is all filled with sharp flints stuck into it.[398] Upon the top stands a person, who also guides the oxen round, and pricks them forward with a goad. In a great floor you shall have 2 or three of these, and as many yoke of oxen at a time. After they have trodden, or rather bruised, one flooring out, they lay another; thus all the strawe is broken to pieces like chaf, and thence it is call’d chopt straw. What from the slovenlinesse of their dressing their corne, and the badnesse of their mill stones (they being onely some pieces of very hard stone joyned together with a strong mortar, and collar’d in a hoop of Iron), there is no bread or meal in this part of Turkey but what is very gritty. Some of the Turkes do muzzle their oxen, but not all. In sharing their corn they have a kind of wooden glove on the 4 fingers of the left hand, which in Greek they call παλαμαριὰ,[399] to guard their hand from thistles and the like.
You cannot imagine the strange superstition that is generally amongst the people of this countrey; Turkes, Jewes, Greekes, Armenians, all have their amulets and Telismes (talismans) and φυλακτὴρια about themselves, but especially about their children, their horses, their houses. Nightingales are very commonly kept in cages and let out to sing by so much per diem, but you shall not see one but shall have a deal of this trumpery about the cage. The Turkes have commonly their Telismes engraved on silver or gold; I have seen 10,000 lye in goldsmiths’ boxes to be sold upon all occasions; there are peculiar arts of making of these, but I count them all meer old wives’ conceits. There was a Scotchman here who much delighted and practised in such mysteries, and gave me the best account he could, but I will assure you they are more absurd and nonsensicall then figure flinging[400]; and since he was gone I chanc’t to dine one day with the French Ambassador,[401] when he had on purpose sent for the most noted Turk in all these parts for such things. It will be tedious for to recount you all that past, but we manifestly proved him an impudent imposter. He got his Keiph there sufficiently, and that was (I believe) his chief design. Your Greekes count nothing more sacred then the ἀντίδωρον,[402] the bread (not the sacrament), which is blest and distributed amongst the people upon Holy Thursday; this they call ίψωμα, perhaps from our Saviour’s ascention. At Ortacui you would scarce see a little child but it had some of this either in a little silver box about their necks, or stitched up in a bit of silk, or tyed in a little rag; I have observed the like in many other places; many carry wolves’ teeth, or the bones of their toes, etc., set in silver or gold; bones or parts of frogs, mice, lizards, Hippocampus,[403] etc.
As we went home from Ortacui we were driven into a town by a storme, and laid there the most part of the night. Our Janizary chanc’t at our going into the house to catch a bat; he rejoyced exceedingly, and borrowing a zechine of me (the ceremony must be done with gold or not worth a farthing), he cut the throat of it therewith, pronouncing the name of God and some other conceits; he saved every drop of the blood in cotton, and kept it as a most divine thing. By this, he said, he could make friends with any one; love in a woman; in fine, preserve himself and us from all evil.
We set out from that little town, and were overtaken in a most dreadful tempest of Thunder and lightning; just getting up a steep bank a flash of lightning discharged a sheet of fire, which fell on the ground and rested there a good while, within lesse then two yards of me and Dr. Pickering (we two being foremost), and huft[404] my hat and vest like a mighty gust of wind; our horses trembled and stood as half dead, but presently we got forward. All the world will not persuade that fellow but that the blood of his Bat preserved us. I have now been too, too impertinent, but yet could adde much more to this purpose about your Greekes or βροκόλακα[405] (the walking of dead men), and their solemne prayers and exorcismes of their church in that point. Also concerning the Armenians’ caracóngilas[406] (or hobgobling, or kind of Robbin good fellow), which is universally believed by them, and on the 13th and 14th of Feb. have a solemnity on purpose about it. Likewise about witches (which certainly, if there be any in the world, they are here) I can tell you storyes which will much amaze you; yet I must confesse I am very slow of belief in that point. I have likewise a strange Greek MS. presented me concerning such whimsyes; but enough of this matter. Before the Plague I walk’t about all the town; the old city (as is said) is not above a 3rd part of the whole, and the walls are pittyfull thin brick work.
