245 Lucian, Amores, 41., Μηδὲν ἀχθεσθῇς, εἰ ταῖς Ἀθήναις ἡ Κόρινθος εἴζει, (Do not be annoyed, if Corinth yields to Athens), on which the scholiasts add the explanation: ἢ ὡς τῆς Κορίνθου μὲν ἀνακειμένης Ἀφροδίτῃ (διὸ καὶ πολλὴ ἐν Κορίνθῳ ἡ γυναικεία μίξις) Ἀθηνῶν δὲ παιδεραστίᾳ κομώντων ἤτοι τῇ κατὰ φιλοσοφίαν καὶ σώφρονι ἢ τῇ τῷ ὄντι μιαρᾷ καὶ διαβεβλημένῃ. (while Corinth is devoted to Aphrodité (wherefore in Corinth there is much varied intercourse with women), Athens prides herself on paederastia, whether a love of boys that is philosophic and wise, or a love that is veritably vile and despicable). Aristophanes, Plutus, vv. 149-152.,

(And they say that the Corinthian hetaerae, should any poor man chance to solicit them, pay no attention whatever; but if it be a rich man, at once they turn their posterior to him).

246 Clouds, vv. 973 sqq.—see also F. A. Wolf’s German translation.

247 Lysias, Contra Pancl., 731., from which passage it would seem that each “Deme” had its own κουρεῖον (barber’s shop) in the city. Demosthenes, Contra Aristogit., 786, 7. Theophrastus, Charact., VIII. 5. XI. Plutarch, Sympos., V. 5. Aristophanes, Plut., 339.

248 Aristophanes, Knights, 1380., where the expression τὰ μειράκια τἀν τῷ μύρῳ (the striplings, those in the myrrh-market) is intentionally ambiguous.

249 Aelian, Var. Hist., VIII. 8. Aeschines, In Timarch., § 40. says that Timarchus resided at the Surgery of Euthydicus, not to learn medicine, but to sell his person.

250 Theophrastus, Charact., V. edit. Ast, p. 183.

251 Theophrastus, Charact., VIII. 4.

252 Xenophon, Memorab., IV. 2. 1. Diogenes Laertius, III. 21.

253 Aeschines, In Timarch., p. 35., τὰς ἐρημίας καὶ τὸ σκότος ἐν πλείστῃ ὑποψίᾳ ποιούμενος. (regarding the lonely localities and the darkness as in the highest degree suspicious). p. 112. p. 90., ἡ πρᾶξις αὕτη εἴωθε γίγνεσθαι λάθρα καὶ ἐν ἐρημίαις. (this practice is usually carried on secretly and in lonely places). p. 104, it is said that Timarchus had more experience περὶ τῆς ἐρημίας ταύτης καὶ τοῦ τόπου ἐν τῇ Πνυκὶ. (about this lonely spot and the locality of the Pnyx) than of the Areopagus. Comp. Plato, Sympos., p. 217 b.

254 Plato, Sympos. p. 182. 6. Xenophon, Sympos. VIII. 34.—Cicero, De Republ., IV. 4., Apud Eleos et Thebanos in amore ingenuorum libido etiam permissam habet et solutam licentiam. (Among the Eleans and Thebans, in the love of free men, lust has actually a permitted and unchecked licence). Maximus Tyrius, Diss. XXXIX. p. 467. Plutarch, De pueror. educat., ch. 14. The Elean “boy-loving” was even more notorious than the Boeotian. Xenophon, De Republ. Lacedaem., II. 13. Maximus Tyrius, Diss., XXVI. p. 317.

255 Theognis, Sentent., 39.

256 Descript. Graeciae, Bk. I. ch. 43., Μετὰ δὲ τοῦ Διονύσου τὸ ἱερόν ἐστιν Ἀφροδίτης ναός· ἄγαλμα δὲ ἐλέφαντος Ἀφροδίτῃ πεποιημένον, Πρᾶξις ἐπίκλησιν· τοῦτ’, ἐστιν ἀρχαιότατον ἐν τῷ ναῷ·

257 Pollux, Onomast., bk. VII. ch. 33. says: εἰ δὲ χρὴ καὶ τὰς αἰσχίους πράξεις τέχνας ὀνομάζειν, (if that is we must call the more disgraceful πράξεις—doings, modes of intercourse—arts); and then cites the different designations of whores, brothels, etc.

