Besides ordering Captain Cook to sail on this important voyage, government, in earnest about the object of it, adopted a measure, which, while it could not but have a powerful operation on the crews of the Resolution and Discovery, by adding the motives of interest, to the obligations of duty; at the same time encouraged all his Majesty’s subjects to engage in attempts toward the proposed discovery. By the act of parliament, passed in 1745^[39], a reward of twenty thousand pounds had been held out. But it had been held out only to the ships belonging to any of his Majesty’s subjects, exclusive of his Majesty’s own ships. The act had a still more capital defect. It held out this reward only to such ships as should discover a passage through Hudson’s Bay; and, as we shall soon take occasion to explain, it was by this time pretty certain, that no such passage existed within those limits. Effectual care was taken to remedy both these defects, by passing a new law; which, after reciting the provisions of the former, proceeds as follows: “And, whereas, many advantages, both to commerce and science, may be also expected from the discovery of any Northern passage for vessels by sea, between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans—be it enacted, That if any ship belonging to any of his Majesty’s subjects, or to his Majesty, shall find out, and sail through, any passage by sea, between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, in any direction, or parallel of the northern hemisphere, to the northward of the 52° of northern latitude, the owners of such ships, if belonging to any of his Majesty’s subjects, or the commander, officers, and seamen, of such ship belonging to his Majesty, shall receive as a reward for such discovery, the sum of twenty thousand pounds.

“And whereas ships employed, both in the Spitzbergen Seas, and in Davis’s Straits, have frequent opportunities of approaching the North Pole, though they have not time, during the course of one summer, to penetrate into the Pacific Ocean; and whereas, such approaches may greatly tend to the discovery of a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, as well as be attended with many advantages to commerce and science, &c. be it enacted, That if any ship shall approach to within 1° of the North Pole, the owner, &c. or commander, &c. so approaching, shall receive, as a reward for such first approach, the sum of five thousand pounds.”^[40]

That nothing might be omitted that could facilitate the success of Captain Cook’s expedition, some time before he sailed, in the beginning of the summer of 1776, Lieutenant Pickersgill, appointed commander of his Majesty’s armed brig the Lion, was ordered “to proceed to Davis’s Straits, for the protection of the British whale-fishers;” and that first object being secured, he was then “required and directed to proceed up Baffin’s Bay, and explore the coasts thereof, as far as, in his judgment, the same could be done without apparent risk, taking care to leave the above mentioned bay so timely as to secure his return to England in the fall of the year;” and it was farther enjoined to him, “to make nautical remarks of every kind, and to employ Mr. Lane (master of the vessel under his command) in surveying, making charts, and taking views of the several bays, harbours, and different parts of the coasts which he might visit, and in making such notations thereon as might be useful to geography and navigation.”^[41]

Pickersgill, we see, was not to attempt the discovery of the passage. He was directed to explore the coasts of Baffin’s Bay, with a view only to bring back, the same year, some information, which might be a useful direction toward planning an intended voyage into that bay the ensuing summer, to try for the discovery of a passage on that side, with a view to co-operate with Captain Cook, who, it was supposed (from the tenor of his instructions) would be trying for this passage, about the same time, from the opposite side of America.

Pickersgill, obeying his instructions, at least in this instance, did return that year; but there were sufficient reasons for not sending him out again; and the command of the next expedition into Baffin’s Bay was conferred on Lieutenant Young; whose instructions, having an immediate connection with our voyage, are here inserted.

“Whereas, in pursuance of the King’s pleasure, signified to us by the Earl of Sandwich, his Majesty’s sloops, the Resolution and Discovery, have been sent out under the command of Captain Cook, in order, during this and the ensuing year, to attempt a discovery of a northern passage, by sea, from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean; and, for that purpose, to run up as high as the latitude of 65° north, where, it is hoped, he will be able to arrive in the month of June next; and there, and as much further to the northward as in his prudence he shall think proper, very carefully to search for, and explore such rivers, or inlets, as may appear to be of a considerable extent, and pointing to Hudson’s or Baffin’s Bays, or the North Sea; and, upon finding any passage through, sufficient for the purposes of navigation, to attempt such passage with one or both of the sloops; or, if they are judged to be too large, with smaller vessels, the frames of which have been sent out with him for that purpose: And, whereas, in pursuance of his Majesty’s further pleasure, signified as aforesaid, the armed vessel under your command hath been fitted in order to proceed to Baffin’s Bay, with a view to explore the western parts thereof, and to endeavour to find a passage, on that side, from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, and we have thought fit to intrust you with the conduct of that voyage; you are therefore hereby required and directed to put to sea in the said armed vessel, without a moment’s loss of time, and make the best of your way into Baffin’s Bay, and so use your best endeavours to explore the western shores thereof, as far as in your judgment the same can be done, without apparent risk, and to examine such considerable rivers or inlets as you may discover; and, in case you find any, through which there may be a probability of passing into the Pacific Ocean, you are to attempt such passage; and if you succeed in the attempt, and shall be able to repass it again, so as to return to England this year, you are to make the best of your way to Spithead, or the Nore, and remain there until you receive further order; sending us an account of your arrival and proceedings. But if you shall succeed in the attempt, and shall find the season too far advanced for you to return the same way, you are then to look out for the most convenient place to winter in, and to endeavour to return by the said passage as early in the next year as the season will admit, and then to make the best of your way to England, as above directed.

“In case, however, you should not find, or should be satisfied there is not any probability of finding, any such passage; or, finding it, you should not be able to get through in the vessel you command, you are then to return to England, as before mentioned, unless you shall find any branch of the sea leading to the westward which you shall judge likely to afford a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and which you shall not be able to explore in the course of this year, it being, in that case, left to your discretion to stay the winter in the most commodious situation you can find, in order to pursue the discovery next year, if you shall find it adviseable so to do; and, having discovered such passage, or not succeeded in the attempt, you are to make the best of your way to England, as above directed.”

It was natural to hope, that something would have been done in one or other, or in both these voyages of the Lion, that might have opened our views with regard to the practicability of a passage from this side of America. But, unfortunately, the execution did not answer the expectations conceived. Pickersgill, who had acquired professional experience when acting under Captain Cook, justly merited the censure he received, for improper behaviour when intrusted with command in Davis’s Straits; and the talents of Young, as it afterward appeared, were more adapted to contribute to the glory of a victory, as commander of a line-of-battle ship, than to add to geographical discoveries, by encountering mountains of ice, and exploring unknown coasts.^[42]

Both Pickersgill and Young having been ordered to proceed into Baffin’s Bay; and Captain Cook being directed not to begin his search till he should arrive in the latitude of 65°, it may not be improper to say something here of the reasons which weighed with those who planned the voyages, and framed the instructions, to carry their views so far northward, as the proper situation, where the passage, if it existed at all, was likely to be attempted with success. It may be asked, why was Hudson’s Bay neglected on our side of America? and why was not Captain Cook ordered to begin his search on its opposite side, in much lower latitudes? particularly, why not explore the strait leading into the Western sea of John de Fuca, between the latitudes of 47° and 48°; the Archipelago of St. Lazarus of Admiral de Fonte, between 50° and 55°; and the rivers and lakes through which he found a passage north-eastward, till he met with a ship from Boston?