July 27th. My Lord had audience with the G. Sr., notwithstanding the height of the Plague. He came from Ackbonar to the Seraglio on purpose, for my Ld. was very pressing for it, and in earnest. We had stay’d a longer time then ordinary for it. It was performed as followeth: The time being appointed two days before, that morning, an hour before day, came two Chiauses to Caragatch to call us. We went suddainly to the foot of the 2d wooden bridge before mentioned, and there stay’d in tents till the rest of the chiauses came to conduct us, about 50 in all (they are paid by us a zechine apiece, and therefore we may have as many as we please, if we count their number a glory). Thus we passe to the Town side, where my Ld. mounted his best horse, and rode quite through the City upon him; and we came to the seraglio gate about ½ an houre past 5 in the morning. After a little stay there, the chiaus basha, and capige basha, and Peskeshjé[407] basha came to my Ld. to conduct him in. We past from the gate directly to the divan upon a stone caseway, through a square court, which I guesse every way is about 160 of my paces. The Peskeshjé basha is the same, in a manner, as our maister of the ceremonyes. Peskesh signifyes a present, as if peskeshjé were one of the Maisters of the presents, and Peskeshjé basha is the head or chief of them all. This man walkt with a great silver staff in his hand (as bigge as the Cambridge beadle) before my Ld. to shew him where to make his reverences: for you must understand all the sides of the court were lined with Janizaryes and other souldjers; therefore, as my Ld. past, he bowed to the Janizary Aga, Bash. Chiaus, Chia Beghi, and other great officers of the souldjery there. We came at last to the large Divan, which is just in the same fashion as that at Stambol (which I have seen), onely the side at Stambol hath no seates as this hath. The seates (or bench from which the inferior viziers are named of the bench) round the three sides are cover’d with embroyder’d silk, as likewise the whole floor of the same. Under it, upon the benches, is one continued quilt, or kind of cushion, quite round. In the middle of the side was a rich foot cloth, which reached from the back of the bench (or wall) down into the floor. Here sat the Nesharjé basha,[408] who (is a principal secretary, and) writes the Grand Sr.’s Firme[409] (or Fiat) to all his commands. There enters a little door on one side, where is such another foot cloth, onely every way larger. There sat the Vizier Azém. Over his head was a Gelosia, or lattice (as at Stambol), where the G. Sr. is often (as he was then) present, but incognito; and, as we guest, the Sultana was there once, yet some say it was impossible. On the same side sat 2 Cadeleschiers on another foot cloth. The other side is open from the bench up to the top of the roof. Here sat the Testerdare upon such another foot cloth. In the room behind him sat severall men of the law, who, upon occasion, could speak or receive any writing, or other matter, into the Divan, that side, as is said, being open, onely two wooden pillars supporting the roof. The Divan might be about 8 or 9 (at most) yards square. There is a stone gallery open into the court, out of which we enter’d, then into the Divan, which is open into the Gallery and court. My Ld., making his reverence to the Vizier and the rest, was placed in the corner upon the bench, without a foot cloth, beneath the Nesharjé, which was the lowest place, to wit, the right hand. Mauro Cordato[410] (the Vizier’s Dragoman) and my Ld.’s two Dragomen in chief stood next him. Then all we stood with our backs to the court; we might turne side wise to look out, but one or two turning their backs to the Vizier were reprehended as guilty of too much rudeness. All of us being thus disposed of, immediately were brought in 320 purses of money, and lay’d in 32 heapes upon the floor, before the Vizier, a purse being 500 dollars. There were two little bags that were layd by themselves. You must know that the Janizaryes and souldjers about the court are pay’d once a month in this manner, publickly, before the Vizier and the Divan. But now the pay day was put of till my Lord’s audience, it being a thing usually done at all Embassadores audiences, merely for to show the grandeur and glory of their Empire, though sometimes it happens otherwise. The Testadore therefore, after the money was lay’d down, gave up his accounts to the Vizier. He, kissing them, sent them to the G. Sr. by the Peskeshjé basha, and by him they were presently return’d again to the Vizier, who received them with a kisse. Then the severall chambers of Janizaryes (which stood round the court) were call’d in order, the word being given by the Peskeshjé basha very loud. The whole chamber comes running together upon the case-way to the door, where they received their proportionate bagges to be divided by themselves or officers. And, after the first chamber was paid of, they past away, and the next was call’d; and so till all was paid out. Then the Cherbigees (the colonells) and other head officers came into the Divan, and, kneeling down on the Vizier’s left hand, kist the left corner of his vest, and put it to their head, returning (as all the rest, that make reverence by saluting his vest, doe) three or four steps backwards and sideways, get out of his presence, he all the time sitting like a statue, neither bowing nor taking the least notice imaginable. The Testerdare (who many times had occasion to whisper with him) went alwayes to him without any ceremony at all. All this being over, basons, and ewers, and towells were brought in, and the Vizier, Testerdare, Neshanjé basha, and my Ld. washt severally, severall servants waiting upon each of them. Then were brought in 3 little round tables, all of them were alike, and they were cover’d with leather carpets onely (without any table cloth); then little flat loafes of bread (like pancakes) lay’d round in heapes, 3 or 4 one upon another, and severall broken in peices and scatter’d upon the table. By each heap, between, lay a coarse little wooden spoon, four little saucers of capers, olives, sampier,[411] parsley—the two first pickled, the other two in sugar lickquore—one little salt seller, one little pepper box. These 3 tables, thus furnisht, stood respectively before the Vizier, testerdare, Neshargé, all being exactly alike furnished. At the Vizier’s Table was set a velvet stool for a seat for my Ld., over against the Vizier, who sat on the bench. Three other such seates were set at the Nesharjé’s table, where dined Mr. North[412] (the Treasurer), Mr. Hyet (the antientist merchant here), and Dr. Pickering (a Physician of Smyrna). Three more were set at the Testerdare’s table, where dined my Ld.’s Secretary, Mr. Carpenter, Mr. Cook (the Companyes Councillier), and my self. The rest of the Merchants and gentlemen dined some in the next room with the Rice-Effendi and the Vizier’s Secretary. Some else were with the Chiaus-basha. All our tables were served exactly alike with just 20 dishes of meat, which were set on but one at a time; and so soon as that was scarcely tasted, it was shifted away, and another placed in the room, so that we made a very short businesse of it, and, all along, the waiters at each table kept all so good time, as we began and ended just together. You must understand the Turkes make the supper (as the antients did) the best meale, and seldome eat at noon, but in the morning—and this was about 8½ by the clock. We had a long course Towel layd round the Table in common (as the fashion is every where) upon our laps, instead of napkins. It was wrought and checker’d like a barber’s apron. This was to wipe our hands, for, by every one, after we were set, on our right hand, into our lap or on our knee was laid a muckender[413] (of the same cloth, but finer) to wipe your mouth and beard.