258 Hesychius under the word χαλκιδίζειν. Athenaeus Deipnos., bk. XIII. p. 601 e. Plutarch, Amat., 38. 2.

259 Σιφνιάζειν· ἐπὶ τῶν τὰς χεῖρας προσαγόντων τοῖς ἰσχίοις, ὥσπερ λεσβιάζειν ἐπὶ τῶν παρανομούντων ἐν τοῖς ἀφροδισίοις· σιφνιάζειν δὲ καὶ λεσβιάζειν, ἀπὸ τῆς νήσου Σίφνου καὶ τῆς Λέσβου· ὡς καὶ τὸ κρητίζειν ἀπὸ τῆς Κρήτης· καὶ τὸ Σίφνιος δὲ ἀῤῥαβὼν, ὁμοίως σιφνιάζειν γὰρ τὸ ἅπτεσθαι τῆς πυγῆς δακτύλῳ. Λεσβιάζειν δὲ τὸ τῷ στόματι παρανομεῖν. Hesychius s. v. Σίφνιοι· ἀκάθαρτοι· ἀπὸ Σίφνου τῆς νήσου. Σίφνιος ἀῤῥαβών· περὶ τῶν Σιφνίων ἄτοπα διεδίδοτο, ὡς τῷ δακτύλῳ σκιμαλιζόντων· δηλοῖ οὖν τὸν διὰ δακτυλίου αἰδούμενον ἐπὶ τοῦ κακοσχόλου. (To play the Siphnian: said of those who apply the hands to the loins; as “to play the Lesbian” of those who act viciously in carnal pleasures.) Σιφνιάζειν and λεσβιάζειν from the islands Siphnos and Lesbos; just as the expression κρητίζειν (to play the Cretan) from Crete. Also the phrase “Siphnian surety”; for in the same way “to play the Siphnian” means to finger the posterior. But “to play the Lesbian”; to act viciously with the mouth.—Hesychius under the word Σίφνιοι: Siphnians, i.e. unclean persons; from the island of Siphnos. “Siphnian surety”: of the Siphnians abominable tales were told, to the effect that they poked the posterior with the finger. Signifies therefore one who acts disgracefully in connection with the anus, said of the idle voluptuary. Comp. σκιμαλίσαι, σκινδαρεύεσθαι in the same—Hesychius.

260 Comp. Libanius, In Florent., p. 430. Toup, Opusc. critic., Leipzig 1780. p. 420.

261 Athenaeus, Deipnos., bk. XIII. p. 517 f.

262 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Exc. p. 2336. Valerius Maximus, Bk. VI. 1. 9. Suidas, under Γαΐος Λαιτώριος (Caius Laetorius).

263 Bk IX. Epigr. 9. Comp. Suetonius, Nero 28, 29. Dio Cassius, LXII. 28., LXIII. 13. Juvenal, Satir. I. 62., and especially Tacitus, Annal., Bk. XV. 37.—Tatian, Orat. ad Graec., p. 100., Παιδεραστία μὲν ὑπὸ βαρβάρων διώκεται, προνομίας δὲ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἠξίωται, παίδων ἀγέλας, ὥσπερ ἵππων φορβάδων, συναγείρειν αὐτῶν πειρωμένων. (Paederastia is followed by barbarians generally, but is held in pre-eminent esteem by Romans, who endeavour to get together herds of boys, as it were of brood mares). Justin Martyr, Apolog., I. p. 14., Πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι τοὺς πάντας σχεδὸν ὁρῶμεν ἐπὶ πορνείᾳ προάγοντας, οὐ μόνον τὰς κόρας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄρσενας· καὶ ὃν τρόπον λέγονται οἱ παλαιοὶ ἀγέλας βοῶν, ἢ αἰγῶν, ἢ προβάτων τρέφειν, ἢ ἵππων φορβάδων, οὕτω νῦν δὲ παῖδας, εἰς τὸ αἰσχρῶς χρῆσθαι μόνον, καὶ ὁμοίων θηλειῶν, καὶ ἀνδρογύνων, καὶ ἀῤῥητοποιῶν πλῆθος κατὰ τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος ἐπὶ τούτου τοῦ ἅγους ἔστηκεν. (First because we behold nearly all men seducing to fornication not merely girls, but also males. And just as our fathers are spoken of as keeping herds of oxen, or goats, or sheep, or of brood mares, so now they keep boys, solely for the purpose of shameful usage, treating them as females, or men-women, and doing unspeakable acts. To such a pitch of pollution has the multitude throughout the whole people come).

