The Project Gutenberg eBook of Olympic Victor Monuments, by Walter Woodburn Hyde.

2094 The Praxitelian Hermes similarly shows an unfinished treatment of the back hair; in fact the entire back of the statue is carelessly done (Bildw. v. Ol., p. 203, fig. 233), though chisel-rasps show a subsequent attempt to better it. This condition led Treu at first (Ausgrab. v. Ol., V, p. 10; followed by Furtwaengler, Mp., p. 308, n. 7; Mw., p. 531, n. 3) to believe that the statue was made at Olympia with regard to its position in the Heraion. Later (Bildw. v. Ol., pp. 204–5) Treu believed that this merely indicated that the statue was intended to stand against a wall; and since the present base is not the original one (see Bulle, apud Purgold, Ergebnisse v. Ol., II, pp. 157 f.), that the statue was not originally meant for the temple, but was moved thither, perhaps in Nero’s day; cf. also Wernicke, Jb., IX, 1894, pp. 108 f. For the Hermes, mentioned by P., V, 17.3, and found in the cella of the Heraion on May 8, 1877, see Bildw. v. Ol., Tafelbd., Pls. XLIX-LIII; Textbd., pp. 194 f. and figs. 225–234.

2095 However, Lysippos made the statue of Polydamas of Skotoussa, who won the pankration in Ol. 93 ( = 408 B. C.), many years after the victory: see P., VI, 5.1; Hyde, 47; Foerster, 279; H. L. von Urlichs, Ueber Griech. Kunstschriftsteller, Diss. inaug., 1887, p. 26.

2097 Inschr. v. Ol., 166; cf. P., VI, 1. 4 (both victories wrongly in Ol. 102); Hyde, 6; Foerster, 338 and 345.

2098 Date given by P., VI, 4.2. See Hyde, 37; Foerster, 349, 353, 359.

2099 For the earlier dating of Lysippos, see Winter, Jb., VII, 1892, p. 169 (who begins the artist’s activity with the seventies), Treu, Bildw. v. Ol., p. 211, and Milchhoefer, Arch. Stud. fuer H. Brunn, p. 66, n. 2; see also Hyde, pp. 26–7, (who gives the sculptor’s artistic activity as Ols. 103–115 = 368–320 B. C.); E. A. Gardner, Sculpt., pp. 216–217, who dates his activity 366–316 B. C.; P. Gardner, infra, next note.

2100 J. H. S., XXV, 1905, pp. 243–249; on p. 245 he says: “There is some evidence for work by Lysippos at a later date than B. C. 320. And if he were born, as seems probable, about B. C. 390, he may well have accepted commissions, to be executed mainly by his pupils, for several years after 320.”

2101 P., VI, 4, 6–7; Hyde, 41; Foerster, 384 and 392, who, on the basis of I. G. B., p. 75, to no. 93b, dates the victories Ols. (?) 112 and 113 ( = 332 and 328 B. C.).

2102 L. c., p. 246.

2103 P., VI, 17, 3; Hyde, 175; Foerster, 390 and 397 (= Ols. ? 113 and 114, = 328 and 324 B. C. on the basis of I. G. B., p. 75).

2104 E. g., Furtwaengler, who gives 350–300 B. C. as the period of his artistic activity: Mw., p. 523, n. 3.

2105 B. C. H., XXI, 1897, p. 598 (and copied in XXIII, 1899, p. 422). The Agias is but slightly later than the Hermes, if we accept Furtwaengler’s dating for the latter, about 343 B. C.: Mp., pp. 307–308; Mw., pp. 529–531. Brunn had regarded the Hermes as a youthful work of Praxiteles: Deutsche Rundschau, VIII, 1882, pp. 188 f. Purgold, Aufsaetze E. Curtius gewidmet, pp. 233 f., and S. Reinach, Gaz. Arch., 1887, p. 282, n. 9, had assigned it to the year 363 B. C.

2106 H. N., XXXIV, 37.

2108 The two are contrasted in XXXV, 156: [Varro] laudat et Pasitelen qui plasticen matrem caela turae et statuariae scalpturaeque (= sculpturae) dixit, etc. Cf. infra, Ch. VII, p. 324, n. 4. They are also contrasted in XXXVI, 15. Sculptura is the modern title of Bk. XXXVI.