As to the pretended discoveries of de Fuca, the Greek pilot, or of de Fonte, the Spanish admiral, though they have sometimes found their way into fictitious maps, or have been warmly contended for by the espousers of fanciful systems, to have directed Captain Cook to spend any time in tracing them, would have been as wise a measure as if he had been directed to trace the situation of Lilliput or Brobdignac. The latter are, indeed, confessedly, mere objects of imagination; and the former, destitute of any sufficient external evidence, bear so many striking marks of internal absurdity, as warrant our pronouncing them to be the fabric of imposture. Captain Cook’s instructions were founded on an accurate knowledge of what had been already done, and of what still remained to do; and this knowledge pointed out the inutility of beginning his search for a passage till his arrival in the latitude of 65°; of which every fair and capable inquirer will be abundantly convinced, by an attention to the following particulars.

He had, between the latitude of 65° and 66°, found a very considerable inlet running westward, into which he entered with his ships; and, “after repeated trials of the tides, and endeavours to discover the nature and course of the opening, for three weeks successively, he found the flood constantly to come from the eastward; and that it was a large river he had got into;” to which he gave the name of Wager River.^[43]

The accuracy, or rather the fidelity of this report was denied by Mr. Dobbs, who contended that this opening is a strait, and not a fresh water river, and that Middleton, if he had examined it properly, would have found a passage through it to the Western American Ocean. The failure of this voyage, therefore, only served to furnish our zealous advocate for the discovery, with new arguments for attempting it once more; and he had the good fortune, after getting the reward of twenty thousand pounds established by act of parliament, to prevail upon a society of gentlemen and merchants to fit out the Dobbs and California; which ships, it was hoped, would be able to find their way into the Pacific Ocean, by the very opening which Middleton’s voyage had pointed out, and which he was believed to have misrepresented.

This renovation of hope only produced fresh disappointment. For it is well known, that the voyage of the Dobbs and California, instead of confuting, strongly confirmed all that Middleton had asserted. The supposed strait was found to be nothing more than a fresh water river, and its utmost western navigable boundaries were now ascertained, by accurate examination. But though Wager’s Strait had thus disappointed our hopes, as had also done Rankin’s Inlet, which was now found to be a close bay; and though other arguments, founded on the supposed course of the tides in Hudson’s Bay appeared to be groundless, such is our attachment to an opinion once adopted, that, even after the unsuccessful issue of the voyage of the Dobbs and California, a passage through some other place in that bay was, by many, considered as attainable; and, particularly, Chesterfield’s (formerly called Bowden’s) Inlet, lying between latitude 63° and 64°, succeeded Wager’s Strait, in the sanguine expectations of those who remained unconvinced by former disappointments. Mr. Ellis, who was on board the ships, and who wrote the history of the voyage, holds up this as one of the places where the passage may be sought for, upon very rational grounds, and with very good effects.^[44] He also mentions Repulse Bay, nearly in latitude 67°; but as to this he speaks less confidently; only saying, that by an attempt there, we might probably approach nearer to the discovery.^[45] He had good reason for thus guarding his expression; for the committee who directed this voyage, admitting the impracticability of effecting a passage at Repulse Bay, had refused allowing the ships to go into it, being satisfied as to that place.^[46]

Setting Repulse Bay, therefore, aside, within which we have no reason for believing that any inlet exists, there remained no part of Hudson’s Bay to be searched, but Chesterfield’s Inlet, and a small track of coast between the latitude 62°, and what is called the South Point of Main, which had been left unexplored by the Dobbs and California.

But this last gleam of hope has now disappeared. The aversion of the Hudson’s Bay Company to contribute any thing to the discovery of a north-west passage, had been loudly reported by Mr. Dobbs; and the public seemed to believe that the charge was well founded. But still, in justice to them, it must be allowed, that, in 1720, they had sent Messrs. Knight and Barlow in a sloop on this very discovery; but these unfortunate people were never more heard of. Mr. Scroggs, who sailed in search of them, in 1722, only brought back proofs of their shipwreck, but no fresh intelligence about a passage, which he was also to look for. They also sent a sloop and a shallop, to try for this discovery, in 1737; but to no purpose. If obstructions were thrown in the way of Captain Middleton, and of the commanders of the Dobbs and California, the Governor and Committee of the Hudson’s Bay Company, since that time, we must acknowledge, have made amends for the narrow prejudices of their predecessors; and we have it in our power to appeal to facts, which abundantly testify, that every thing has been done by them, that could be required by the public, toward perfecting the search for a north-west passage.

In the year 1761, Captain Christopher sailed from Fort Churchill, in the sloop Churchill; and his voyage was not quite fruitless: for he sailed up Chesterfield’s Inlet, through which a passage had, by Mr. Ellis’s account of it, been so generally expected. But when the water turned brackish, which marked that he was not in a strait, but in a river, he returned.

To leave no room for a variety of opinion, however, he was ordered to repeat the voyage the ensuing summer, in the same sloop, and Mr. Norton, in a cutter, was appointed to attend him. By the favour of the Governor and Committee of the Company, the Journals of Captain Christopher, and of Mr. Norton, and Captain Christopher’s chart of the Inlet, have been readily communicated. From these authentic documents, it appears that the search and examination of Chesterfield’s Inlet was now completed. It was found to end in a fresh water lake, at the distance of about one hundred and seventy miles from the sea. This lake was found also to be about twenty-one leagues long, and from five to ten broad, and to be completely closed up on every side, except to the west, where there was a little rivulet; to survey the state of which, Mr. Norton and the crew of the cutter having landed, and marched up the country, saw that it soon terminated in three falls, one above another, and not water for a small boat over them; and ridges, mostly dry from side to side, for five or six miles higher.

