This story I mention, because he has been cunning enough to skip it over, and only says, p. 31. “’twas well for him he had some money from one of the Ruby’s people,” which must be the said lieutenant’s servant.”

I think it needs explanation, how such friendship could exist between two warlike ships of nations already declared enemies, especially since Shelvocke has said nothing of it; fancying the world might ascribe it to his own wise conduct, or rather his gasconading Monsieur into that complaisant temper.

I must therefore acquaint the reader that La Jonquiere had on board his ship a good sum of the King’s money, and near twenty fathers; some of which had been many years in Peru, Chili and Paraguay missionaries de propaganda fide, and had well fill’d their purses, the gospel there proving very great gain: besides many other wealthy passengers from those parts. These pacific gentry did by no means like the noise of great guns, or changing the pleasures of this world for the uncertainties of immortality: and Monsieur, no doubt, had found how to turn that disposition of theirs into a good article in his accounts. Besides, to my knowledge he had not at his first coming in, above sixty well men, tho’ he had near 400 aboard, passengers included; which ill state of his people was chiefly occasion’d by his passing Cape Horne in the winter with indifferent provision, which the Spaniards in America know not how to cure or pack up.

Before we sail’d, there arrived a French merchant ship from St. Malo, commanded by Monsieur Dumain Girard, bound for Chili; who meeting La Jonquiere at sea, had got an order on Shelvocke to pay him the money: But Shelvocke refus’d it, saying, he would remit it, on his return to England, to the lieutenant, whose money it was; which, if he has done, is very extraordinary, being contrary to his dealings in other cases, with those who have had his acquaintance in this voyage.

At length we sail’d from St. Catharine’s, but saw no more ships to try the project of the Emperor’s colours with: so that nothing to my present purpose happens, till we got round Cape Horne. Where, as we approach the enemy, Shelvocke fearing some of us might be spies upon his actions, thought it the wisest way to get rid of those whom he had hitherto observed uneasy at his procedings; and sets his son George and Adams his kinsman, to tell us, in a formal manner; That such of us, as did not like to serve under captain Shelvocke, should soon be found with other imbarkations. And this was often repeated.

Let the reader then be pleased to observe, that he has placed this affair p. 62. before we got to Cape Horne: but this is another proof that he kept no regular journal, for all this happened when we were in the great South-Sea, and liquors began to grow scarce.

He begins, p. 60: where he says, as we advanced to the southward, the men’s stomachs increased with the sharpness of the air. Here he says I grew a champion for the officers, and wanted a greater allowance at his table: which is intirely a false insinuation, for no one was better pleased with the allowance, and so were the people: and having served as an officer several years in the navy, I must needs know that any man, in such an expedition, guilty of what Shelvocke lays to my charge, well deserved to be shot through the head. Afterwards he aggravates this story, by saying Betagh had a voracious appetite, and eat more than came to his share. I need not wonder at any thing Shelvocke says on this head; for he being a very small eater himself, fancied all other people gluttons: I verily believe he never eat above two ounces in a day, as long as hipsy lasted; but was a great drinker all the voyage; whereas I never loved drinking: so that the difference between us is only this, I eat more than he, and he drank more than I: and when I am to tell the story, the reflection is turned: He appears a drunkard, and I a moderate man.

Now this is such mean pitiful scandal for an author who sets out with the noble title of a voyage round the world, that it must convince mankind how trifling his observations have been, how ill grounded his malice is to me, and how far fetched his revenge. ’Tis a poor reflection upon a man, who in his appetite is as moderate as most are, and hardly deserves the answer I have given it.

’Tis in the same page, where he says I had the insolence to tell him publickly, that the voyage should be short with him. I frankly own I said the words, and scorn to deny it: but said them not in that order he has maliciously put them. For to avoid his brow-beating me, I often used to sit cross the spitsail-yard arm in fine weather, with a book, or the fishgigg to strike the fish; and one time coming down pretty thirsty, I found them all drinking hugger mugger in the cabin, upon which I said, Faith, now I find I must drink in spight; which Shelvocke furiously resented, as an argument that I would drink in spight of him, whether he would or no: upon which I thus addrest him, and said, since we are past the Cape, the most dangerous and fatiguing part of our navigation, and are so near the enemy, I beg of you, Sir, to let us live as easy as possible; for now I hope in God the voyage will be short with us. These were infallibly my very words: but according to his way of perverting them, what must the reader imagine, but that I designed to throw my captain over-board, or murder him?