2109 II, p. 150. See also Bulle, p. 137. Amongst recent writers who oppose this view are Koepp, Ueber d. Bildnisse Alex. d. Gr., p. 29, and Preuner, op. cit., pp. 46–7.

2110 Thus the Sikyonian Kanachos worked in marble, bronze, gold and ivory, and cedar-wood: Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 50 and 75; XXXVI, 41; P., II, 10.5; IX, 10.2; etc.

2111 F. Spiro, Woch. f. kl. Philologie, XXI, 1904, col. 792 (in his review of my de olymp. Stat. a Paus. commem.).

2112 See Bildw. v. Ol., Tafelbd., Pl. LV, 1–3; Textbd., pp. 209 f.

2113 This is substantially Preuner’s view: op. cit., pp. 39–40 and 46–47; the later view of P. Wolters that the Delphi group was older than the statue at Pharsalos has already been mentioned supra, p. 292; see Sitzb. Muen. Akad., 1913, III, no. 4, pp. 44–45.

2114 In A. J. A., XI, 1907, pp. 414–16, I argued that the statue of Agias was an original and not a copy; in the present work this view is somewhat modified.

2115 So Homolle, B. C. H., XXIII, 1899, pp. 445 and 459; S. Reinach, C. R. Acad. Inscr., 1900, pp. 8 f.; H. Lechat, Rev. des Études anciennes, II, 1900, pp. 195 f.; Gardner, Hbk., p. 441; P. Gardner, J. H. S., XXIII, p. 127; cf. Preuner, op. cit., p. 38; etc. Homolle, l. c., p. 471, says that if the Agias is a copy, “c’est celui d’une copie authentique immédiate, contemporaine du modèle.” The view that the Delphi group was not original is well expressed by P. Wolters, l. c., p. 50, who says that “niemand die delphischen Statuen fuer Originale des Lysippos erklaeren wird.”

2116 Hbk., p. 441, n. 2; only two small marble props, reaching to the calves, support the ankles.

2117 This treatment gives the impression of texture and profusion; see Furtwaengler, Mp., p. 309.

2118 Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 69–71 (list of bronze works).

2119 Mechanically exact copies were unknown in the fourth century B. C. Furtwaengler has shown that such copies began to be made in the second century B. C., or possibly at the end of the third, and became common only in the first: Ueber Statuencopien im Altertum, 1896.

2120 It is mentioned by Pausanias, IX, 35.3, and the Surname “Oulios” by Strabo, XIV, 1.6 (C. 635); it is described by Plutarch, de Musica, 14 ( = 1136 A), and Macrobius, Sat., I, 1713.

2121 Schol. on Pindar, Ol., XIV, 16, Boeckh, p. 293.

2122 Bekker, Anecd. gr., p. 299, 8–9; cf. Athen., X, 24 (p. 424 f.). It appears on Athenian coins also: see Frazer, V, p. 174, figs. 8–9.

2123 P., VIII, 46.3; Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 75. Cf. Brunn, I, pp. 74 f.

2125 Op. cit. The transference to the minor arts—reliefs, coins, gems and vase-paintings—was, of course, especially common at all times. See also F. Hauser, Die neu-attischen Reliefs, 1889, and Flasch, A. Z., XXXVI, 1878, p. 119.

2126 P., VI, 8.5 and VII, 27.5. He won the pankration in Ol. 94 ( = 404 B. C.): Hyde, 81; Foerster, 286.

2127 B. C. H., XXI, 1897, pp. 616–20 (Homolle).

2128 See Amelung, R. M., IX, 1894, pp. 162 f. and Pl. VII. Cf., Treu, Bildw. v. Ol., pp. 190–191, and fig. 222 B, on pp. 188–189.

2129 J. H. S., XXIX, 1909, pp. 151–2, fig. 1 a and b (F. H. Marshall).

2130 XIII, 1909, pp. 151–7, with Pl. IV and figs. 1–3 (A head of Heracles in the style of Scopas.)

2131 Ibid., pp. 156 and 157.

2132 Museum of Fine Arts Bulletin, VIII, no. 46 (Aug., 1910), p. 26.

2134 F. Imhoof-Blumer and P. Gardner, p. 30 (reprinted from articles which appeared in the J. H. S., VI-VIII, 1885–1887).