Thus ends Chesterfield’s Inlet, and all Mr. Ellis’s expectations of a passage through it to the Western Ocean. The other part of the coast, from latitude 62°, to the South Point of Main, within which limits hopes were also entertained of finding a passage, have, of late years, been thoroughly explored. It is here that Pistol Bay is situated; which the author who has writ last in this country, on the probability of a north-west passage^[47], speaks of as the only remaining part of Hudson’s Bay where this western communication may exist. But this has been also examined; and, on the authority of Captain Christopher, we can assure the reader, that there is no inlet of any consequence in all that part of the coast. Nay, he has, in an open boat, sailed round the bottom of what is called Pistol Bay, and, instead of a passage to a western sea, found it does not run above three or four miles inland.

Besides these voyages by sea, which satisfy us that we must not look for a passage to the South of 67° of latitude; we are indebted to the Hudson’s Bay Company for a journey by land which has thrown much additional light on this matter, by affording what may be called demonstration, how much farther north, at least in some part of their voyage, ships must hold their course, before they can pass from one side of America to the other. The Northern Indians, who come down to the Company’s forts for trade, had brought to the knowledge of our people, the existence of a river; which, from copper abounding near it, had got the name of the Copper-mine River. We read much about this river in Mr. Dobbs’s publications, and he considers the Indian accounts of it as favourable to his system. The Company being desirous of examining the matter with precision, ordered their Governor of Prince of Wales’s Fort, to send a proper person to travel by land, under the escort of some trusty Northern Indians, with orders to proceed to this famous river, to take an accurate survey of its course, and to trace it to the sea, into which it empties itself. Mr. Hearne, a young gentleman in their service, who, having been an officer in the navy, was well qualified to make observations for fixing the longitude and latitude, and make drawings of the country he shall pass through, and of the river which he was to examine, was appointed for this service.

Accordingly, he set out from Fort Prince of Wales, on Churchill River, in latitude 58° 50ʹ, on the 7th of December, 1770; and the whole of his proceedings, from time to time, are faithfully preserved in his written Journal. The publication of this would not be an unacceptable present to the world, as it draws a plain artless picture of the savage modes of life, the scanty means of subsistence, and indeed of the singular wretchedness, in every respect, of the various tribes, who, without fixed habitations, pass their miserable lives, roving throughout the dreary deserts, and over the frozen lakes of the immense track of continent through which Mr. Hearne passed, and which he may be said to have added to the geography of the globe. His general course was to the north-west, in the month of June, 1771, being then at a place called Conge catha wha Chaga, he had, to use his own words, two good observations, both by meridian and double altitudes, the mean of which determines this place to be in latitude 68° 46ʹ north, and, by account, in longitude 24° 2ʹ west of Churchill River. On the 13th of July (having left Conge catha wha Chaga by the 2d, and travelling still to the west of north) he reached the Copper-mine River: and was not a little surprized to find it differ so much from the descriptions given of it by the natives at the fort; for, instead of being likely to be navigable for a ship, it is, at this part, scarcely navigable for an Indian canoe; three falls being in sight, at one view, and being choked up with shoals and stony ridges.

Here Mr. Hearne began his survey of the river. This he continued till he arrived at its mouth, near which his Northern Indians massacred twenty-one Esquimaux, whom they surprized in their tents. We shall give Mr. Hearne’s account of his arrival at the sea, in his own words. “After the Indians had plundered the tents of the Esquimaux of all the copper, &c. they were then again ready to assist me in making an end to the survey; the sea then in sight from the north-west by west to the north-east, distant about eight miles. It was then about five in the morning of the 17th, when I again proceeded to survey the river to the mouth, still found, in every respect, no ways likely, or a possibility of being made navigable, being full of shoals and falls: and, at the entrance, the river emptying itself over a dry flat of the shore. For the tide was then out, and seemed, by the edges of the ice, to flow about twelve or fourteen feet, which will only reach a little within the river’s mouth. That being the case, the water in the river had not the least brackish taste. But I am sure of its being the sea, or some part thereof, by the quantity of whale-bone and seal-skins the Esquimaux had at their tents; as also the number of seals which I saw upon the ice. The sea, at the river’s mouth, was full of islands and shoals, as far as I could see, by the assistance of a pocket telescope; and the ice was not yet broken up, only thawed away about three quarters of a mile from the shore, and a little way round the islands and shoals.

“By the time I had completed this survey it was about one in the morning of the 18th; but in these high latitudes, and this time of the year, the sun is always a good height above the horizon. It then came on a thick drizzling rain, with a thick fog; and, as finding the river and sea, in every respect, not likely to be of any utility, I did not think it worth while to wait for fair weather, to determine the latitude exactly by an observation. But, by the extraordinary care I took in observing the courses and distances, walked from Congecathawhachaaga, where I had two good observations, the latitude may be depended on, within twenty miles at farthest.”

From the map which Mr. Hearne constructed of the country through which he passed, in this singular journey, and which we have been permitted to copy upon our general chart, it appears that the mouth of the Copper-mine river lies in the latitude 72°, and above 25° West longitude from the fort, from whence he took his departure.^[48]

The consequences resulting from this extensive discovery are obvious. We now see that the continent of North America stretches from Hudson’s Bay so far to the north-west that Mr. Hearne had travelled near thirteen hundred miles before he arrived at the sea. His most western distance from the coast of Hudson’s Bay was near six hundred miles^[49]; and that his Indian guides were well apprized of a vast tract of continent stretching farther on in that direction is certain from many circumstances mentioned in his journal; one of which, as besides establishing this fact, it presents us with a very striking picture of savage life, has been transcribed in the following note.^[50]

What is now for the first time authentically laid before the public, with regard to the discoveries made by the Hudson’s Bay Company, was well known to the noble lord who presided at the Board of Admiralty, when this voyage was undertaken; and the intimate connection of those discoveries with the plan of the voyage, of course regulated the instructions given to Captain Cook.

And now, may we not take it upon us to appeal to every candid and capable inquirer, whether that part of the instructions which directed the captain not to lose time, in exploring rivers or inlets, or upon any other account, till he got into the latitude of 65°, was not framed judiciously: as there were such indubitable proofs that no passage existed so far to the south as any part of Hudson’s Bay, and that if a passage could be effected at all, part of it at least must be traversed by the ships as far to the northward as the latitude 72°, where Mr. Hearne arrived at the sea?

We may add as a farther consideration, in support of this article of the instructions, that Beering’s Asiatic discoveries, in 1728, having traced that continent to the latitude of 67°, Captain Cook’s approach toward that latitude was to be wished for, that he might be enabled to bring back more authentic information than the world had hitherto obtained, about the relative situation and vicinity of the two continents, which was absolutely necessary to be known, before the practicability of sailing between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, in any northern direction, could be ascertained.

