[984] The older derivation is from ferrea. Jähns (p. 407) gives a host of others—Bram (thorn, bramble); Pfriem (punch, awl); Brame (a border, edging); ramen (to aim, strike), &c., &c.

[985] Arms, &c., p. 419.

[986] Annals, ii. cap. 14.

[987] De Mor. G. cap. 6.

[988] The steendysser of Denmark, dolmens of France, and cromlechs of England.

[989] P. 416, Pl. xxviii. 4. In p. 417 he gives a list of many bronze-finds.

[990] Tacit. Annals, ii. 14.

[991] Cap. 42 and 6.

[992] So the Longobards may be Long-halberts, and the Franks Francisca-men.

[993] Vegetius (ii. 15) makes them use ‘gladii majores quas Spathas vocant,’ and Isidore (68, 6) says that the gladii were ‘utraque parte acuti.’

[994] In Scandinavian, the noblest of the Germanic tongues, hjalt; in O. Germ, helza; Ang. S. helt, hielt, and in Mid. Germ. helze, gehilze (Jähns, p. 419).

[995] Jähns (p. 419) has three kinds of hilts. The oldest is the crescent, noticed above (fig. 293); it is adorned with spirals and various figures. The second, which seems to be more general in the Sahs, or short weapon, has in the place of pommel a crutch or crescent, with the horns more or less curved, and either disunited or joined by a cross-bar. Here again spirals were disposed upon the planes: we shall see them highly developed in the Scandinavian weapons of a later date. The third hilt was a kind of tang, continuing the blade, and fitted with rounded edges for making fast wood, horn, or bone: it had generally a bulge in mid-handle. The pommel proper is little developed in these Swords.

[996] ‘Sahs’ seems to have an alliance with the Latin ‘saxum’ (Jähns, p. 8, quoting Grimm). ‘Hamar’ (hammer) had the same meaning. From ‘sax’ we may probably derive the Zacco-sword of the Emperor Leo (Chronicle): ‘Item fratrem nostrum Ligonem cum zaccone vulneravit.’ The Laws of the Visigoths mention both weapons, long and short: ‘plerosque verò scutis, spatis, scramis’ (battle-axes?) ‘.... instructos habuerit.’ ‘Nimith euere saxes’ (take to your knife-swords), said Hengist, and the oaths ‘Meiner Six!’ (by my dirk), and ‘Dunner-Saxen’ (thunder sword) in Lower Saxony, are not forgotten.

[997] I have spoken of the Scramasax in chap. v. Demmin (p. 152) and others deduce ‘scrama’ (broadsword) from ‘scamata,’ the line traced on the ground between two Greek combatants(!). Hence, too, he would derive ‘scherma’ and ‘escrime’—fencing. Others prefer ‘scaran’ (to shear), which gave rise to the German ‘schere’ (scissors), and our ‘shears’ and ‘shear-steel.’ The word, however, is evidently a congener of the Germ. ‘schirmen,’ to protect, defend. Jähns (p. 418) observes that the Sahs varied greatly in size. Some authorities make it a Mihhili Mezzir (muchel knife), a large cultellus. But the Frisian Asega-buch shows it to be a murderous weapon, forbidden to be worn in peace. The finds yield at times a dirk, and at times a broadsword; such, for instance, are the Copenhagen Scramsahs, 90 centimètres long, and that of Fronstetten, which, though imperfect, weighed 4·5 lbs. The British Museum contains a fine specimen of the Scramasax with engraved Runes.

[998] P. 421. Pl. xxviii. 15.

[999] The word is the Ang. Sax. dolc, a wound, which thus gave a name to the weapon that wounded.

[1000] Bronze, pp. 261–63. Figs. 329 and 330.

[1001] Germ. 6.

[1002] Jähns (p. 439) quotes Asclepiodotus (vii. 3) and Ælian (xviii. 4), who describe the cuneus as Scythian and Thracian, i.e. barbarous. Unfortunately Jähns also cites the ‘Boar’s head’ of the Laws of Menu (Houghton’s Manava-Dharma Shastra, vii. 187), in the eighth century b.c.; Menu being centuries after Tacitus. I have noticed that the disposal of our chessmen shows the Hindú form of attack, the infantry in front, the horse and elephants (castles) on either wing, and the Rajah or Commander-in-chief in the centre and not in front.

[1003] In its purest form the Standard-bearer stood alone at the apex, as Ingo in King Odo’s battle at Mons Panchei (Montpenssier), a.d. 892.

[1004] ‘Quodque præcipuum fortitudinis incitamentum est, non casus, nec fortuita conglobatio turmam aut cuneum facit, sed familiæ et propinquitates’ (Tacit. Germ. 7).

[1005] Nat. Hist., iv. 14.

[1006] In Mario, 23.

[1007] In later times they were carefully cleaned for another object, to show their Runic inscriptions.

[1008] Malet’s Introduction to the History of Denmark.

[1009] Pliny, iv. 14. Procop. Bell. Vand. i. 1.

[1010] In O. Germ. Sper = hasta, lancea; Sperilîn = lanceola, sagitta; Ang. Sax. Sper, Engl. spear; Germ. Speer. The word seems to be a congener of Sparre, spar. Less commonly used is Spiess = hasta, cuspis; Scand. Spjot; O. Germ. Speoz, Spioz; Ang. Sax. spietu; Fr. espié, espiel, espiet, espieu; Ital. spiedo; Engl. spit. It seems to ally with the Lat. spina, and the Germ. Spitze (Jähns, p. 413).

[1011] The peculiar celts, chisels, spear-points, &c., extended over all the peninsula of Jutland, and as far south as Mark Brandenburg (Jähns, p. 6).

[1012] Neither Cæsar nor Tacitus mentions the use of the bow amongst the ancient Gauls and Germans, although the graves yield arrow-heads of stone, bone, and iron.