2135 Discussed by Graef, R. M., IV, 1889, pp. 189–226. For the coin, see ibid., pp. 212–14.

2136 For the two heads of heroes, see Kabbadias, pp. 154 f., nos. 179, 180; Staïs, Marbres et Bronzes, p. 33; B. B., no. 44; Collignon, II, pp. 239, figs. 118 and 119; Ant. Denkm., I, 3, 1888, Pl. XXXV, 2–3, 4–5 (from casts); Milchhoefer, A. M., IV, 1879, pp. 133–4, nos. 24–25; G. Treu, A. Z., XXXVIII, 1880, pp. 98 f.; Luetzow, Zeitschr. f. bild. Kunst, XVII, 1882, pp. 322 f.; Baum., III, pp. 1667 f. and figs. 1733 and 1734; von Sybel, Weltgesch. d. Kunst, pp. 255 f.; Springer-Michaelis, p. 306, figs. 544, a, b; Gardner, Hbk., p. 412, fig. 105; von Mach, 469.

2137 VIII, 45.6–7; see Mendel, B. C. H., XXV, 1901, pp. 257 f., and Pls. IV, V (= head of Atalanta?), VI (= torso of Atalanta?), VII, VIII (= heads of Herakles); Gardner, Hbk., p. 416, fig. 106, has reconstructed the Atalanta from Pls. IV and VI just mentioned.

2138 L. c., p. 259. The head has been restored by a German sculptor, and the chin appears to have been made too retreating: see Encyl. Brit., 11th ed., vol. XII, s. v. “Greek Art,” Pl. III, fig. 63.

2139 From his Atalanta of Tegea, in J. H. S., XXVI, 1906, pp. 172–3, quoted in part by Dr. Bates, l. c., pp. 155–6.

2140 It was chiefly the preponderance of the lower part of the face over the upper, in consequence of the large chin and strongly marked cheek-bones, that led Treu to predicate Peloponnesian rather than Attic influence in the Tegea heads: A. M., VI, 1881, p. 408. He found them Polykleitan in character, as did also Graef, l. c., p. 210, Furtwaengler, Mp., p. 523, and Collignon, II, p. 238. L. R. Farnell, however, long ago combated the theory of Peloponnesian influence, and found analogies in fifth-century Attic works of the time of Pheidias, as well as in works from the beginning of the fourth century B. C.: see J. H. S., VII, 1886, pp. 114 f.

2141 Descriptiones stat., B (in Philostrati opera, ed. Kayser, p. 891). He also says (ibid.) that Skopas ὥσπερ ἔκ τινος ἐπιπνοίας κινηθεὶς εἰς τὴν τοῦ ἀγάλματος δημιουργίαν τὴν θεοφορίαν ἐφῆκε. The words with which Diodoros (Fragm. 1, Bk. XXVI) characterized Praxiteles, as ὁ καταμίξας ἄκρως τοῖς λιθίνοις ἔργοις τὰ τῆς ψυχῆς πάθη, apply much better to Skopas, for Praxiteles’ “emotions of the soul” are mood and temperament rather than emotion and passion.

2142 B. C. H., XXV, 1901, Pls. IV-V.

2143 The same overhanging masses of flesh, which we see in the male heads, are, however, visible in several other female heads attributed to Skopas: e. g., in the colossal one called Artemisia from the Eastern pediment of the Mausoleion: Gardner, Sculpt., Pl. LIX; in the head of an Aphrodite found in the sea off Laurion: J. H. S., XV, 1895, pp. 194f. and fig. (Aphrodite ?); in the head of a goddess found south of the Akropolis (and in the copy of it in Berlin): Gardner, Hbk., p. 457, fig. 119; and in the Dresden statuette of a Mænad: Treu, Mélanges Perrot, Pl. V; Gardner, Sculpt., Pl. LII; etc.; they are also plainly visible in the Demeter of Knidos: Gardner, Sculpt., Pl. LIII; etc. These heads are discussed by Gardner, Sculpt., pp. 190f., and are ascribed by him to Skopas.