After all that search in a lower latitude which they who give credit (if any such there now be) to the pretended discoveries of de Fonte, affect to wish had been recommended to Captain Cook, has (if that will cure them of their credulity,) been satisfactorily made. The Spaniards, roused from their lethargy by our voyages, and having caught a spark of enterprize from our repeated visits to the Pacific Ocean, have followed us more than once into the line of our discoveries within the Southern tropic; and have also fitted out expeditions to explore the American continent to the north of California. It is to be lamented, that there should be any reasons why the transactions of those Spanish voyages have not been fully disclosed, with the same liberal spirit of information which other nations have adopted. But, fortunately, this excessive caution of the court of Spain has been defeated, at least in one instance, by the publication of an authentic Journal of their last voyage of discovery upon the coast of America, in 1775; for which the world is indebted to the Honourable Mr. Daines Barrington. This publication, which conveys some information of real consequence to geography, and has therefore been referred to more than once in the following work, is particularly valuable in this respect, that some parts of the coast which Captain Cook, in his progress northward, was prevented by unfavourable winds from approaching, were seen and examined by the Spanish ships who preceded him; and the perusal of the following extract from their Journal, may be recommended to those (if any such there be) who would represent it as an imperfection in Captain Cook’s voyage, that he had not an opportunity of examining the coast of America, in the latitude assigned to the discoveries of Admiral Fonte. “We now attempted to find out the Straits of Admiral Fonte, though, as yet, we had not discovered the Archipelago of St. Lazarus, through which he is said to have sailed. With this intent, we searched every bay and recess of the coast, and sailed round every headland, lying to in the night, that we might not lose sight of this entrance. After these pains taken, and being favoured by a north-west wind, it may be pronounced that no such straits are to be found.^[51]”

In this Journal, the Spaniards boast of “having reached so high a latitude as 58°, beyond what any other navigators had been able to effect in those seas.”^[52] Without diminishing the merit of their performance, we may be permitted to say that it will appear very inconsiderable, indeed, in comparison of what Captain Cook effected, in the voyage of which an account is given in these volumes. Besides exploring the land in the South Indian Ocean, of which Kerguelen, in two voyages, had been able to obtain but a very imperfect knowledge; adding also many considerable accessions to the geography of the Friendly Islands, and discovering the noble group, now called Sandwich Islands, in the Northern part of the Pacific Ocean, of which not the faintest trace can be met with in the account of any former voyage; besides these preliminary discoveries, the reader of the following work will find, that in one summer, our English navigator discovered a much larger proportion of the north-west coast of America than the Spaniards, though settled in the neighbourhood, had, in all their attempts for above two hundred years, been able to do; that he has put it beyond all doubt that Beering and Tscherikoff had really discovered the continent of America in 1741, and has also established the prolongation of that continent westward opposite Kamtschatka, which speculative writers, wedded to favourite systems, had affected so much to disbelieve^[53], and which, though admitted by Muller, had, since he wrote, been considered as disproved by later Russian discoveries^[54]; that, besides ascertaining the true position of the western coasts of America, with some inconsiderable interruptions, from latitude 44° up to beyond the latitude 70°, he has also ascertained the position of the north-eastern extremity of Asia, by confirming Beering’s discoveries in 1728, and adding extensive accessions of his own; that he has given us more authentic information concerning the islands lying between the two continents, than the Kamtschatka traders, ever since Beering first taught them to venture on this sea, had been able to procure^[55]; that, by fixing the relative situation of Asia and America, and discovering the narrow bounds of the strait that divides them, he has thrown a blaze of light upon this important part of the geography of the globe, and solved the puzzling problem about the peopling of America, by tribes destitute of the necessary means to attempt long navigations; and, lastly, that, though the principal object of the voyage failed, the world will be greatly benefited even by the failure, as it has brought us to the knowledge of the existence of the impediments which future navigators may expect to meet with in attempting to go to the East Indies through Beering’s Strait.

The extended review we have taken of the preceding voyages, and the general outline we have sketched out, of the transactions of the last, which are recorded at full length in these volumes, will not, it is hoped, be considered as a prolix or unnecessary detail. It will serve to give a just notion of the whole plan of discovery executed by his Majesty’s commands. And it appearing that much was aimed at, and much accomplished, in the unknown parts of the globe, in both hemispheres, there needs no other consideration, to give full satisfaction to those who possess an enlarged way of thinking, that a variety of useful purposes must have been effected by these researches. But there are others, no doubt, who, too diffident of their own abilities, or too indolent to exert them, would wish to have their reflections assisted, by pointing out what those useful purposes are. For the use of such, the following enumeration of particulars is entered upon. And if there should be any, who affect to undervalue the plan, or the execution of our voyages, what shall now be offered, if it do not convince them, may, at least, check the influence of their unfavourable decision.

1. It may be fairly considered, as one great advantage accruing to the world from our late surveys of the globe, that they have confuted fanciful theories, too likely to give birth to impracticable undertakings.

After Captain Cook’s persevering and fruitless traverses through every corner of the southern hemisphere, who, for the future, will pay any attention to the ingenious reveries of Campbell, de Brosses, and de Buffon? or hope to establish an intercourse with such a continent as Maupertuis’s fruitful imagination had pictured? A continent equal, at least, in extent, to all the civilized countries in the known northern hemisphere, where new men, new animals, new productions of every kind, might be brought forward to our view, and discoveries be made, which would open inexhaustible treasures of commerce.^[56] We can now boldly take it upon us to discourage all expeditions, formed on such reasonings of speculative philosophers, into a quarter of the globe where our persevering English navigator, instead of this promised fairy land, found nothing but barren rocks, scarcely affording shelter to penguins and seals; and dreary seas, and mountains of ice, occupying the immense space allotted to imaginary paradises, and the only treasures there to be discovered, to reward the toil, and to compensate the dangers of the unavailing search.

Or, if we carry our reflections into the northern hemisphere, could Mr. Dobbs have made a single convert, much less could he have been the successful solicitor of two different expeditions, and have met with encouragement from the legislature, with regard to his favourite passage through Hudson’s Bay, if Captain Christopher had previously explored its coasts, and if Mr. Hearne had walked over the immense continent behind it? Whether, after Captain Cook’s and Captain Clerke’s discoveries on the west side of America, and their report of the state of Beering’s Strait, there can be sufficient encouragement to make future attempts to penetrate into the Pacific Ocean in any northern direction, is a question, for the decision of which the public will be indebted to this work.