As Shelvocke has turn’d it, it can bear no better meaning. This I think a very cruel mischievous way of perverting a man’s words, and not unlike the Devil’s method of quoting scripture.

However, my good captain, for these and other reasons that I have set forth, was pleased to order me under confinement: and it may be here thought strange, considering what a troublesome creature he has represented me, that I bore this with such temper and submission; ’tis much he don’t say I mutinied. But I was taken into custody, laid at my full length on the arms-chest at the bulk-head in the steerage, and confined just there: and, what with the height of the chest and the bedding, the upper deck was so very close, I had hardly room to lie extended upon it, there being no possibility of sitting up, so that my victuals was brought me there; and when I offered to make water upon deck, the centinel was always close at my heels with a drawn sword: and thus I continued twelve or fourteen days, no body daring to speak to me, except Mr. Hendrie, who before this was also turn’d out of the mess.

Liberty is what we are all fond of; but the ridiculous manner of my confinement made it more irksom and tedious: so that it was natural for me to try any method for inlargement. And if Shelvocke had proceded legally, I should have been try’d by a council of our own officers, according to captain Rogers’s method, which we were order’d to follow: but being past all hopes of that, I soon found it plain, that all he wanted was an humble letter under my hand; for by what his son George had said (that we should be soon found with other imbarkations) I believe I was intended a sacrifice to the Spaniard: therefore finding by Adams, that a letter was expected, I e’en writ five or six lines in as handsome a manner as I could, but not that long forg’d letter, p. 26. fram’d and contrived just to serve his own purpose, by making him appear innocent and me guilty: the original of which, if he can produce of my hand writing, I here promise to own all the rest of his book to be true. And doubtless, if I ever wrote such a letter, Shelvocke would be wise enough to preserve it, not only for his own credit, but to put me to confusion.——Wherefore I here dare him to it: and whatever I did write, the reader may easily see that the nature of my circumstances extorted it.

As for the additional allowance, which he speaks of, p. 62. ’tis inserted there on purpose to make that inference, p. 74. where he says he could not procede directly to the northward, because the supernumerary allowance aforementioned had wasted our wood and water; and so truly Shelvocke says he was obliged to go to Narbrough’s island to recruit these two articles.

Sure this man has the greatest share of hypocrisy that I ever met with. This story is a mere vile fiction made here at home, to excuse himself to the Owners, who have all been inraged at his conduct. Shelvocke was still fearful of meeting his consort; and goes to Narbrough’s island, for nothing but to loiter time away, and avoid any probable chance of seeing Clipperton: besides no private ships have any business to touch to the southward, there being nothing at all to be got; and by his own account you see it was a foolish attempt, for he came back as he went, and narrowly escaped losing his ship.

While he is going round Cape Horne, he gravely tells us, p. 73. how melancholy it was to be without his consort. “I must own (says he) that this navigation is truly melancholy, and was the more so to us, who were by our selves, without a companion, which would have somewhat diverted our thoughts from the reflexion of being in such a remote part of the world, and as it were, separated from the rest of mankind, to struggle with the dangers of a stormy climate.”——poor Shelvocke! Now this is all such a jest, that it makes the reader laugh: for after all your whining, ’tis plain it better suted your scheme to be without captain Clipperton, who having no store of wine or brandy, must needs be very melancholy in this wretched climate; and therefore these reflections of yours would seem much more natural from Clipperton, who wanted your company more than you did his.