2144 J. H. S., XXVI, 1906, p. 174. Gardner (ibid.) does not explain this contrast in expression between the Atalanta and the surrounding heroes on the analogy of the contrast in the calmness of Apollo among the struggling Lapiths from the Olympia pediment, since the action in the torso of Atalanta shows that she was no mere spectator. He finds the explanation rather in the sex and youth of the heroine; for this reason he thinks that the sculptor did not represent her as sharing equally with the others the passion of the combat. He finds a truer analogy in the contrast between calm and passion in the Lapiths and Centaurs of the Parthenon metopes, where the human and bestial are thus distinguished; just so the heroine-goddess is here distinguished from her human companions. He also supposes that Skopas was not ready thus early in his career (just after 395 B. C., when the temple of Athena Alea was destroyed by fire) to apply his new extreme of expression to female heads. However, it must not be overlooked that these male heads—because of their marked individuality—presuppose a more mature genius, and so can just as well be assigned to the period of the Arkadian revival of 370 B. C. It has recently been seriously disputed whether the Atalanta should be assigned at all to the Eastern pediment, where the French excavators placed it; thus Cultrera has looked upon it as an akroterion figure, while Thiersch and Neugebauer have identified it with a single figure representing Nike. See Cultrera, Atti dell’ Accad. dei Lincei, 1910, pp. 22f.; H. Thiersch, Zum Problem des Tegeatempels, Jb., XXVIII, 1913, p. 270; Neugebauer, Studien ueber Skopas, Leipsic, 1913; the latter has argued that the head and torso do not belong together, while Dugas has maintained the older view, that the turn and position of the neck fit the torso: Rev. de l’art anc. et mod., 1911, pp. 9f.

2145 The effect in the Tegea heads is heightened by the abrupt transition from the brow to the socket—the outer end of the upper lid being almost hidden.

2146 Kabbadias, I, p. 416, no. 869; Staïs, Marbres et Bronzes, pp. 168 f. and fig.; Conze, Griech. Grabreliefs, IX, 1897, no. 1055 and Pl. CCXI; B. B., 469; Bulle, 267; von Mach, 369; P. Gardner, Sculptured Tombs of Hellas, 1896, Pl. XIV and p. 152; Gardner, Sculpt., Pl. LXV and p. 208; Graef, R. M., IV, 1889, pp. 199 f.; von Sybel, Weltgesch. d. Kunst, fig. 204; id., Zeitschr. f. bild. Kunst, N. F., II, p. 293; cf. Wolters, A. M., XVIII, 1893, p. 6. It is 1.68 meters in height and 1.07 in breadth (Staïs). The likeness of the head of the athlete in this relief to that of the Agias is striking.

2147 It was formerly in the Sala di Meleagro, but was later removed to the Sala degli animali; Helbig, Fuehrer, I, 128, and Nachtrag; Guide, I, p. 78, no. 133; Amelung, Vat., II, p. 33, no. 10, and Pls. II and XII; B. B., 386; von Mach, 216; id., Greek Sculpture, Its Spirit and Principles, 1903, pp. 279 f.; Bulle, p. 484, fig. 145; Ant. Denkm., I, 4, 1889, Pl. XL, 1a, 1b (head); Graef, R. M., IV, pp. 218 f.; Reinach, Rép., 1, 479, 2; Clarac, 805, 2021. It is 2.10 meters high (Amelung).

2148 De olymp. Stat., p. 28.

2149 Mp., 296 f.; cf. Homolle, B. C. H., XXIII, 1899, p. 450, n. 2. Furtwaengler thought that the head was Attic and believed that it was the direct successor of the Munich Oil-pourer (Pl. 11), the Standing Diskobolos of the Vatican (Pl. 6), the Florence Apoxyomenos (Pl. 12), and analogous to the Ilissos relief (Fig. 74), two bronze heads from Herculaneum (a = F. W., 1302, and Comparetti e de Petra, La Villa Ercol., Pl. VII, 3; b = ibid., Pl. X, 2), and other works; Graef, op. cit., p. 199, and Gardner, Sculpt., pp. 198–9, regard it as Skopasian; Kalkmann, Die Proport. d. Gesichts in d. gr. Kunst, 53stes Berl. Winckelmannsprogr., p. 60, n. 3, believes that it shows Polykleitan influence.