2. But our voyages will benefit the world, not only by discouraging future unprofitable searches, but also by lessening the dangers and distresses formerly experienced in those seas, which are within the line of commerce and navigation, now actually subsisting. In how many instances have the mistakes of former navigators, in fixing the true situations of important places, been rectified? What accession to the variation chart? How many nautical observations have been collected, and are now ready to be consulted, in directing a ship’s course, along rocky shores, through narrow straits, amidst perplexing currents, and dangerous shoals? But, above all, what numbers of new bays, and harbours, and anchoring-places, are now, for the first time, brought forward, where ships may be sheltered and their crews find tolerable refreshments? To enumerate all these would be to transcribe great part of the journals of our several commanders, whose labours will endear them to every navigator whom trade or war may carry into their tracks. Every nation that sends a ship to sea, will partake of the benefit; but Great Britain herself, whose commerce is boundless, must take the lead in reaping the full advantage of her own discoveries.

In consequence of all these various improvements lessening the apprehensions of engaging in long voyages, may we not reasonably indulge the pleasing hope that fresh branches of commerce may, even in our time, be attempted, and successively carried on? Our hardy adventurers in the whale-fishery have already found their way, within these few years, into the South Atlantic; and who knows what fresh sources of commerce may still be opened, if the prospect of gain can be added, to keep alive the spirit of enterprise? If the situation of Great Britain be too remote, other trading nations will assuredly avail themselves of our discoveries. We may soon expect to hear that the Russians, now instructed by us where to find the American continent, have extended their voyages from the Fox Islands to Cook’s River, and Prince William’s Sound. And if Spain itself should not be tempted to trade from its most northern Mexican ports, by the fresh mine of wealth discovered in the furs of King George’s Sound, which they may transport in their Manilla ships, as a favourite commodity for the Chinese market, that market may probably be supplied by a direct trade to America, from Canton itself, with those valuable articles which the inhabitants of China have hitherto received only by the tedious and expensive circuit of Kamtschatka and Kiachta.

These and many other commercial improvements may reasonably be expected to result from the British discoveries, even in our own times. But if we look forward to future ages, and to future changes in the history of commerce, by recollecting its various past revolutions and migrations, we may be allowed to please ourselves with the idea of its finding its way, at last, throughout the extent of the regions with which our voyages have opened an intercourse; and there will be abundant reason to subscribe to Captain Cook’s observation with regard to New Zealand, which may be applied to other tracks of land explored by him, that “although they be far remote from the present trading world, we can, by no means, tell what use future ages may make of the discoveries made by the present.”^[57] In this point of view, surely, the utility of the late voyages must stand confessed; and we may be permitted to say, that the history of their operations, which will be completed in these volumes, has the justest pretensions to be called κτῆμα ἐς ἀεὶ, as it will convey to latest posterity a treasure of interesting information.

3. Admitting, however, that we may have expressed too sanguine expectations of commercial advantages, either within our own reach, or gradually to be unfolded at some future period, as the result of our voyages of discovery, we may still be allowed to consider them as a laudable effort to add to the stock of human knowledge, with regard to an object which cannot but deserve the attention of enlightened man. To exert our faculties in devising ingenious modes of satisfying ourselves about the magnitude and distance of the sun; to extend our acquaintance with the system to which that luminary is the common centre, by tracing the revolutions of a new planet, or the appearance of a new comet; to carry our bold researches through all the immensity of space, where world beyond world rises to the view of the astonished observer; these are employments which none but those incapable of pursuing them can depreciate, and which every one capable of pursuing them must delight in, as a dignified exercise of the powers of the human mind. But while we direct our studies to distant worlds, which, after all our exertions, we must content ourselves with having barely discovered to exist, it would be a strange neglect, indeed, and would argue a most culpable want of rational curiosity, if we did not use our best endeavours to arrive at a full acquaintance with the contents of our own planet; of that little spot in the immense universe, on which we have been placed, and the utmost limits of which, at least its habitable parts, we possess the means of ascertaining, and describing, by actual examination.

So naturally doth this reflection present itself, that to know something of the terraqueous globe is a favourite object with every one who can taste the lowest rudiments of learning. Let us not, therefore, think so meanly of the times in which we live, as to suppose it possible, that full justice will not be done to the noble plan of discovery so steadily and so successfully carried on since the accession of his Majesty; which cannot fail to be considered, in every succeeding age, as a splendid period in the history of our country, and to add to our national glory, by distinguishing Great Britain as taking the lead in the most arduous undertakings for the common benefit of the human race. Before these voyages took place, nearly half the surface of the globe we inhabit was hid in obscurity and confusion. What is still wanting to complete our geography, may justly be termed the minutiæ of that science.

4. Let us now carry our thoughts somewhat farther. It is fortunate for the interests of knowledge, that acquisitions in any one branch generally, and indeed unavoidably, lead to acquisitions in other branches, perhaps of still greater consequence; and that we cannot even gratify mere curiosity, without being rewarded with valuable instruction. This observation applies to the subject before us. Voyages, in which new oceans have been traversed, and in which new countries have been visited, can scarcely ever be performed, without bringing forward to our view fresh objects of science. Even when we are to take our report of what was discovered, from the mere sailor, whose knowledge scarcely goes beyond the narrow limits of his own profession, and whose inquiries are not directed by philosophical discernment, it will be unfortunate indeed, if something hath not been remarked, by which the scholar may profit, and useful accessions be made to our old stock of information. And if this be the case in general, how much more must be gained by the particular voyages now under consideration? Besides naval officers equally skilled to examine the coasts they might approach, as to delineate them accurately upon their charts, artists^[58] were engaged, who, by their drawings, might illustrate what could only be imperfectly described; mathematicians^[59] who might treasure up an extensive series of scientific observations; and persons versed in the various departments of the history of nature, who might collect, or record, all that they should find new and valuable, throughout the wide extent of their researches. But while most of these associates of our naval discoverers were liberally rewarded by the public, there was one gentleman, who thinking it the noblest reward he could receive, to have an opportunity of making the ample fortune he inherited from his ancestors subservient to the improvement of science, stepped forward of his own accord, and, submitting to the hardships and dangers of a circumnavigation of the globe, accompanied Captain Cook in the Endeavour. The learned world, I may also say the unlearned, will never forget the obligations which it owes to Sir Joseph Banks.

What real acquisitions have been gained, by this munificent attention to science, cannot be better expressed than in the words of Mr. Wales, who engaged in one of these voyages himself, and contributed largely to the benefits derived from them.