Still to confirm this, as we came into the parallel of the island of Chiloe, on the continent, latitude 40 South, Shelvocke would go in there, and all the arguments we could use to the contrary, signified nothing: for late as it was, if we had gone to Fernandes, there were some hopes of meeting captain Clipperton, that being the last place of rendezvous, and where only all private ships do first touch for wood and water, without going to any part of the continent for fear of alarming the coast: besides, he well knew that no British, French, or any other ship ever touch’d there; nor hath any chart ever described it: yet he would venture in, where we almost miraculously escaped with our lives; and all this, like the rest of his schemes, to avoid joining captain Clipperton.

We were no sooner enter’d, but we found our selves surrounded with terrible breakers; for such is the uncertainty and rapidity of the several tides or currents meeting there, that ’twould at once astonish and baffle the most judicious mariner to describe it.

We were first taken under the bow with a current setting from the lee of one island: (there being several) then immediately under the quarter with another, so that the ship could not answer her helm. At last the most powerful of these currents horsed her away on the west shore, into three fathom and a half, where the torrent ran with such impetuosity, and the ground was so foul, that the sand appear’d on the surface from the bottom: all which together afforded us a dismal prospect. However the anchor brought her up, which if we had not let go when we did, every man of us must inevitably have perish’d: for had she touch’d the bottom there, she must in a moment have gone to pieces, or overset by the strength of the current.

According to this description, the reader, tho’ unacquainted with seamanship, will easily conceive that every soul of us was in the utmost danger by the unwarrantable procedings of this one obstinate man: Tho’ to do justice to my enemy, I must allow captain Shelvocke to be as able a seaman and artist as perhaps any whatever; which still makes his guilt in this affair the more enormous.

To confirm what I have already said, the ship, while riding here, kept continually on the sheer, till the cable was so rubb’d and gaul’d by the rocks, that it was stranded, and then it parted: But Shelvocke will have it, p. 80. that the great strain it then bore, was occasion’d by the wind blowing fresh: whereas if it had blown more than a moderate gale, we could not have kept our topsails loose; which very providentially saved all our lives: for as soon as we found her adrift, we back’d her off to the eastward, the tide being chang’d; but had she cast with her head to the westward, our voyage must infallibly have terminated there with our lives.

As to the reasons he gives for going to this place, they are all invented and made at home. He says, p. 77. La Fontaine, the Frenchman we had out of the Ruby, gave him great hopes and ideas of the place, for that he had been there; but I am sure that ship never touch’d to the southward, farther than Conception: and then he says that Frenchman’s assurances prevail’d upon us all unanimously to go to this island: whereas, as I said before, we all too well knew the danger and vanity of it, (to call it no worse) and labour’d in vain to dissuade him from it.

I have given the reader many specimens of Shelvocke’s hypocrisy and baseness; here follows an instance of his ill manners. At our arrival in the harbour of Chiloe, Shelvocke, by the advice of La Port our third lieutenant, hoisted French colours, and assumes the name of Janis le Breton; and the Speedwel he calls the St. Rose, in which the said Le Breton had made several voyages in these Seas.

Here he puts in practice the strangest discipline that ever I heard of. As soon as we were in the harbour, the night approaching, our captain orders the watch upon deck to divide into three parties: on the forecastle, a midships, and on the quarterdeck; and to call out every five minutes to look out well afore there, look out well abaft there, each party in their turn answering aloud, Ay,—Ay; and this to be continued every night. This hollowing and hooping so terrified the people ashore, that they never dared to appear by day; and had nothing to do all night, but drive their cattle into the woods too far for us to follow them, and secure their best effects as well as they could. Add to this the terrible scarecrow figures we made by day in our grenadiers caps, which he made us all put on to fright the enemy, and which were at least two and twenty inches high. So that the people aboard the canoe, which first came to us, and carried Shelvocke’s first letter to the governer, were so scared at us, that they never had courage enough to return with an answer: but erected a pole with a white flag of peace, in the night time, and at the foot of it left a letter from the governer, with a present of twelve large hams for our captain.