[1013] Dr. Evans, Bronze &c., p. 299.

[1014] I reserve Scandinavian weapons for Part II.

[1015] Origins of English History (London: Quaritch, 1852).

[1016] The Sword amongst the Anglo-Saxons and the Franks will be described at full length in Part II.

[1017] These are:

No. 1. That Bronze-casting spread from a common centre by conquest or migration.

No. 2. That each region discovered the art independently, and made its own implements.

No. 3. That the art was discovered and implements were made in one spot, whence commerce disseminated them.

No. 4. That the art was diffused from a common centre, but that the implements were constructed in the countries where they were found.

[1018] Bronze, &c., p. 475.

[1019] Bronze, p. 473. I would notice that upon the subject of ‘Celts’ the learned author joins issue with the peculiar views of M. de Mortillet, before noticed. Bronze, &c., p. 456.

[1020] The three divisions are:

No. 1. Characterised by flat or slight flanged celts and knife-daggers, found in barrows with stone implements.

No. 2. Age of heavy dagger-blades, flanged celts and tanged spear-heads, such as those from Arreton Down. In these two the Sword is unknown.

No. 3. Palstaves, socketed celts (introduced from abroad); true socketed spear-heads, Swords, and the variety of tools and weapons found in the hoards of the old bronze-founders.

And a great peculiarity in Britain is the absence of nearly all traces of the Later Bronze Period in graves and barrows.

[1021] Dr. Evans, Bronze, &c., p. 300, quoting M. Alexandre Bertrand. For the condition of the Ancient Britons during the Bronze Period, see ibid. p. 487.

[1022] In the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres of Paris. (Dr. Evans, Bronze, &c., p. 20).

[1023] ‘On the True Assignation of the Bronze Weapons,’ Trans. Ethn. Soc. N. Ser. iv. p. 7).

[1024] Bronze, &c., p. 274. See also Introductory Chapter, p. 20.

[1025] See chap. v.

[1026] Bronze, &c., p. 417.

[1027] Bronze, &c., p. 421. The list of analyses shows lead chiefly in the Irish finds.

[1028] Geog. vii. 2.

[1029] Bell. Gall. v. 12.

[1030] Evans’s Coins of the Ancient Britons. I have not yet read the work.

[1031] Cæsar (iv. 33): ‘Genus hoc est eis essedis pugnæ;’ and he speaks again (v. 15) of essedarii. The scythe-car was known to Assyria, Jewry (the Faldat of Nahum ii. 3), and Persia, where Xenophon and Plutarch attribute to it the highest importance; even the pole ended in a lance. It became a favourite with all Keltic peoples. At Sentinum (b.c. 296) the Gauls almost defeated the Romans by suddenly throwing on a force of one thousand ‘esseda currusque.’ The Tectosages, when engaged with Antiochus Soter in Phrygia (b.c.), ranged in front of their attack 240 scythe-cars, some with two and others with four horses. Antiochus the Great armed his chariots not only with two scythe blades, but also with lances ten cubits long (?), laterally projecting (Livy, xxxvii. 41). The historian also notices the Arab dromedary-riders, ‘archers who carried their swords four cubits (= 6 feet) long, that they might be able to reach the enemy from so great a height.’ When the Gæsatæ crossed the Alps (b.c. 228) they were accompanied by a vast number of war-cars (Polybius, ii. 4, 5 says 20,000 ἁρμαμάξας καὶ συνωρίδας) which did good service at the battle of Telamon. Ossian’s Fingal offers a long description of the war-car and its uses. Many remains of these two-wheeled vehicles have been found in Keltic Europe (Jähns, pp. 394–96).

[1032] Geog. iii. 6.

[1033] I cannot but attribute to Italian blood the high and aquiline features which distinguish the Briton from the Northern German; the latter has been intimately mixed with the Slav race, as a glance at the Berlinese suffices to show. Portraits of the Cavalier period explain my meaning. In the Hanoverian times the ‘Roundhead’ again came to the fore, and hence the popular ‘John Bull’ portrayed in the pages of Mr. Punch. He is a good working type, but he has not the face to command or to impose.

[1034] Bronze, &c., pp. 286–87. It was found in the river Cherwell and it is now in the Museum at Oxford. The first notice was in the Journ. Anthrop. Inst., vol. iii. 204.

[1035] Ibid. p. 287. The author suggests that it may be foreign.

[1036] Ibid. p. 288.

[1037] I have already referred to the bronze dagger from Thebes, now in the British Museum, with its narrow rapier-like blade and broad flat hilt of ivory.

[1038] Dr. Thurnam considered the tanged dagger more modern than that which was attached by rivets in the base of the blade, and his classification is followed by Dr. Evans, Bronze, &c., p. 222.

[1039] The most perfect form of the bronze rapier is found in Ireland; of this and of the moulds I shall treat in Part II.

[1040] In Agric. cap. 36.

[1041] Montfaucon, Suppl. iv., p. 16; Smith, s. v. ‘Gladius.’

[1042] ‘Pliny’s Ape.’

[1043] Prof. Rhys, of Oxford.

[1044]

[1045] The word ‘Pict,’ says Prof. Rhys, is first applied by a writer of the third century to the people beyond the Northern Wall and on the Solway. It evidently arose from their tattooing. He opines that ‘Scotti’ is of Brythonic origin having the same signification. This is better than the old (Scjot), the dart which named the Scythæ and the Scoti. The Picts, both of Alban and Ireland, called themselves Cruithing—‘which an Irish Shanachie has rightly explained to mean a people who painted the forms (Crotha, Ir. kꞃoꞇ) of beasts, birds, and fishes on their faces, and not on their faces only, but on the whole of the body.’ Again we find ourselves in