“That branch of natural knowledge which may be called nautical astronomy, was undoubtedly in its infancy, when these voyages were first undertaken. Both instruments and observers, which deserved the name, were very rare; and so late as the year 1770, it was found necessary, in the appendix to Meyer’s Tables, published by the Board of Longitude, to state facts, in contradiction to the assertions of so celebrated an astronomer as the Abbé de la Caille, that the altitude of the sun at noon, the easiest and most simple of all observations, could not be taken with certainty to a less quantity than five, six, seven, or even eight minutes.^[60] But those who will give themselves the trouble to look into the astronomical observations made in Captain Cook’s last voyage, will find, that there were few, even of the petty officers, who could not observe the distance of the moon from the sun, or a star, the most delicate of all observations, with sufficient accuracy. It may be added, that the method of making and computing observations for finding the variation of the compass, is better known, and more frequently practised by those who have been on these voyages, than by most others. Nor is there, perhaps, a person who ranks as an officer, and has been concerned in them, who would not, whatever his real skill may be, feel ashamed to have it thought that he did not know how to observe for, and compute the time at sea; though, but a short while before these voyages were set on foot, such a thing was scarcely ever heard of amongst seamen; and even first-rate astronomers doubted the possibility of doing it with sufficient exactness.^[61]

“The number of places, at which the rise and times of flowing of tides have been observed, in these voyages, is very great; and hence an important article of useful knowledge is afforded. In these observations, some very curious and even unexpected circumstances have offered themselves to our consideration. It will be sufficient to instance the exceedingly small height to which the tide rises in the middle of the great Pacific Ocean; where it falls short, two-thirds at least, of what might have been expected from theory and calculation.

“The direction and force of currents at sea make also an important object. These voyages will be found to contain much useful information on this head; as well relating to seas nearer home, and which, in consequence, are navigated every day, as to those which are more remote, but where, notwithstanding, the knowledge of these things may be of great service to those who are destined to navigate them hereafter. To this head also we may refer the great number of experiments which have been made for enquiring into the depth of the sea, its temperature, and saltness at different depths, and in a variety of places and climates.

“An extensive foundation has also been laid for improvements in magnetism, for discovering the cause and nature of the polarity of the needle, and a theory of its variations, by the number and variety of the observations and experiments which have been made, both on the variation and dip, in almost all parts of the world. Experiments also have been made, in consequence of the late voyages, on the effects of gravity, in different and very distant places, which may serve to increase our stock of natural knowledge. From the same source of information we have learned that the phænomenon, usually called the aurora borealis is not peculiar to high northern latitudes, but belongs equally to all cold climates, whether they be north or south.

“But perhaps no part of knowledge has been so great a gainer by the late voyages, as that of botany. We are told^[62] that, at least twelve hundred new plants have been added to the known system; and that very considerable additions have been made to every other branch of natural history, by the great skill and industry of Sir Joseph Banks, and the other gentlemen^[63] who have accompanied Captain Cook for that purpose.”

To our naval officers in general, or to their learned associates in the expeditions, all the foregoing improvements of knowledge may be traced; but there is one very singular improvement indeed, still behind, for which, as we are solely indebted to Captain Cook, let us state it in his own words: “Whatever may be the public judgment about other matters, it is with real satisfaction, and without claiming any merit but that of attention to my duty, that I can conclude this account with an observation, which facts enable me to make, that our having discovered the possibility of preserving health amongst a numerous ship’s company, for such a length of time, in such varieties of climate, and amidst such continued hardships and fatigues, will make this voyage remarkable, in the opinion of every benevolent person, when the disputes about a southern continent shall have ceased to engage the attention, and to divide the judgment of philosophers.”^[64]

5. But while our late voyages have opened so many channels to an increase of knowledge in the several articles already enumerated; while they have extended our acquaintance with the contents of the globe; while they have facilitated old tracks, and have opened new ones for commerce; while they have been the means of improving the skill of the navigator, and the science of the astronomer; while they have procured to us so valuable accessions in the several departments of natural history, and furnished such opportunities of teaching us how to preserve the healths and lives of seamen, let us not forget another very important object of study, for which they have afforded to the speculative philosopher ample materials: I mean the study of human nature in various situations, equally interesting as they are uncommon.

However remote or secluded from frequent intercourse with more polished nations the inhabitants of any parts of the world be, if history or our own observation should make it evident that they have been formerly visited, and that foreign manners and opinions, and languages, have been blended with their own, little use can be made of what is observed amongst such people, toward drawing a real picture of man in his natural uncultivated state. This seems to be the situation of the inhabitants of most of the islands that lie contiguous to the continent of Asia, and of whose manners and institutions the Europeans, who occasionally visit them, have frequently given us accounts. But the islands which our enterprising discoverers visited in the centre of the South Pacific Ocean, and are, indeed, the principal scenes of their operations, were untrodden ground. The inhabitants, as far as could be observed, were unmixed with any different tribe, by occasional intercourse, subsequent to their original settlement there; left entirely to their own powers for every art of life; and to their own remote traditions for every political or religious custom or institution; uninformed by science; unimproved by education; in short, a fit soil from whence a careful observer could collect facts for forming a judgment, how far unassisted human nature will be apt to degenerate; and in what respects it can ever be able to excel. Who could have thought, that the brutal ferocity of feeding upon human flesh, and the horrid superstition of offering human sacrifices, should be found to exist amongst the natives lately discovered in the Pacific Ocean, who, in other respects, appear to be no strangers to the fine feelings of humanity, to have arrived at a certain stage of social life, and to be habituated to subordination and government which tend so naturally to repress the ebullitions of wild passion, and expand the latent powers of the understanding?

Or, if we turn from this melancholy picture, which will suggest copious matter for philosophical speculation, can we without astonishment observe to what a degree of perfection the same tribe (and, indeed, we may here join, in some of those instances, the American tribes visited in the course of the present voyage) have carried their favourite amusements; the plaintive songs of their women; their dramatic entertainments; their dances; their Olympian games, as we may call them; the orations of their chiefs; the chants of their priests; the solemnity of their religious processions; their arts and manufactures; their ingenious contrivances to supply the want of proper materials, and of effective tools and machines; and the wonderful productions of their persevering labour under a complication of disadvantages; their cloth and their mats; their weapons; their fishing instruments; their ornaments; their utensils; which, in design and execution, may vie with whatever modern Europe, or classical antiquity can exhibit.