264 That boys were kept in the brothels at Rome as paramours is seen from a host of passages in Ancient authors, e. g. Martial, bk. XI. Epigr. 45.,

(As oft as you have crossed the threshold of a “chamber” inscribed with name on door, whether it were boy that threw you a smile, or girl). They, as well as women, had to pay the Whore-tax. Comp. above p. 118. Note 6.

265 Bk. III. Epigr. 71.

266 Caelius Aurelianus, Acut. morb. (Acute Diseases), bk. III. ch. 18., Aliorum autem medicorum, excepto Themisone, nullus hanc passionem conscribit, cum non solum raro, verum etiam coacervatim, saepissime invasisse videatur. Memorat denique Themison, apud Cretam multos satyriasi interfectos. (But of other physicians none, with the exception of Themison, describes this complaint, though it appears to have attacked the population very frequently not only sporadically, but actually as an epidemic. In fact Themison records that in Crete men died of Satyriasis).

267 “Handbuch der medicin. Klinik” (Manual of Clinical Medicine), Vol. VII. pp. 88 and 670.

268 Bk. VI. Epigr. 37.

269 Martial, Bk. XI. Epigr. 99.

270 Martial, XI. 88.

271 Martial, VI. 49.

272 Martial, Bk. XII. Epigr. 33.

273 Martial, Bk. I. Epigr. 66. The old Grammars had the following lines:

(Feminine:—ficus, gen. -i and -us, fig and fig-tree; masculine:—ficus, gen. -i, is an evil disease of the fundament.)

274 Satir. Bk. I. Sat. VIII. 46.

275 Martial, Bk. VII. Epigram 71.

276 There still remains some doubt in our mind as to the meaning of another Epigram of Martial’s, Bk. IV. Epigr. 52.

(Unless you cease, Hedylus, to go with “she-goats” in copulation, you who were but now a fig-tree, will presently be a wild fig-tree (goat-fig)).

If capra (she-goat) here has the meaning of scortum (common strumpet),—and it cannot very well signify anything else,—the passage is an undoubted proof that such swellings were a consequence of coition with common prostitutes, and that the latter were ordinarily affected with them.—In Petronius, Sat. ch. 46., it is said of some one: Ingeniosus est et bono filo etiamsi in nave morbosus est. (He is of good abilities and good fibre, but he is diseased with swellings on the fundament.) Burmann notes on this: In nave—id est mariscas habet. Navis est podex ficosus. Hinc dictum illud Casellii apud Quintilianum, (De Instit. Orat. VI. 3. 87.) Consultori dicenti, navem dividere volo, respondentis, perdes. (In nave—that is, he has swellings. Navis (literally a ship) means a fundament afflicted with swellings. Hence the bon mot of Casellius, quoted in Quintilian. In reply to a client who said “I wish to cut (divide into shares) my ship” (navis,—means also diseased fundament), he retorted, “It’ll be fatal!”)

277 Bk. VII. Epigr. 34. Persius, Satir. I. 33., Hic aliquis—Rancidulum quiddam balba de nare locutus. (Hereupon some one spoke something offensive through stuttering nose—in a stuttering nasal voice). Sidonius Apollinaris, Epist. bk. IX., Orationem salebrosas passam iuncturas per cameram volutatam balbutire. (To stammer out through the palate’s vault all a-tremble a speech where the periods are joltingly united).