2150 Ancient Marbles in Great Britain, p. 451.

2151 P. Gardner, J. H. S., XXIII, 1903, p. 128 (cf. XXV, 1895, p. 240), has called it “definitely a Lysippic work”; similarly Cultrera, Una Statua di Ercole, Mem. della R. Accad. dei Lincei, p. 188; recently, T. L. Shear, A. J. A., XX, 1916, pp. 297–298.

2152 Op. cit., pp. 219 f.

2153 Von Mach, 214; Reinach, Rép., I, 484, 1; another in Copenhagen: Furtw.-Urlichs, Denkm., Pl. XXXII (opp. p. 98); a head is also in the Ny-Carlsberg collection there: La Glypt. Ny-Carlsberg, no. 362 and Pl. 100.

2154 Ant. Denkm., I, 4, 1889, Pl. XL, 2a, 2b, p. 29 (Petersen); Collignon, II, p. 250, fig. 127; Bulle, 212 and fig. 144, on p. 481; Furtw., Mp., Pl. XV. For the Apollo torso, see M. D., I, no. 215.

2155 Mentioned in Not. Scav., 1895, p. 196, and figs. 1–2, and in R. M., X, p. 92 (Petersen); briefly described by R. Norton, Harvard Graduates’ Magazine, VIII, 1900 (June), pp. 485 f.; von Mach, 215; Reinach, Rép., II, 2, 555, 6. Cf. A. J. A., IV, 1900, p. 275 and V, 1901, pp. 29 f. (latter = abstract of paper by von Mach). The Cambridge copy was found about 300 feet from the spot where the Berlin copy was discovered.

2156 H. N., XXXIV, 66; in the text, et Alexandrum Thespiis venatorem, it is best to understand venatorem as an appositive, therefore indicating a statue of Alexander as hunter. As the boar (in the bronze original no support was necessary) is a Roman accessory like the chlamys, it is best to call the work under discussion not Meleager, but merely hunter and dog (so Furtw.-Urlichs, Denkm., l. c.). It was probably dedicated by a successful hunter to Artemis, or else it was a grave-monument, as such figures are common on sarcophagi: see Robert, Ant. Sarcoph. Reliefs, IV, Pls. XLVII, 154, and XLIX, 155, pp. 188 f.; and also on Attic grave-reliefs: e. g., on the Ilissos relief mentioned above (Fig. 74).

2157 Furtw., Mp., pp. 304–5; Furtw.-Urlichs, Amelung, Helbig, von Mach, Arndt, E. Sellers-Strong (see introduction to Furtw., Mp., p. XIII), etc.

2158 J. H. S., XXIII, 1903, pp. 128–129.

2159 Sculpt., p. 219.

2160 Cf. P. Gardner, Types of Greek Coins, 1883, Pl. XII, 16.

2161 Pl. LXIX in Six Greek Sculptors. E. A. Gardner (p. 226) is doubtless right in believing that this form of brow was a personal peculiarity of Alexander, as it recurs so often in his portraits. It is seen in the head of Alexander on the sarcophagus from Sidon (either by a pupil of Lysippos or by some sculptor under his influence), the reliefs from which portray the same subject as the bronze group by Lysippos in Delphi mentioned by Pliny, H. N., XXXIV, 64, dedicated by Krateros on the occasion narrated by Plutarch, Vita Alex. Magni, 40, who states that the group was executed conjointly with Leochares: see Hamdy Bey et Th. Reinach, Une nécropole royale à Sidon, 1892, Pl. XXXIII, no. 6 (reproduced by Gardner, Sculpt., Pl. LXXI). So far as I know, it occurs in Lysippan work to a prominent degree only in likenesses of Alexander. We know that Lysippos created the Alexander-type of head, as he alone could reproduce his manly and leonine air (cf. Plut., de Alex. M. fortuna aut virtute, oratio II, 2, = p. 335). It is, to a less extent, present in the Azara head in the Louvre, which, owing to its likeness to the head of the Apoxyomenos, used to be taken as the nearest copy of the original by Lysippos.