By this letter, p. 84. it was great condescension in the governer to take that notice of us: for tho’ we indeavour’d to pass for the ship above mention’d, yet by this odness of discipline, and monstrous kind of caps, I rather think they took us for some wild creatures from a country yet unknown. Now if Shelvocke had at heart the interest of his owners, he would have improved this disposition of the governer, who had, as it were kindly broke the ice, by making the first present: For all the governers for his Spanish Majesty are strictly forbid to deal in any wise; but particularly ordered to oppose all nations having any provisions whatever, as being most jealous of that clandestine way of trade.

The governer, no doubt, expected some sort of return for his present: at least a gentleman like one: for none of the governers in this part of the world come to take the air, but to make their fortunes. But our Janis Le Breton returns about a pound and half of butter, at least eighteen months in salt; a pound of black pepper, and two Dutch cheeses about the bigness of ninepin bowls. Now any one may imagine how stupidly ridiculous this appeared to a gentleman, governer of a province flowing indeed with milk and honey. However, in his next letter he thanks our captain in terms as civil as the former.

If Shelvocke had sent the governer a handsome piece of silk of the Cape Frio acquisition, for his lady, it would have been a genteel return, and sutable to the gaiety of the American Spaniards. I make no doubt we should have had fat beeves and hogs, as many as we wanted: but the whimsical duty which our commander order’d us to perform, together with his own aukward behaviour, made us really appear both frightful and ridiculous: and if he had acted as he ought, what pretext could remain for his loitering here, and not going immediately to the place of rendezvous? But his coming in and all he did here, was intirely vain amusement, idly wasting five or six weeks, ordering us every day ashore, in our fools caps, in the persuit of game or shooting the wild boar.

So that what we were chiefly supplied with, was the produce of two small islands on the starboard-side going in; for which we were indebted to lieutenant Brook’s good management, who at our first coming secured all the small imbarkations he found in the bay, which hindered the inhabitants carrying off their cattle.

I come now to the story, p. 98. relating to my self, which he has drest up with silly falsities only to expose me. In short, Shelvocke order’d me and lieutenant Dodd, with as many marines as the pinnace could carry, to go ashore at the flag place, to exercise only; whereas he falsly says it was to get supplies from the Spaniards. I who had never learned, seeing the rest of our officers had taken it in their heads to learn, thought it would appear singular, if I did not learn too: so we exercised about half a dozen times making but one line of about fifteen men (tho’ he talks of ranks) and went strait aboard. The real design of this was quite otherwise than he would have the world believe: for the second or third day after our arrival, two canoes approach’d us to form some judgment of our designs; and for that reason we were order’d to exercise ashore, in this manner, to appear as formidable as we could: but it was in hopes the Spaniards, taking it for a formal landing to plunder them, would knock us on the head, which was easily enough to be done; for Shelvocke when he sent us, said there was no need of any powder or shot, tho’ we cautiously took some unknown to him: besides, had it been only to exercise, it might have been done aboard, or at the watering place the other side the bay, where there was none but our own people.

There was no reason to send us in the very mouths of the Spaniards, with so few men, unfurnish’d (as he thought) with ammunition, to a place where only danger could be expected, if it was not with secret hopes to have us cut off: For Dodd and I being two of those who were a check upon him, he did not want above half his number of men to carry on his separate views and base designs. And tho’ he says Hatley commanded the boat, I seriously aver that Hatley was not among us: but it was the pinnace, and no soul with us but the marines, who rowed her ashore and off again, by eleven a clock the same morning, tho’ he says I was left all night.

But fully to prove that Shelvocke never kept any journal at all; I do own that about five weeks after this time, I being ashore on one of the two islands on the other side the bay to keep a guard at the watering-place, where was no body but our own men; captain Hatley came in the evening for a longboat load of wood and water, when it began to blow fresh, and a great swell to tumble in, which obliged him to hawl the longboat further out to her grapling, to prevent her thumping against the rocks; so that the men were forced to wade middle high to carry in their burthens of wood: the swell still increasing, I did not care to be sowsed over head and ears, and desired captain Hatley to go off without me, which he did; and lieutenant Brook came in an hour’s time afterwards and carried me and my guard off.

This is the plain short truth: and the reader by this time may ghess what a fine life we had of it, under the arbitrary direction of a captain, who had neither principles to act honestly, nor conscience to speak truth.