278 Joannes Jac. Reiske, and Joannes Ern. Faber, “Opuscula medica ex monumentis Arabum et Ebraeorum,” (Medical Tracts—from Arabic and Hebrew Writings), edit. Ch. G. Gruner. Halle 1776. 8vo., p. 61 Note: Ita tamen miror, ab antiquitatis patronis argumentum inde allatum non fuisse, quod veterum cinaedi passi fuerint in naribus et in palato vitium, a quo clare non potuerint eloqui, sed ῥέγχειν, stertere et rhonchissare debuerint. Cf. diserta sed acris oratio Dionis Chrysostomi Tarsica prior etc. (Yet I wonder at this, that the advocates of its antiquity have not drawn an argument from the fact that among the Ancients the cinaedi suffered from an affection of the nose and palate, that prevented their speaking distinctly, and made them ῥέγχειν, snore and snort, Comp. the eloquent, but censorious, Speech of the Rhetor Dio Chrysostom, First Tarsica, etc.) Gruner in his Antiq. Morborum (Antiquity of Diseases), p. 77., likewise cited this reference, but it appears without having personally compared the passages with precision.

279 Speeches, edit. by Joannes Jac. Reiske. 2 Vols. Leipzig 1784 large 8vo., Vol. II. Speech XXXIII (not XXXII, as given in Reiske and Gruner), pp. 14 sqq.

280 Ἀκολάστοις (intemperate). This word often occurs in the sense of paederast, especially when the latter is spoken of as pursuing the vice passionately. Thus Aeschines, in Timarch., pp. 63, 183. Plato, Sympos., 186 c.

281 Τὸν δέ γε ἄγριον τοῦτον καὶ χαλεπὸν ἦχον. (This rough and harsh tone of voice). The word ἄγριος (rough, savage) is specially used of the paederast, Aristophanes, Clouds 347., and the Scholiast on the passage; the same is true of χαλεπὸς (hard, harsh). The Scholiast on Aeschines, In Timarch., p. 731 R., ἀγρίους τοὺς σφόδρα ἐπτοημένους περὶ τὰ παιδικὰ καὶ χαλεποὺς παιδεραστάς. (rough men that are above measure agog for boy-loves,—hard paederasts.) All through the Speech are found a host of allusions to the expressions in common use to signify paederastia, which may well make the right understanding of it difficult.

282 Τὸ πρᾶγμα (the thing) has the same meaning here as πρᾶξις (doing, intercourse) in Aeschines, In Timarch., pp. 159, 160. Plato, Sympos., 181 b.

283 Κινεῖται (is raised, is stirred), from which the word Κίναιδος, cinaedus, is derived.

284 On the digitus medius (middle finger) or infamis compare Upton on Arrian’s Diss. Epictet, II. 2. p. 176.—“Abhandlung von den Fingern, deren Verrichtungen und symbolischen Bedeutung.” (Treatise on the Fingers, their Gestures and Symbolic Meaning). Leipzig 1756. pp. 172-221. But in particular Forberg, loco citato p. 338. note h.: Cum digitus medius porrectus, reliquis incurvatis, tentam repraesentet mentulam cum coleis suis, factum est, ut medium digitum hoc modo ostenderent (Graeci uno verbo dixerunt σκιμαλίζειν) cinaedis, sive pelliciendis, sive irridendis. (In as much as the middle finger stretched out, the other fingers being bent under, represents the extended penis with its bags (testicles), it came about that the Greeks used to show the middle finger in this way (the Greeks expressed it by one word σκιμαλίζειν) to cinaedi, whether to beckon them or by way of derision.). Martial, I. 93., Saepe mihi queritur Celsus.... Tangi se digito, Mamuriane, tuo. (Often Celsus complains to me that he is touched by your finger, Mamurianus.) VI. 70., Ostendit digitum, sed impudicum. (He shows a finger, but an indecent one). Οἱ δὲ Ἀττικοὶ καὶ τὸν μέσον τῆς χειρὸς δάκτυλον καταπύγωνα ὠνόμαζον. (Now the Attics used to call the middle finger of the hand the lewd finger.) Pollux, Onomast., II. 4. 184. Suetonius, Caligula, ch. 56., Osculandam manum offerre, formatam commotamque in obscoenum modum. (To offer his hand to be kissed, put into an obscene shape and moved in an obscene way.) Th. Echtermeyer, “Progr. über Namen und symbol. Bedeut. der Finger bei den Griechen und Römern.” (Names and Symbolic Meaning of the Fingers amongst the Greeks and Romans.) Halle 1835. 4to., pp. 41-49., treats very exhaustively of this subject.