2162 It should be observed that the axis of the right eye in the head from Sparta droops slightly, which causes the eyeball to turn in. This seems to me to be merely the result of imperfect skill in modeling. It has a tendency to give to the face a look of greater intensity.

2163 See supra, pp. 295–6.

2164 B. C. H. XXIII, 1899, p. 455. Furtwaengler, Bronz. v. Ol., pp. 10 f., has shown that it was a favorite device to represent boxers and pancratiasts with a sombre look (“der finstere Blick”).

2165 1102:κοὐδεὶς τροπαῖ’ ἔστησε τῶν ἐμῶν χερῶν.

2166 In the passage already cited from de Alex. Magn. fort. aut virtute, Orat. II, 2, (= p. 385c); ... καὶ τῶν ὀμμάτων τὴν διάχυσιν καὶ ὑγρότητα, κ. τ. λ.; cf. also his Vita Alex. Magni, IV (= p. 666), ... τὴν ὑγρότητα τῶν ὀμμάτων.

2167 The hair of the head from Sparta, like that of the Agias and the Philandridas, has not the expression displayed in some Lysippan heads (notably in portraits of Alexander), nor the detail which we should expect from Pliny’s statement that Lysippos excelled in his treatment of hair (H. N., XXXIV, 65; see next note). But the Agias and the Philandridas represent pancratiasts, and here we should not expect such expression. In the Agias, the hair, even if lacking in detail, is treated carefully and with variety.

2168 H. N., XXXIV, 65: propriae huius videntur esse argutiae operum custoditae in minimis quoque rebus. Here the word argutiae means “subtlety,” rather than “animation,” as given in Harper’s Latin Dictionary.

2169 I need hardly add that such an idealizing tendency should be carefully distinguished from the deification of mortals which came into prominence after the time of Alexander, but existed in Greece from the early fifth century B. C., at least. The case of heroizing the Thasian Theagenes, who won at Olympia in boxing and the pankration in Ols. 75 and 76 ( = 480 and 475 B. C.), has been discussed with similar ones in Ch. I, p. 35. But the fact that a victor wanted his statue to be more or less assimilated to the ideal type of the hero, whom he regarded as his athletic prototype and ideal, does not mean that he had any idea of looking upon himself as a god.

2170 This would explain the simple, even sketchy, treatment of the closely cropped hair, just as in the Agias and the Philandridas. The similarly parted lips of the Sparta head are certainly more appropriate to an athlete represented as weary with his toil than to a youthful Herakles. The slightly fierce expression of the face, augmented by the already noted imperfection in the modeling of the right eyeball, recalls the γοργόν look characteristic of boxers and pancratiasts; cf. supra, p. 317, n. 2. On the threatening eyes of contestants in general, see Xenophon, Mem., III, 10, 6–8, and supra, p. 59.

The head appears to me to be that of a boy of about sixteen years; its style is too early for a victor in the boys’ pankration, as this event was not introduced at Olympia until the 145th Olympiad ( = 200 B. C.): see Paus., V, 8.11 and Ph., 13. The wrestling match for boys was introduced in 01. 37 ( = 632 B. C.): see Paus., V, 8.9, and Afr. Boys were first allowed to box in Ol. 41 ( = 616 B. C.): see Paus., ibid. (though Philostratos, 13, gives two traditions, Ols. 41 and 60).

2171 We have record of only one statue of a victor set up in Sparta, that of the wrestler Hetoimokles, who won at the beginning of the sixth century B. C.: see Paus., III, 13.9, and cf. infra, Ch. VIII, p. 362, no. 4.

2172 In the present chapter I have partly rewritten two articles which have appeared in the A. J. A.; the first, entitled, Were Olympic Victor Statues Exclusively of Bronze?, in vol. XIX, 2d Ser., 1915, pp. 57–62; the second, The Oldest Dated Victor Statue, in vol. XVIII, 2d Ser., 1914, pp. 156–164 and Fig. I. I am indebted to Dr. J. M. Paton, former editor-in-chief, for permission to use them in the present work.