At the close of this tale he endeavours to be witty, by saying that the men refused to carry me to the boat; for that they would not load themselves with the weight of one who was neither seaman nor soldier. Whether they said so, or no, I shall not inquire, for wit and truth may be as far distant as the poles. It’s the only place in all his book where he aims to be witty, and the singularity of it makes me take this notice of it: though I can see no reason for his giving it that turn here; because bringing a boat off shore could not require a man to be much of a soldier or sailor: but if he means want of courage or conduct, I allow he has always been witty enough not to tell me so since we came home.

Shelvocke flushed with his imaginary success at this island of Chiloe, now affects the Statesman; and offers to the public a scheme of the advantages which might accrue to Great Britain, by taking that island, p. 113, 114; with hopes, no doubt, of being at the head of such an undertaking: but one may easily foresee, without prejudging the man, that he who has behaved so ill in this expedition, will never be trusted with any command in another: and ’tis well enough known, without his medling, that no people can make settlements in the Spanish West-Indies, with so much ease and safety, as the English if they please; as having skill and power to do anything at sea, if they have good commanders.

But it must appear very absurd to the government, to whom he submits this notion of his, that a mariner who has circumnavigated the globe, can discover no better place than Chiloe for his Britannic Majesty’s subjects to possess themselves of; from the great dangers of which he owns all of us to be but providentially escaped: for according to his own, and my description of it (who have been very particular) it appears immediate destruction for any one to attempt the going in. He owns he lost his anchor at his first coming too; and gives a most terrible account of the chanel, himself: and yet has the folly and presumption to incourage his own countrymen to settle here. What can this be, but a design against the lives of his Majesty’s good subjects? In my humble opinion ’tis malice prepense, and deserves exemplary punishment.

And as for the additional stock of provision he boasts of, p. 100, he has much magnified it in his book: and whatever it might be, it was not worth our going there to alarm the coast, and thereby frustrate the very design of our coming out. A stranger would rather believe he had been bribed before he left London, by this counter method to defeat the whole enterprize.

Captain Clipperton by this time might reasonably be supposed gone from Fernandes: so away we sail from Chiloe to our own satisfaction, as well as the great joy of the King of Spain’s subjects, whom we had plagued all round that bay, tho’ to little purpose.

But instead of Fernandes, he is quickly furnished with another excuse from holding his course thither; which he says, p. 115, was the persuasions of his people to the contrary: “for they had notions, which the Frenchman had inspired them with, of vast advantages by going first to the port of Conception.” This too is all a fiction, forged at home to palliate his own male practice; for we were all against medling with the continent, and wanted to seek out our consort and try our fortune at sea; which ’tis well known has always been, and must be the practice of privatiers, who mean to succede in their undertaking.

But if any doubt had arisen, why did he not, in this emergence, call a council of his officers according to his own instructions, which obliged him particularly to follow that method observed by captain Rogers, printed at large in his voyage, and where there are examples enough of this kind? But Shelvocke’s reason for not doing it now, and for never once doing it at all, is a manifest proof that the faults he imputes to his officers, are forgeries of his own, made to excuse his vices at the expense of their credit.

However, Shelvocke goes into Conception, where he took two ships; the one waiting for her loading, and worth little; the other was worth to us about 1500l: one moiety of which was laid aside for the owners; but when he lost his ship, they divided that and all among them, as he says, p. 227; tho’ he has thought fit not to mention any thing of his own six shares. Here he stays about a fortnight, under pretense of receiving ransom for the two ships; tho’ he knew very well that the governers in those parts never will, or dare suffer that practice, since thereby privatiers might make a tolerable hand on’t, tho’ even the whole coast were alarm’d: for it’s not only loss of ship and cargo to the ransomer, but likewise confiscation of all his goods and chattels: and what is yet to them more dreadful, the anathema or curses of the church.