285 On account of the resemblance of its harsh, screeching note? Reiske remarks on this passage: Est autem κερχνίς avis quaedam a stertendo sic dicta, vel stridore, quem edit similem iis qui stertunt. (But the κερχνίς,—hawk, is a bird so called from the snoring, or harsh note it utters, like men who snore). Comp. Schneider, Lexicon, under words κέρχνος and κέρχω (hoarseness, to make hoarse).

286 Horace, Odes II. 8.,

(If any punishment for perjured faith had ever hurt you, Barinus, if you had had but a blackened tooth, or had been disfigured in one single nail, I would believe).

287 Epistle to the Romans, Ch. I. vv. 24, 26, 27.

288 Names of noted women are given by Martial, bk. XI. Epigr. 95. Comp. below. p. 118. note 3.

289 Rerum Gestarum bk. XIV. ch. 19.—Petronius, Satir., ch. 68., says of a slave: duo tamen vitia habet, quae si non haberet, esset omnium nummorum: recutitus est et stertit. (Yet has he two faults, lacking which he would be a man above price: he is circumcised and he snorts.)—Terence, Eunuch., Act V. sc 1. v. 53, Fatuus et insulsus, bardus, stertit noctes et dies. Neque istum metuas ne amet mulier. (Foolish and silly, a stupid fellow, he snores all night and all day. Have no fear that a woman could love him.)

290 Bk. XII. Epigr. 87.,

(You say paederasts’ breath smells foul. If what you allege is true, Fabullus, what sort of a breath think you have cunnilingi?—cunnilingi, i. e. illi qui pudenda mulierum lingunt, men who lick women’s private parts).

291 Lucian, Philopatr., ch. 20. relates: Ἀνθρωπίσκος δέ τις, τοὔνομα Χαρίκενος, σεσημμένον γερόντιον, ῥέγχον τῇ ῥινὶ, ὑπέβηττε μύχιον, ἐχρέμπτετο ἐπισεσυρμένον· ὁ δὲ πτύελος κυανώτερος θανάτου· εἶτα ἤρξατο ἐπιφθέγγεσθαι κατισχνημένον. (But a little man, whose name was Charicenus, a tiny mouldy old man, snorting through his nose, gave a deep cough and cleared his throat with a long-drawn hawking,—and his spittle was blacker than death. Then he began to speak in a thin voice). The same is said of an Egyptian boy in Lucian’s Navigium, ch. 2. Aulus Gellius, Noct. Attic., Bk. III. ch. 5., gives the following story: Plutarchus refert, Arcesilaum philosophum vehementi verbo usum esse de quodam nimis delicato divite, qui incorruptus tamen et castus et perinteger dicebatur. Num cum vocem eius infractam, capillumque arte compositum et oculos ludibundos atque illecebrae voluptatisque plenos videret: Nihil interest, inquit quibus membris cinaedi sitis, posterioribus an prioribus. (Plutarch reports a biting phrase made use of by the philosopher Arcesilaus of a certain rich and over-dainty man, who yet had the name of being unspoiled and temperate and highly virtuous. Noting his broken voice, and hair artfully arranged, and rolling eyes full of allurement and wantonness, “It makes no odds,” he said, “which members ye play the cinaedus with, whether those behind or those in front.”) Comp. § 16. below.

292 Paedagog., bk. III. ch. 4. p. 230.

293 E.G. Bose, νόσῳ θηλείᾳ· (Discussion of the νόσος θήλεια of the Scythians). Leipzig 1774. 4to.—Chr. Heyne, “De maribus inter Scythas morbo effeminatis et de Hermaphroditis Floridae.” (On the transformation of males into females among the Scythians as the result of disease, and on the Hermaphrodites of Florida). Göttingen 1779., Vol. I. pp. 28-44.—E. L. W. Nebel, “De Morbis Veterum obscuris.” (On some Obscure Diseases of the Ancients) Sect. I. Giessen 1794. No. I. pp. 17, 18.—Graaf, “Morbus femineus Scytharum.” (Feminine Disease of the Scythians). Würzburg N. D. 8vo., is cited by Friedreich. p. 33.—C. W. Stark, “De νούσῳ θηλείᾳ apud Herodotum Prolusio.” (Disquisition on the νούσος θήλεια in Herodotus). Jena 1827. 64 pp. 4to.—J. B. Friedreich, “Νοῦσος θήλεια”, a Historical fragment in his “Magazin für Seelenheilkunde” (Magazine of Medical Psychology). Pt. I. Würzburg 1829., pp. 71-78., and in his “Analekten zur Natur- und Heilkunde” (Selections in Natural and Medical Science) Würzburg 1831. 4to., pp. 28-33.