I cannot give you an exact bill of fare, but as well as I can remember it was thus at every table: first we had 6 rost chickens brought pil’d one upon another, without sauce; we had no such finicallnesse[414] as knives or forkes onely the weapons that nature gave us, our hands and teeth. The Testerdare began by pinching the flesh with his fore finger and thumb, and invited us to fall to; I having seen the way of it many times before, fell on and brought on my companions. We had a dish of roast pigeons, which we eat in the same manner, nipping and tearing them apieces with hands and teeth, in any fashion. We had Kibôbs, bits of flesh, the first roasted, the last boyled; this was ready mammockt,[415] and cut to our hands. We had several sorts of Dolmáh,[416] which is minc’t meat stuffed into peices of gourds, or gobbeted[417] in vine leaves or the like, and so boyl’d. We had several Cherbaws, pottages made of rice, wheat, etc., some sweet, some savoury; we had Pelo, rice boyled with peices of a hen; Rice gellyed, a perfect fool in a platter; another slip slop[418] of Dates and pine kernells; at all these we ployed[419] our wooden artillery of the spoon. We had a great baked pye in a platter, with puff paste above and minced beaten meat, wel season’d underneath; a puf past pudding in a platter, plain; another, sweeten’d with honey. About half way of this horse feast we water’d with a hearty draught of excellent Lemmon sherbert, which was brought in a fingeon,[420] or Polish glasse, gilt on the verge at the top. The Testerdare began, and we caryed it round, then it was whipt away, and we saw it no more. We had my Ld.’s 2d Dragoman by us all the time, and the 1st Dragoman and Mauro Cordato, dragoman to the Vizier, attended my Ld. I sat so near him as I could have touched him, and I heard every word that past betwixt the Vizier and him, which was not much, but what it was was nothing of private businesse, but newes or such discourse; all past pleasantly.
The onely thing of notice was this: talking of the stirres that have been made at Fustenberg,[421] between the Emperor and K. of France, the Vizier, laughing, askt why they did not cut of his head at first? then, says he, there had been an end of all the embroglios that happen’d after. We were all served alike in costly (lordly) dishes, which are used every where at court, and I saw them at the Vizier’s and Mosaïf’s houses. They come from India, and are all in use in Persia, for the G. Sr. nor any great Turkes can use silver dishes by their law. They call the mettal of them Martabáni[422]; they are very dear and much heavier (in proportion) then China, which they call Phorphoré (I suppose from πόρφωρα); their platters, which they call Taback,[423] of Martábani, are worth some of them 200 dollars. China is not half so dear here; your little sherbert cups and coffee dishes are made often times of the same earth; they ring like a bell; the earth is darkish, but the outside glazed colour is greenish. The last dish being taken from table, we all rose up together; the Grandees washt, and then my Ld. and me with him were caryed into the gallery, and there he sat on a long bench. Presently we were vested with Caphtans, which we wore all the time we were afterwards in the Seraglio; there were given but 19 in all; my Ld. Harvey had 22 when he was at Salonica, and the G. Sr. spoke to him a great deal; but now (as you shall hear immediately) he said not one word.
The meat which went from our tables was caryed out amongst inferior officers, where was such scrambling as I never saw. I saw much, much better order once at a feast at the Kaimacham’s of Stambol. The like was where our servants dined; yet all passed in silence, as the whole businesse above said was likewise acted even to a miracle, all being done with a nod or private sign (at which they are the best in the world) to the attendants and waiters, who stand like images with their hands acrosse before them. The same silence, gravity, and decorum is alwayes practised in all other places of justice or businesse throughout the whole Empire; whish, whish, whish, whish, or kish, kish, etc., is sometimes used if there should happen any the least cavgá, or disturbance. The Merchants that din’d without said some of them were hunch’t[424] about and Heyda’d[425] (a word which signifies get you gon’) with some rudenesse, as I am apt enough to beleive the rabble Turkes are like enough to do it.
After my Ld. and we had weighted about ½ an hour in the gallery, where Mauro Cordato had the impudence to sit by my Ld., the Vizier and the rest rose and past by us, and went into the G. Sr., who was in a low room. There was another doore going into some other room, and forwards run a high wall to the corner of the court. A quarter of an hour after they past by, my Ld. was cal’d; all we accompanyed him almost to the outward door, then he went forward with onely six persons who were appointed to accompany him, viz., the two chief Dragomen, Mr. North the Treasurer, Mr. Hyet the eldest merchant, my Ld.’s Secretary, who carry’d the king’s letter upon his head, and the Companyes Cancelleer.