It is a favourite study with the scholar to trace the remains of Grecian or Roman workmanship: he turns over his Montfaucon with learned satisfaction; and he gazes with rapture on the noble collection of Sir William Hamilton. The amusement is rational and instructive. But will not his curiosity be more awakened, will he not find even more real matter for important reflection, by passing an hour in surveying the numerous specimens of the ingenuity our newly-discovered friends brought from the utmost recesses of the globe to enrich the British Museum, and the valuable repository of Sir Ashton Lever? If the curiosities of Sir Ashton’s Sandwich-room alone, were the only acquisition gained by our visits to the Pacific Ocean, who that has taste to admire, or even eyes to behold, could hesitate to pronounce, that Captain Cook had not sailed in vain? The expence of his three voyages did not perhaps far exceed that of digging out the buried contents of Herculaneum. And we may add, that the novelties of the Society or Sandwich islands, seem better calculated to engage the attention of the studious in our times than the antiquities, which exhibit proofs of Roman magnificence.

The grounds for making this remark cannot be better explained, than in the words of a very ingenious writer; “In an age (says Mr. Warton^[65]), advanced to the highest degree of refinement, that species of curiosity commences, which is busied in contemplating the progress of social life, in displaying the gradations of society, and in tracing the gradations from barbarism to civility. That these speculations should become the favourite topics of such a period is extremely natural. We look back on the savage condition of our ancestors with the triumph of superiority; and are pleased to mark the steps by which we have been raised from rudeness to elegance; and our reflections on this subject are accompanied with a conscious pride, arising, in a great measure, from a tacit comparison of the infinite disproportion between the feeble efforts of remote ages, and our present improvements in knowledge. In the mean time, the manners, monuments, customs, practices, and opinions of antiquity, by forming so strong a contrast with those of our own times, and by exhibiting human nature and human inventions in new lights, in unexpected appearances, and in various forms, are objects which forcibly strike a feeling imagination. Nor does this spectacle afford nothing more than a fruitless gratification to the fancy. It teaches us to set a just estimation on our own acquisitions, and encourages us to cherish that cultivation which is so closely connected with the existence and the exercise of every social virtue.” We need not here observe, that the manners, monuments, customs, practices, and opinions of the present inhabitants of the Pacific Ocean, or of the West side of North America, form the strongest contrast with those of our own time in enlightened Europe; and that a feeling imagination will probably be more struck with the narration of the ceremonies of a Naiche at Tongataboo, than of a Gothic tournament at London; with the contemplation of the colossuses of Easter Island, than of the mysterious remains of Stonehenge.

Many singularities respecting what may be called the natural history of the human species, in different climates, will, on the authority of our late navigators, open abundant sources for philosophical discussion. One question of this sort, in particular, which had formerly divided the opinions of the inquisitive, as to the existence, if not of “giants on the earth,” at least of a race (inhabiting a district bordering on the north side of the strait of Magalhaens), whose stature considerably exceeds that of the bulk of mankind, will no longer be doubted or disbelieved. And the ingenious objections of the sceptical author of Recherches sur les Américains^[66], will weigh nothing in the balance against the concurrent and accurate testimony of Byron, Wallis and Carteret.

Perhaps there cannot be a more interesting inquiry than to trace the migrations of the various families or tribes that have peopled the globe; and in no respect have our late voyages been more fertile in curious discoveries. It was known in general (and I shall use the words of Kæmpfer^[67]), that the Asiatic nation called Malayans, “in former times had by much the greatest trade in the Indies, and frequented with their merchant ships, not only all the coasts of Asia, but ventured even over to the coasts of Africa, particularly to the great island of Madagascar.^[68] The title which the king of the Malayans assumed to himself, of Lord of the Winds and Seas to the East and to the West, is an evident proof of this; but much more the Malayan language, which spread most all over the east, much after the same manner as formerly the Latin, and of late the French, did all over Europe.” Thus far, I say, was known. But that from Madagascar to the Marqueses and Easter Island, that is, nearly from the east side of Africa, till we approach towards the west side of America, a space including above half the circumference of the globe, the same tribe or nation, the Phœnicians, as we may call them, of the Oriental World, should have made their settlements, and founded colonies throughout almost every intermediate stage of this immense tract, in islands at amazing distances from the mother continent, and ignorant of each others’ existence; this is an historical fact, which could be but very imperfectly known before Captain Cook’s two first voyages discovered so many new inhabited spots of land lurking in the bosom of the South Pacific Ocean; and it is a fact which does not rest solely on similarity of customs and institutions, but has been established by the most satisfactory of all proofs, that drawn from affinity of language. Mr. Marsden, who seems to have considered this curious subject with much attention, says, that the links of the latitudinal chain remain yet to be traced.^[69] The discovery of the Sandwich islands in this last voyage has added some links to the chain. But Captain Cook had not an opportunity of carrying his researches into the more westerly parts of the North Pacific. The reader, therefore, of the following work will not, perhaps, think that the Editor was idly employed when he subjoined some notes, which contain abundant proof that the inhabitants of the Ladrones, or Marianne islands, and those of the Carolines, are to be traced to the same common source, with those of the islands visited by our ships. With the like view, of exhibiting a striking picture of the amazing extent of this oriental language, which marks, if not a common original, at least an intimate intercourse between the inhabitants of places so very remote from each other, he has inserted a comparative table of their numerals, upon a more enlarged plan than any that has hitherto been executed.^[70]

Our British discoverers have not only thrown a blaze of light on the migrations of the tribe which has so wonderfully spread itself throughout the islands in the Eastern Ocean; but they have also favoured us with much curious information concerning another of the families of the earth whose lot has fallen in less hospitable climates. We speak of the Esquimaux, hitherto only found seated on the coasts of Labradore and Hudson’s Bay, and who differ in several characteristic marks from the inland inhabitants of North America. That the Greenlanders and they agree in every circumstance of customs, and manners, and language, which are demonstrations of an original identity of nation, had been discovered about twenty years ago.^[71] Mr. Hearne, in 1772, traced this unhappy race farther back, toward that part of the globe from whence they had originally coasted along in their skin boats, having met with some of them at the mouth of the Coppermine River, in the latitude of 72°, and near five hundred leagues farther W. than Pickersgill’s most westerly station in Davis’s Strait. Their being the same tribe who now actually inhabit the islands and coasts on the west side of North America, opposite Kamtschatka, was a discovery, the completion of which was reserved for Captain Cook. The reader of the following work will find them at Norton Sound, and at Oonalashka, and Prince William’s Sound; that is, near 1500 leagues distant from their stations in Greenland, and on the Labradore coast. And lest similitude of manners should be thought to deceive us, a table exhibiting proofs of affinity of language, which was drawn up by Captain Cook, and is inserted in this work^[72], will remove every doubt from the mind of the most scrupulous inquirer after truth.