294 Herodotus, Hist. Bk. I. ch. 105. Τοῖσι δὲ τῶν Σκυθέων συλήσασι τὸ ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν Ἀσκάλωνι, καὶ τοῖσι τούτων αἰεὶ ἐκγὁνοισι, ἐνέσκηψε ἡ θεὸς θήλειαν νοῦσον· ὥστε ἅμα λέγουσί τε οἱ Σκύθαι διὰ τοῦτό σφεας νοσέειν, καὶ ὁρᾷν παρ’ ἑωυτοῖσι τοὺς ἀπικνεομένους ἐς τὴν Σκυθικὴν χώρην ὡς διακέαται, τοὺς καλέουσι Ἐναρέας οἱ Σκύθαι.—for translation see text.

295 “Recherches et Dissertations sur Herodote.” (Researches and Dissertations on Herodotus). Dijon 1746. 4to., pp. 207-212. Ch. XX., Ce que c’étoit que la maladie des femmes, que la Déesse Venus envoya aus Scythes. (What was the nature of the “Women’s Disease” which the goddess Venus sent on the Scythians).

296 Costar, “Defence des Œuvres de Voiture.” (Defence of the Works of Voiture), and “Apologie” p. 194.

297 Sprengel, “Apologie des Hippocrates.” (Defence of Hippocrates). Leipzig 1792. Pt. II. p. 616.

298 De Girac, “Réponse à l’Apologie de Voiture par Costar.” (Reply to Costar’s Apology of Voiture). p. 54.

299 Bayer, “Memoria Scythica in Commentat. Petropolitan,” (Memoir on the Scythians,—in St. Petersburg Commentaries). 1732., Vol. III. pp. 377, 8.

300 Part. VI. p. 35.

301 Patin, “Comment. in vetus monument. Ulpiae Marcellin.” (Commentary on the ancient Monument of Ulpia Marcellina) p. 413.

302 Hensler, “Geschichte der Lustseuche.” (History of Venereal Disease). Altona 1783., Vol. I. p. 211.

303 Degen, Translation of Herodotus (German), Vol. I. p. 81. note.

304 Mercurialis, Various Readings. Bk. III. d. 64.

305 Sauvages, “Nosologia methodic.” (Systematic Nosology). Lyons 1772., Vol. VII. p. 365.

306 Koray on Hippocrates, “De aere aq. et loc.” (On influence of Air, Water and Locality)., Vol. II. p. 326.

307 In Euripides’ Hippolytus, v. 5., Venus says of herself:

(I love and protect him who recognises my right, and undo him whose pride rebels against me).

308 Plato, Sympos. 192 b., πρὸς γάμους καὶ παιδοποιΐας οὐ προσέχουσι τὸν νοῦν φύσει, ἀλλὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ νόμου ἀναγκάζονται, ἀλλ’ ἐξαρκεῖ αὐτοῖς μετ’ ἀλλήλων καταζῆν ἀγάμοις. (To marriage and the procreation of children they pay no attention whatever naturally, but are only forced by the law to do so. It is enough for them to live out their lives with one another unwed).

309 “Histoire d’Herodote, par M. Larcher.” (Herodotus’ History, translated (French) by Mons. Larcher). Vol. I. Paris 1786., p. 368. Un homme d’esprit, mais peu instruit, croyoit que le sentiment de M. le President Bouhier se detruisoit de lui-même. Peut on supposer, disoit il, que Vénus aveugle en sa vengeance, se soit fait à elle même l’affront le plus sanglant, et qu’aux dépens de son culte, elle ait procuré des adorateurs au Dieu de Lampsaque, qu’elle ne doit chérir que lorsqu’il vient sacrifier sur ses autels. (A witty but superficial critic considered the opinion of the president Bouhier to be self-contradictory. Can Venus be supposed, he argued, so blind in her vengeance as to have put on herself the deadliest of affronts, and at the expense of her own worship to have given adorers to the god of Lampsacus, whom she must only patronize when he comes to sacrifice at her altars?)