My Ld. and Sr. Thos. B. promised me before we set out from Stambol, and all along assured me, that I should infallibly be one that should goe in, and no lesse then three dayes before did again secure me the same favour; but it happen’d otherwise on some other occasion, which I shall afterwards make you laugh withall. For my own part I repine not at it, for I have seen the G. Sr. again and again, and those that did goe in can onely say they did do so; for as to any thing that they saw there, the divel of any the least account could they give; onely something look’t like a thing they call the G. Sr.; yet the whole account I coul’d get from them, or observe myself, is this fully and exactly. My Ld. and all the rest were led in by two Peskeshjes or Chiauses, one holding them under one arme, the other under the other, through the part of the court were we left them. So soon as ever they entered the room, their leaders, laying their hands upon their necks, bowed them down (my Ld. himselfe very low, the rest to the very ground); immediately Mr. North, Mr. Hyet, and the Cancelleir and the 2d Dragoman were hurryed out again so soon, as Mr. North, who was first, swore he observed nothing, onely in general that it was a very rich room, but in particular he remembred nothing in the world. The poor Cancellier, being a little man, was crushed quite down at the entrance, and Mr. Hyet had like to tumble over him as he lay sprawling on the ground: so they saw lesse then Mr. North. The Cancellier remember’d nothing, and Mr. Hyet said he had a pittyfull glance at the G. Sr., and indeed it was impossible they could look about them, these thre gentlemen being in (at that outward door, where we lost sight of them) but 48 of my pulses, which is not much above ½ a minute, as I have tryed by a half minute glasse at sea severall times. My Ld. stay’d after them about 200 of my pulses, so that in all he could not be there much above 4 minutes at most. He being led in and bowed (as is said) pro more, the chief Dragoman read his speech (and yet was out about the middle of it, as my Ld. himselfe told him before me afterwards), which I saw and was just 12 lines and a half in a small quarter of a sheet. That ended, the Secretary gave the king’s letter to the Dragoman, and he to the Vizier, and he lay’d it by the G. Sr.’s right hand upon his bolster, who cast a kind of scornful eye towards it. The Vizier immediately told them: It’s well, and he as Vikiel or deputy should take care of their businesse; and so, without one word or complement passing, they were all led out again. This my Ld. himself told me, and his Secretary and Dragoman confirm’d it.
Now for grandeur and state of what was there, my Ld. himself gave us this account. The G. Sr. was set leaning upon a bed, and had put on a most severe, terrible, stately look. The bed had four posts, like ours, but whether with silk curtaines, valence, etc., is not sayd. The counterpane was of crimson velvet embroyder’d and flour’d with pearl, and round the edges went eight rowes of the same, all as bigge and as fair as ever he saw in a necklace. The floor was crimson sattin, embroyder’d likewise and wrought with gold wire, which in some places was very big. The G. Sr. had a small, plain Turbant on, with a little feather in it; at the bottome it had a brooch of Jewels, amongst the rest one very large diamond. At the feet of his bed stood a large cabinet all cover’d over with jewels, which he first valued at 100,000li. (but in a second relation at 200,000li.) sterling; he judged it to be full of jewels. His vest and delamon,[426] from his neck down before, were all set with fair large diamonds and pearles. What the roof of the room had, the walls, windowes, and the like had, or whether there were chimney, chimney-piece, balconyes, stooles, chayres, etc., he could give no account; onely he said he thought the windore was but small, for the room was dark, so as he wonder’d the old Dragoman could read at all. You were out a little (quoth he to him), but you soon recover’d yourself; in fine, my Ld. said in generall that it was the richest room for certain in the whole world; but I question much whether he could make out the particulars.
Now I declare to you the chief thing I desired to see was the furniture and embellishments of the room; for (as is said) I have seen the G. Sr. again and again. Here are adornments in building very costly and comely, utterly unknown in our parts of the world, of which I am able to give some pretty account; perhaps the sight of this might have added something to my observations. So soon as my Ld. come out, we all accompanyed him through the great court to the outer gate. There we mounted, and stay’d about half-an-houre, till the Vizier and Testerdare came out; after them came out all the Chiauses, who again conducted us out of the Town.