There are other doubts of a more important kind, which it may be hoped will now no longer perplex the ignorant, or furnish matter of cavil to the ill-intentioned. After the great discovery, or at least the full confirmation of the great discovery of the vicinity of the two continents of Asia and America, we trust that we shall not be any more ridiculed, for believing that the former could easily furnish its inhabitants to the latter. And thus, to all the various good purposes already enumerated, as answered by our late voyages, we may add this last, though not the least important, that they have done service to religion, by robbing infidelity of a favourite objection to the credibility of the Mosaic account of the peopling of the earth.^[73]

6. Hitherto we have considered our voyages as having benefited the discoverers. But it will be asked, have they conveyed, or are they likely ever to convey any benefit to the discovered? It would afford exquisite satisfaction to every benevolent mind to be instructed in facts which might enable us, without hesitation, to answer this question in the affirmative. And yet, perhaps, we may indulge the pleasing hope, that, even in this respect, our ships have not sailed in vain. Other discoveries of new countries have, in effect, been wars, or rather massacres; nations have been no sooner found out, than they have been extirpated; and the horrid cruelties of the conquerors of Mexico and Peru can never be remembered, without blushing for religion and human nature; but when the recesses of the globe are investigated, not to enlarge private dominion, but to promote general knowledge; when we visit new tribes of our fellow-creatures as friends, and wish only to learn that they exist, in order to bring them within the pale of the offices of humanity, and to relieve the wants of their imperfect state of society, by communicating to them our superior attainments; voyages of discovery, planned with such benevolent views by George the Third, and executed by Cook, have not, we trust, totally failed in this respect. Our repeated visits, and long continued intercourse with the natives of the Friendly, Society, and Sandwich Islands, cannot but have darted some rays of light on the infant minds of those poor people. The uncommon objects they have thus had opportunities of observing and admiring, will naturally tend to enlarge their stock of ideas, and to furnish new materials for the exercise of their reason. Comparing themselves with their visitors, they cannot but be struck with the deepest conviction of their own inferiority, and be impelled, by the strongest motives, to strive to emerge from it, and to rise nearer to a level with those children of the sun who deigned to look upon them, and left behind so many specimens of their generous and humane attention. The very introduction of our useful animals and vegetables, by adding fresh means of subsistence, will have added to their comforts of life and immediate enjoyments; and if this be the only benefit they are ever to receive, who will pronounce that much has not been gained? But may we not carry our wishes and our hopes still farther? Great Britain itself, when first visited by the Phœnicians, was inhabited by painted savages, not perhaps blessed with higher attainments than are possessed by the present natives of New Zealand; certainly less civilized than those of Tongataboo or Otaheite. Our having opened an intercourse with them is the first step toward their improvement. Who knows, but that our late voyages may be the means appointed by Providence, of spreading, in due time, the blessings of civilization, amongst the numerous tribes of the South Pacific Ocean; of abolishing their horrid repasts and their horrid rites; and of laying the foundation for future and more effectual plans, to prepare them for holding an honourable station amongst the nations of the earth? This, at least is certain that our having, as it were, brought them into existence by our extensive researches, will suggest to us fresh motives of devout gratitude to the Supreme Being, for having blessed us with advantages hitherto withheld from so great a proportion of the human race; and will operate powerfully to incite us to persevere in every feasible attempt, to be his instruments in rescuing millions of fellow-creatures from their present state of humiliation.

The several topics which occurred, as suitable to this general Introduction, being now discussed, nothing remains but to state a few particulars, about which the reader of these volumes has a right to expect some information.

Captain Cook, knowing, before he sailed upon this last expedition, that it was expected from him to relate, as well as to execute, its operations, had taken care to prepare such a journal as might be made use of for publication. This journal, which exists in his own hand-writing, has been faithfully adhered to. It is not a bare extract from his log-books, but contains many remarks which it appears had not been inserted by him in the nautical register; and it is also enriched with considerable communications from Mr. Anderson, surgeon of the Resolution. The confessed abilities and great assiduity of Mr. Anderson, in observing every thing that related either to natural history, or to manners and language; and the desire which, it is well known, Captain Cook, on all occasions, showed to have the assistance of that gentleman, stamped a great value on his collections. That nothing, therefore, might be wanting to convey to the public the best possible account of the transactions of the voyage, his journal, by the order of Lord Sandwich, was also put into the hands of the editor, who was authorized and directed to avail himself of the information it might be found to contain, about matters imperfectly touched, or altogether omitted, in Captain Cook’s manuscript. This task has been executed in such a manner, that the reader will scarcely ever be at a loss to distinguish in what instances recourse has been had to Mr. Anderson. To preclude, if possible, any mistake, the copy of the first and second volumes, before it went to the printer, was submitted to Captain King; and after it had been read over and corrected by one so well qualified to point out any inaccuracies, the Earl of Sandwich had the goodness to give it a perusal. As to the third volume, nothing more need be said than that it was completely prepared for the press by Captain King himself. All that the editor of the work has to answer for, are the notes occasionally introduced in the course of the two volumes, contributed by Captain Cook; and this introduction, which was intended as a kind of epilogue to our voyages of discovery. He must be permitted, however, to say, that he considers himself as intitled to no inconsiderable share of candid indulgence from the public; having engaged in a very tedious and troublesome undertaking upon the most disinterested motives; his only reward being the satisfaction he feels, in having been able to do an essential service to the family of our great navigator, who had honoured him in the journal of this voyage, with the appellation of friend.

They who have repeatedly asked why this publication has been so long delayed, need only look at the volumes, and their attendant illustrations and ornaments, to be satisfied that it might, with at least equal reason, be wondered at, that it has not been delayed longer. The journal of Captain Cook, from the first moment that it came into the hands of the editor had been ready for the press; and Captain King had left with him his part of the narrative, so long ago as his departure for the West Indies, when he commanded the Resistance man-of-war. But much besides remained to be done. The charts, particularly the general one, were to be prepared by Mr. Roberts, who gives an account of his work in the note^[74]; the very numerous and elegant drawings of Mr. Webber were to be reduced by him to the proper size; artists were next to be found out who would undertake to engrave them; the prior engagements of those artists were to be fulfilled before they could begin; the labour and skill to be exerted in finishing many of them, rendered this a tedious operation; paper fit for printing them upon was to be procured from abroad; and after all these various and unavoidable difficulties were surmounted, much time was necessarily required for executing a numerous impression of the long list of plates, with so much care as might do justice both to Mr. Webber and to his several engravers. When all these circumstances are taken into consideration, we trust that we shall hear no more of the delay; and only be grateful to that munificent Patron of Science, who not only directed the history of the voyage to be published, but to be published with such a splendid train of ornaments, at the public expense, as will still add to the merit of having ordered the voyage itself to be undertaken.