310 Natalis Comes, Mythologia p. 392., according to the report of several Scholiasts. The Scholiast on Lucian, Amores ch. 2., writes Ἐπεὶ καὶ ταῖς Λημνίαις γυναιξὶν ἔγκοτος Ἀφροδίτη γενομένη, εἶτα δυσώδεις αὐτὰς ποιήσασα, ἀποκοίτους αὐτὰς ποιῆσαι τοὺς ἄνδρας αὐτῶν ἠνάγκασεν. (When Aphrodité, angered with the women of Lemnos, had then made them malodorous, and so compelled their husbands to expel them from their beds). Similarly the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argonaut., I. 609., αἱ Λήμνιαι γυναῖκες ... τῶν τῆς Ἀφροδίτης τιμῶν κατολιγωρήσασαι, καθ’ ἑαυτῶν τὴν θεὸν ἐκίνησαν· πάσαις γάρ δυσοσμίαν ἐνέβαλεν, ὡς μηκέτι αὐτὰς τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἀρέσκειν. (The Lemnian women, by neglecting the honours due to Aphrodité, stirred the goddess’ anger against them. For she inflicted on them all an ill-odour, so that they were no longer pleasing to their husbands). To the same purport the Scholiast on Euripides, Hecuba v. 887., who cites Didymus as authority:

Ἐν Λήμνῳ γυναῖκες ἐτέλουν ἐτήσιον ἑορτὴν Ἀφροδίτῃ· ἐπεὶ οὖν ποτε καταφρονήσασαι τῆς θεοῦ, ἀπέλιπον τὸ ἔθος, ἡ Ἀφροδίτη ἐνέβαλεν αὐταῖς δυσωδίαν, ὡς μὴ δύνασθαι τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἄνδρας αὐταῖς πλησιάσαι· αἱ δὲ νομίσασαι, ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνδρῶν καταφρονεῖσθαι, τούτους πάντας ἀπέκτειναν. ὁ δέ Δίδυμος οὕτω. (At Lemnos the women used to celebrate a yearly festival in honour of Aphrodité. And so when on one occasion they scorned the goddess and neglected the custom, Aphrodité afflicted them with an ill odour, so that their own husbands could not come near them. And they concluding they were scorned by their husbands, killed them all. Didymus confirms this). The Lesbian Myrtilus or Myrsilus gives a different account of the origin of the evil smell of the Lesbian women, representing it in the First Book of his “Lesbica” as a consequence of the magic arts of Medea, who had landed with Jason at Lemnos. The story was taken from the lost Work of Myrtilus by Antigonus Carystius, Histor. mirab. collect., edit. J. Meursius. Leyden 1629. 4to., ch. 130. p. 97., Τὰς δέ Λημνίας δυσόσμους γενέσθαι, Μηδείας ἀφικομένης μετ’ Ἰάσονος καὶ φάρμακα ἐμβαλλούσης εἰς τὴν νῆσον· κατὰ δέ τινα χρόνον καὶ μάλιστα ἐν ταύταις ταῖς ἡμέραις, ἐν αἷς ἱστοροῦσι τὴν Μήδειαν παραγενέσθαι, δυσώδεις αὐτὰς οὕτως γίνεσθαι ὥστε μηδένα προσϊέναι. (And that the Lemnian women became malodorous, when Medea came thither with Jason and cast poisonous drugs on the island; and that for some length of time and particularly in those days when Medea is related to have been there, they were so ill-smelling that no man could approach them.) Also the Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, I. 165., says: τῶν ἄλλων ἱστορούντων, ὅτι κατὰ χόλον τῆς Ἀφροδίτης αἱ Λημνιάδες δύσοσμοι ἐγένοντο, Μυρτίλος ἐν πρώτῳ Λεσβικῶν διαφέρεται· καὶ φησὶ τὴν Μήδειαν παραπλέουσαν, διὰ ζηλοτυπίαν ῥίψαι εἰς τὴν Λήμνον φάρμακον, καὶ δυσοσμίαν γενέσθαι ταῖς γυναιξίν, εἶναί τε μέχρι τοῦ νῦν κατ’ ἐνιαυτὸν ἡμέραν τινὰ, ἐν ᾗ διὰ τὴν δυσωδίαν ἀποστρέφονται τὰς γυναῖκας ἄνδρές τε καὶ υἱεῖς. (Whereas others relate that in consequence of the anger of Aphrodité the women of Lemnos became evil-smelling, Myrtilus in the first Book of the “Lesbica” tells a different tale. He says that Medea, sailing past the land, moved by envy cast a poison on the island, and so an ill odour fell on the women; further that there is down to the present time a day once a year, on which owing to this foul odour husbands and sons turn and flee from the women.) Finally there is an Epigram of Lucillius in the Greek Anthology (edit. H. de Bosch, Vol. I. p. 416.) Bk. II. Tit. 14. no. 4., mentioning the evil smell of the Lemnian women:

(Neither the Chimaera of Homer had so ill a smell, nor yet the herd (as the story goes) of fire-breathing bulls, not all Lemnos, not the foulest of the Harpies, nor even Philoctetes’ putrefying foot. So you see, Telesilla, you outdo—the vote is unanimous,—Chimaeras, putrefactions, bulls, birds, Lemnian women!) The stench of Telesilla outdid, we see, all known evil smells, even that of the Lemnian women, etc. Also in Valerius Flaccus, bk. II. 99-241., is found this myth of the Lemnian women.

311 Hence Iphis, in Ovid, Metam., IX. 723 sqq., says:

(Iphis loves one that she knows, alas! she can never enjoy, and this fact itself increases her passion. A maiden burns for a maiden. Hardly keeping back her tears she cries: What fate awaits me,—me who suffer sorrow of Venus known to none, a sorrow monstrous and of strange new sort? If the gods were willing to spare me, they would have given me a natural curse surely, one of ordinary kind. No cow burns for a cow, no mare for the love of mares, nor any woman is taken with love for a woman. Would I were no woman!)

Similarly Lucillius says of the paederast Cratippus in the Greek Anthology, bk. II. Tit. V. no. 1.;

(Of the boy-loving Cratippus will I tell you; for a strange new wonder I report. Yea! great are the penalties he pays. The boy-loving Cratippus we have found has another character. What character? I should have thought him to be of those whose love is eager on one side only. Did I think so, Cratippus? Well, I shall seem a madman, if—professing the while to all to be a wolf,—you of a sudden appear in the character of a kid).

But most important in this connection is the passage of Aeschines, Orat. in Timarch., p. 178., μὴ γὰρ οἴεσθαι, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, τὰς τῶν ἀτυχημάτων ἀρχὰς ἀπὸ θεῶν, ἀλλ’ οὐχ ὑπ’ ἀνθρώπων ἀσελγείας γίνεσθαι, μηδὲ τοὺς ἠσεβηκότας, καθάπερ ἐπὶ ταῖς τραγῳδίαισι, Ποινὰς ἐλαύνειν καὶ κολάζειν δᾳσὶν ἡμμέναις· ἀλλ’ αἱ προπετεῖς τοῦ σώματος ἡδοναὶ, καὶ τὸ μηδὲν ἱκανὸν ἡγεῖσθαι. (For you must not dream, Athenians, that the causes of calamities are from the gods, and that such are not rather due to the wickedness of mankind. Do not imagine the impious are driven by Furies, as is represented in the Tragedies, and chastised with blazing torches; nay! it is reckless indulgence in bodily pleasures that is the scourge, and immoderate desires). Comp. Theon, Progymn., ch. 7.—Cicero, Orat. in Pison., 20., Nolite putare, Patres Conscripti, ut in scena videtis homines consceleratos impulso deorum terreri Furiarum taedis ardentibus. Sua quemque fraus, suum facinus, suum scelus, sua audacia de sanitate ac mente deturbat. Hae sunt impiorum Furiae, hae flammae, hae faces. (Dream not, Conscript Fathers, that wicked men, as you see represented on the stage, are driven in terror, at the instigation of the gods, by the blazing torches of the Furies. ’Tis his own dishonesty, his own wickedness, his own baseness, his own recklessness, that destroys each man’s health and sanity. These are the furies that torment the impious, these the flames and torches).