Aug. 10th. My Ld. went to visit the Mufti. He had audience, in the very same manner as before is said, with the G. Vizier[427]; and, after a little formall complimenting, we return’d. He was a swarthy man, yet a good-natured countenance; his beard somewhat grey (being above 54 yeares old, as is commonly said), the left corner something longer than the other; a full eye, lean, discreet nose, well-fashioned mouth and teeth; his forehead of a middle height; serene brow, cheekes enclining to leanesse; but no wayes a mortifyed look. He gave us no vests, but received ours (which we alwayes caryed wherever we went to audience) gladly; and without doubt that added to his cheer, which was very pleasant, as well as his countenance. He was set Alla Turchesca, with his feet cover’d and lapt with a course kind of linesay-woolsay blanket; the rest of his habit was no wayes distinguist from that of a common Turk. We were carryed into him, and he did not rise to my Ld., but onely bow’d; and my Ld. was placed on a stool just before him. He had three or 4 bookes lay’d by him, and round about the room on shelf lay severall more. His turbant in the middle being plain, and not in folds. We did not stay much above a quarter of an hour with him; soe we return’d to our old shop at Caragatch. Remember that these visits were in the height of the Plague; and several, I assure you, came amongst us with plague-sores running upon them at the Vizier’s at our last audience, of which by and by. There was a fellow gave me a dish of coffee who had then about him 2 filthy sores; and after he had served us with coffee, by chance talking with some of our Merchants (that spoke Turkish) about the plague, told them that he had lost three children the week before, and that he had been sick unto death, but now his swellings were broke he was much better. The Turkes used no other antidote against the plague then multitudes of Issues, which really I count a most divine thing to that effect, though otherwise a plague in themselves.
I have above mentioned to you Vani Effendi, the great preacher amongst the Turkes.[428] I shall here insert some little notices of him. He is an old huncht-back man, very gray, a crabb’d countenance, yet his shrivel’d flesh is clear, not black or swarthy, but pale; and Nature hath marked him in the face, for his right eye is lesse than his left, as if it were shrunk. He hath children at Brussa,[429] and is of such authority amongst the Turkes, as about 6 yeares since preach’d down all publick Tavernes and ale-houses, and the Dervises’ publick meetings; yet I believe there is as much wine drunk (or more) and as many tavernes by connivance and bribery as ever there was. The fame of this old cox comb is more then a Pope amongst them; he invited Sr. Thos. Baines to visite him; therefore, sending one of our dragomen and Renegado Boccareschi to beg licence of him to come, he told them he should be wellcome. He is cal’d Vani, from a town of that name on the confines of Persia.[430] Sr. Tho. being come to him and set down, ask’t liberty of discourse; he told him he might say what he pleased, nothing would be taken amiss.
Sr. Tho. 1st Quest. was: Whether all soules were equall of men, women, children? After many shuffling answers, he said the prophet Mahomet was asked the same question, and answered it was not yet revealed to him.
2dly: Whether women shall be in Paradice? Answr.: They shall have many there of those which were here and lived well and virtuously according to their law, and besides God will create them many others; but of the two sortes, those that go from hence will be the better, because their obedience hath already been tryed and proved. He said that wicked men commonly drew their wives down to hell with them; yet if the wife be virtuous she may goe to heaven, though the Man goes to Hell.
Now I understande one notion of my own. Being once with our chief Dragoman in company with a great Doctor of their law, I had the curiosity to ask (amongst other things) what use they should have of women in Paradice, whether for procreation or no? He told me that they shall conceive there for certain, but not by members of generation, but onely by intellectual seed and spiritually, to make a spirituall ofspring. Vaní told Sr. Thos. that there is a middle life or place cal’d (as Sr. Tho. hath set it down) Asaph (it should be Aráf,[431] as in the chapter of Prisons, cap. 7), whither all that have lived a middle life shall goe; that is, sins and virtuous deeds being compared and weighed together.
3d: What people might be suffer’d to live amongst Turkes? Answr.: None but Jewes and Christians; all other are to be put to death. This toleration is given, because the Jewes had and yet have a true law, but most imperfect Christians have a true and perfecter law; but the onely perfect law is Mahomet’s, which all now are bound to believe and follow; if they doe not, though they live never so well, they cannot be saved. There were two little boyes (by Christian slaves), and Sr. Tho. put this case: If you had lost (it had been better put if he had said hidden) a jewell, and should bid these two seek it, and tell them where abouts it was to be found; one being more successful then the other, finds it; the other notwithstanding being very industrious, and leaving no stone or stick unturned, perhaps finds onely a crisstall: shall this son be blamed for his ill successe, notwithstanding his indeavours were as much, perhaps more then the other? Here, saith Sr. Tho. B., the teares stood in his eyes, and he answered: Every body had heard of their law and their Prophet, and were bound to believe. Sr. Tho. B. said he had heard many things which he now found not truly reported of them, and he had read their Alcoran, which he now sees wrongly translated; both which rather prejudic’d him then furthered him in his belief, and many there are who never heard of it at all; suppose such a one (who never heard) to be a Christian and live well, whether he might be saved? He answer’d not close to the point. Sr. Tho. told what kind of Christian he was, viz., he would rather dye then worship either crosse, Pictures, Images, or the like. He adored onely one true God, and lived in his fear onely; he believed a Mussulman, living up to the height of his law, may be undoubtedly saved. He thought himselfe obliged (though it was never so absolutely in his power to do it) not to touch a hair of a Mussulman’s head for his difference in religion, but rather to help, assist, relieve, and cherish them in every good office that he was able to doe for them. Here Sr. Th. B. saies he wept, and said he could not believe any Christian came so near true Musselmen, but that they all had been Idolaters; and the standers by (which were many) cryed out E Adám[432]—he was a Good Man. You may imagine this was odde for a Greek (who worships all these things, and curses a Turk to the Divel) to say as Draggerman. Vaní pressing the perfection of his law, and the necessity of turning to it, Sr. Tho. said he was now about 55 years of age, and his bones were dryed and hardened to their forme; and his understanding was in like manner settled by long practice of his own religion, and it would be a hard task, and of some long time, to unrivet his notions. Vaní bad him welcome, desired more frequent converse, assuring him all security and freedome. The Dragoman told me he was afraid to speak, for though they might not touch Sr. Tho. B., yet they might chastise him for speaking anything about or against this Law.
Sr. Tho. Baines went no more; he sent to him severall questions by Boccareschi, till he was weary, first: To know if the soules of the dead (Men and Women) went immediately to heaven or hell, without any stay? Answr.: The blessed went not into Paradice till the day of Judgement, but had a continuall sight of it through a great windore. He said Boccareschi was not a fitting messenger, and desir’d, if he had any more questions, that he might set them down in writing, and he would answer in like manner. Sr. Th. B. left of. For my own part, I believe he might have given his first Answer to most of Sr. Th. B.’s questions, viz.: The Prophet (nor God himself) hath not revealed those things. He sent word by Boccareschi about Hell: 1st, there are 60 mountaines of fire, and millions of poysonous serpents and dragons to torment the damned. 2nd, that no Turke shall remain there to eternity; infidells and Idolaters never get out.
Sept. 8th. My Ld. went for the capitulations to the Vizier, and, to take leave, we were caryed into the Khiá’s (the Steward or Secretaryes) chamber, where we stay’d waiting two houres. We were treated in the mean time with coffee and sherbert. Mauro Cordato[433] (the Vizier’s Dragoman), who has studyed in Italy, and was at first a doctor of Physick, by nation a Greek, sat and bore my Ld. company. Amongst other discourse, he assured us that the first month (June) the plague began, there might die from 60 to 100 per diem; the 2d month it increased to at least 250; this month (Sept.) dyed at least 600 per diem (but others talked much lighter), and after our coming away it increased to double the number. It is a very bad place for fruits, and this year worse than ever. He said that it was banisht the court. There were abundance of Turkes, and many of them sick (as is above said), intermixt with us. At last we were caryed into another room, and, after a little pause, came in the Vizier, and he and my Ld. sat as before. He spoke cheerfully, and proved in very good humour; yet his face, especially about the eyes, look’d very swel’d and reddish. We understood he had been soundly keiph’t the night before.
The Vizier began, and told him the Capitulations were renewed according to his desire. My Ld. thankt him, and signifyed what high respect our king would have for him for his particular care in it; and he would see that he had particular thanks for it from him. The Vizier ask’t what ships we had, and what were expected. Answer: Two dayly expected from Legorne, one generall ship in two months at Constantinople, 2 more at Smyrna. The Vizier ask’t what newes? Answer: The last was that the two Armyes were within 2 or three leagues one of the other, and that Brandenburgh had routed the Swead; that the Ragusian Ambassador reported a battle to have been fought, wherein 12,000 French, with Turein[434] himself, kil’d. The Vizier said he had heard the like. We had 12 vests. My Ld. received the Capitulations, G. Sr.’s letter, and Vizier’s letter to our king from his own hand, kissing them all, as the manner is. My host wish’t the G. Sr. and Vizier a long life, and that the Vizier might have all increase of honour and favour with the G. Sr. And so we came away.
Sept. 16th. My Ld. took leave of the Vizier’s Khia and the Rice effendi, in whose familyes the plague was then very, very rife. Two men, with plague sores on them running, stood about a full quarter of an houre within a yard of him, yet God preserved both him and us. Onely, as is said, three or four servants dyed there. One or two had it all the way home to Stambole undiscovered, and there one, who allwayes was about my Ld. and Sr. Tho., dyed.
Sept. 19th. About 1 o’clock we set out for Stambole. Because the road was everywhere full of the plague, we every night lay in our Tents, which were caryed before us, and pitcht ready at every conáck, and all our waggons and coaches were drawn round us, and a great fire being made. There were men watch’t by turnes every night, for the road was very full of thieves. Not a day past but some newes or other came of their exploits. There were many in companyes, and if we had not had guards it would have been very easy cutting our throats. We made as many dayes coming home as we did going out, and pitcht under the same town sides; so that though we ourselves went not into Townes, most of our waggoners and servants did for wine, or women, or something or other, and so our danger was, in a manner, the same. I have been used to the fashion of the country of lying in my clothes, which I did both outwards and homewards, and once in a frolick to Brusa Baths I came not in a bed for 8 weekes together. Now I caryed a little sea bed with me, which I lay on at Adrianople, and upon the road. We first spread a carpet on the ground, and then lay’d our beds or quilts upon it, and so tumbled down upon them, booted, cloak’t, etc., as we rode. I was a little ill at Caragatch, or else I enjoy’d my health very well all the time. I came with my Ld. and companye along to Caresteran. There I left them with onely my man with me (wee were well arm’d) to go see Misine.[435] At Chiorlúh I met my Ld. and all the Company again.
Sept. 24th. Seeing the Sea from Chiorlúh, I thought it not much out of my way to goe to it, and thence to Selibria alongst the sea shore. I could perswade no man to accompany me for fear of Thieves, and a calf with a white face disheartened them all. Away went my man and I. There is from Chiorlúh, to your eye, a perfect streight valley to the Sea, which I thought was, at most within 5 miles, but I was horribly mistaken. Though in a right line it may be so, yet following a road that leads to it, by reason of a little rill that rises on the left hand out of the hills towards Stambol, which makes a moorish bottome, by windings and turnings I made it about as much more. This little rill, in most places, is so very narrow as I could easily step over it, and yet we reckon’d 7 or 8 Turkish mills upon it, so little water sufficing for each of them. In 2¼ houres we got to the sea, counting it at least 9 mile, all the hills on either side (especially the left) covered with vineyards, and they were then in the height of their vintage. We past severall very good fountaines in the way, and about a mile of the sea we past a little Turkish village. So soon as we arriv’d at the sea, we turn’d to the left hand for Heraclea. At the end of about 6 mile we met a good fountaine, which refresh’t us well. The country all champion, and many little villages were to our left hand on the hanging hills. We arriv’d at Heraclea in 2½ houres. At our rate it was about 13 or 14 miles, the country still champion, onely some few trees thinly set about Heraclea. In the playnes are many hills raysed (as sepulchres, I suppose). One large one is by the sea, upon a rising ground, not far from the town. It stands upon a peninsula. The Isthmus is on the N.W. side. To the sea is a pretty high cliff. On that upper ground stood the antient town, now inhabited most by Greekes. On the lower ground to the Isthmus live many Turkes, and have severall Moschés. There are yet standing, in all, 40 Greek churches, yet (as elsewhere) none deserve the name but the Metropole’s, which is a good old odde fashion’d building. It hath a Cupola and half cupolas about it like Sta. Sophia.
They show there, within the Metropolis, the top stone of Sta. Gluceria’s tomb, which they say was saved out of her monastery, which stood hard by, but was ruin’d and most part tumbled into the Sea. It is pure white marble, about a foot thick, most neatly covered and hollowed on the edges, with a coronite[436] round the head, and at the feet with two spires. At the head there is cut an archt hole, in which they say her head was kept; and there is a hole sideways of it which is like a saucer, and in the bottome of it is in another small one, out of which they say continually issued an holy oyle. All this arch’t hole was cover’d with a plate of gold; the pins that fasten’d it yet remain. I assure you the whole thing is absolutely the curiosest piece of work that is to be found in Greece of so modern artifice. On the upper side, between the arch’t hole and the bottome, rose an inscription in impure Iambick. It was wrote in a moderne character, which is very difficult to be read, and the latter end of each verse was wrote under the former part in very much smaller letters. I verily believe this whole thing was but a piece of Greekish monkery, and they might have some pretty contrivance to let oyl, or the like liquor, drop upon occasion, to work some miracle upon the credulous.
In the Greeks’ Hierology they observe the 23d of May[437] as a great holy day to her memory, and say that she was martyrd in the times of Antoninus, by his Proconsul Sabinus; that she was torn apieces by wild beasts, and afterwards translated to Heraclea. I am sure the story and the inscription savours of no such antiquity. This church is dedicated to St. Peter and St. Paul, and is generally called τῶν μεγάλων ἀποστόλων. The Metropolite has very good accommodations there for himself and his papas. Below, in the cloyster, just at the foot of the staires going up to the Metropolite’s apartment, lyes buryed Mr. Edward Wych, brother to Sr. Peter,[438] who was Embassadore here. He went with our chief Dragoman (yet living) to Scio to meet Sr. Peter’s Lady, then coming out of England to her husband; and, coming back, he touched at Tenedos, where the plague was very rife, and he got it and dyed, and was brought here and buryed, 1628.
Coming out of the Greekes’ apartment, we went into St. George’s church (whome they call ἃγιος Γεώργιος), who is here reverenced as the greatest Saint imaginable, and they attribute many miracles to his image, which is a head cut flat in wood and trimm’d up with abundance of tinsel stuff; the candles have made it as black as soot. The chief thing he is famed for is the deliverance of poor mariners, and in the church was hang’d up to him infinites of ἀναθήματα, dedicated by poor creatures which had escaped shipwreck: most are little short pieces of halsers or cables, or smal ropes, having one end tipt with silver.
Upon the cliff to the S.E. stand 4 or 5 windmills immoveable, and are driven onely by the Embaty,[439] which never failes in the daye time to come of from the sea.
I came from Selibria home with the rest. The Plague had been as hot at Stambol all last summer, and after our returne (which was Sept. 27th) it encreased. Upon the death of the foot boy in our house (of whom is above written), my Ld. and Sr. Tho., with 4 servants, withdrew to a house out of town. I took the opportunity at that time to go with some gentlemen of Smyrna (who had been at audience with us) as farre as Brusa, where the G. Sr. baths are; and indeed it is a brave place. I took some delight upon mount Olympus Mysiæ,[440] which is very, very high, and over looks the town; it is alwayes cover’d with snowe, as it was then whilst we were on the top of it. I took notice of many fine plants, trees, and other curiosyties there, as likewise about the Town and at the baths; and should certainly have been highly pleased with my voyage, had not a sad accident embitter’d all to me. One of the gentlemen, my dear friend, fell sick of a very high feavor: we fear’d it was the Plague. All the rest of the company left me and my man alone with him; and after 13 dayes he dyed there. I was ill treated by the Turkes; but I got leave to bury him with much adoe; and, writing to my Ld., I had a Chiaus and Dragoman came and chastised those Rogues very handsomely. I spent a month there, and have made remarques of many things; but I must leave the story of that and all the rest to another time to tell you by letter or word of mouth.
I will see Nice,[441] Nicomedia, Cyzicus, Mount Athos, Lemnos, Lesbos, Chios, and what else lyes in my way before I leave the countrey, though I shall make Inscriptions and such knackes but onely my passe time. Here are every year abundance of Whiflers[442] in those scraps of learning. Last year were here one Mr. Wheeler, a pretty ingenious youth, our countryman, and one Mr. Le Spòn,[443] a Frenchman, who certainely have made the best collection in the world, and intends to print them when he comes home. He hath gathered up and down at least 10,000 that never yet saw light in Greek or any other author. I have a very great intimacy with him, and maintein a strickt correspondency with him, and I shall certainely give him all I have which he wants; and I am sure I have one or two very rare, and not met with all by him. Here is now one Mr. Vernon (lately Secretary to Mr. Montague in France), who is mightily eager after all such things, and is going for Persia. So the main businesse will be caryed on by others, to the satisfaction of themselves, if not of others. For my own part, my heat and leachery after such things was soon over after I arrived in these places. But, when all is done, they goe but on the skirts of Asia all of them; whereas from hence to Aleppo, and all about Ancyra, and on the other side in Caria, etc., are the statelyest things in the world, and in very great numbers. He that thinks them worth his labour and expence and hazard, let him go fetch them; yet I confesse I have an itching after them, for I can assure you there are some things that will give great light to Church story, especially as to the Arians, Basilidians,[444] and other Heriticks. It is very troublesome to transcribe what I have collected; I must be pardoned herein till I see you. In the mean time, I joyn absolutely with you in your opinion of that part of learning, and in your censure of the professors of it. I have two or three pretty knackes which I have lighted upon very cheap, and yet I vallue them dear. I have a delicate cat’s eye; two or three Seraphims; two little cupids holding a lyon, imbossed admirably in a Cameo; severall petrifyed mushroomes; tiles; etc.
In truth, I am now weary, and I believe so are you by this time. I cannot read these papers over to correct them. You are my Friend: for your sake I have scribbled them at full gallop; for my sake passe by whatever is amisse, or twice over, or rudely and carelessly done. I did all to testify what you shall ever find—Fidum pectus amicitiae. You must communicate them to Sam. Th.; and for others I leave it to your discretion who you shall admitte to see my levityes. It would be some passetime to T. Fairmeddow over a pot of ale; but use your discretion. I shall tell him I have wrote you at large. Now, Dear friend, the Mighty God of heaven and Earth watch over us for our good; and, if it be his blessed will, bring us together once more. I am,
Thy faithfull and affectionate friend,
J. C.
The two volumes of Dr. Covel’s consecutive diary terminate with his visit to Adrianople. There are, however, several smaller diaries of different journeys, which would be too long to insert here. One is thus headed:
Dr. Covel sailed up the Gulf of Ismidt, and, on arriving at the town of Ismidt (Nicomedia), he was “nobly lodged at the monastery by Greeks”. He speaks in quaint terms of the numerous ἁγιάσματα, or sacred springs, at Ismidt, and describes more particularly one dedicated to St. Anne, and its supposed healing qualities.
“I saw”, he writes, “a man who, last 2nd of February, went to St. Anne’s ἁγίασμα for cure, being full of ulcers, and could receive no benefit otherwayes but washing all over. His ulcers were dryed up in less than a fortnight’s time, which made me reflect upon the story of Naaman.”
“Feb. 22. Got to Isnick (Nicæa), which is not now within the walls, a third part inhabited, or filled with houses, most being gardens or yards enclosed with mud walls. I do not remember that I saw one tolerably good house in the town; and most were intolerably bad, little, pittyfull, low, dirty hovels, instead of houses.”
As usual, Dr. Covel’s narrative is full of archæology, and as he only stopped one day at Nicæa, it is marvellous how much he saw and put down.
“If I had had any instrument in the world to have taken a plain angle withall, I should have plotted down everything exactly. Now I have done it by guesse and loose calculation, and let that suffice.”
On his return journey he visited the islands of Prinkipo and Chalcis. He was on this latter on Feb. 25, and visited the celebrated monastery there.
“This monastery about 5 or 6 yeares since, was unfortunately burnt down, and Panagiotes[445] (the late Vizier’s Dragoman), who lyes buryed here, rebuilt it at his own cost.”
“Our first ambassador, Sir Edw. Barton, lyes buried without the outward gate, to the right hand. His armes are rudely done, but I take them to be three stagges heads above. It was cut by a Turk, and thence came all the mistakes in the writing, and at the bottome are three Cypress trees, which are commonly put on the Turks’ tombs.”[446]