Nevertheless the governer of Conception desires he may treat with one of our captain’s officers: so I was order’d on that important negotiation; but all my intreaties could not prevail with Shelvocke to let my servant go in his hat: he must wear one of the foremention’d tall grenadier caps two foot high. The fellow being of a squat size looked more like a burlesk figure in a droll, than a servant to an ambassador. So I proceeded, and was attended to the governer by all the mob in the town, and had much ado to look grave at so much farce. Shelvocke says, p. 142, “the man’s cap gave great offense, as if intended to ridicule the mitre:” which I can’t deny; for the churchmen had good reason to take umbrage at the extreme height of it.

P. 123. He has a falsity too flagrant to be believed at all. “I could perceive, says he, with my perspective an enemies boat pass within pistol shot of my pinnace, but captain Hatley, who commanded, never offered once to follow her, or bring her to: Hatley truly said he did not mind her, tho’ his boat’s crew all agreed that she was full of men:” This he exults upon mighty captain-like; but I affirm that Hatley did chace her immediately, and we were all well enough diverted with it; he following her quite cross the bay till he came within reach of the enemies guns on the platform; from whence they fired twice at him, and so well aimed, that in all probability the third would have sunk him, or made him the head shorter, the shot being eighteen pounders. This I am sure was in the sight of ten thousand people round the bay; for all that part of Chili was alarm’d, and whosoever was fit to bear arms appeared here to see the issue of our exploits.

Shelvocke having taken here, just after coming into the port, a small prize bound from Lima, found by letters she brought from the merchants there, that the coast was alarm’d to norward by one of Clipperton’s prizes retaken by the Spaniards: but this he keeps a secret from us, and resolves now to get rid of his men as fast as he can; therefore sends away lieutenant Randal, and an officer of marines, with about twenty five men, in a small bark which we took in the bay, to attack a little vessel that was hawl’d up almost dry, in a creek about six or seven miles from us: Shelvocke must needs have known that there could be nothing in her, since it was no secret to the Spaniards that we were an English privatier. The vanity of this attempt wants no explanation of mine, since he hath sufficiently described the folly and misfortune of it himself, p. 125. which is worth reading: there he lost five of his men, risquing their lives to take an empty, vessel: and the only incouragement he had of success from this undertaking, was from the boatswain of a small Spanish prize which he took a day or two before, who was already grown so very sincere a friend, and so heartily in our interest as to give us prodigious informations: and upon the credit of this man, Shelvocke pretends he sent the poor fellows to make this new experiment; which I may venture to say has proved our captain to be no politician.

After this he tells you, p. 127, the men murmur’d and grew very uneasy, damning the South Seas——as well they might, being thus order’d upon fools errands, without any hopes of making a good voyage for themselves; destined as it were for mere tools to carry on his own selfish ignorant projects. And yet Shelvocke, with a bold face and harden’d heart, says, even this too was their own fault. In short his conscience is an original; his book is an original, and he is an original; but I hope in God neither of ’em will ever be copied.

Captain Clipperton persued his voyage directly from the Cape Verd islands, and I do think it somewhat extraordinary, and well deserving the reader’s remark, that the Success arrived at the entrance into the streights of Magellan on the 30th of May 1719, being 52 and 30 south latitude. But Shelvocke could not find his way to St. Catherine’s, in latitude 27 : 30 south, till the 20th of June following, by his own account, p. 17.

I shall transcribe captain Clipperton’s procedings as minuted down in Mr. Taylor’s journal.

Success, May 29. “This day at noon I make my course from the westermost point of the island Fogo, one of the Cape Verd islands, latitude 14 : 40 N. to Cape Virgin Mary, the north point of the entrance into the freights of Magellan, in latitude 52 : 15 S. to be S. 29 : 00 W. the distance 1580 leagues, mer. dist. 36 : 04 W. longitude 44 : 18 W.”

May the 30th. “Fresh gales and squally for the first part these twenty four hours, but fairer towards the latter end. This afternoon we anchored in the streights of Magellan, in ten fathom water. The south point of the entrance call’d Queen Catharine’s Foreland, bearing then S.S.W. five leagues, and Cape Virgin Mary N. by E. one league. It makes like a large deep bay. We weigh from hence the next day, proceding farther till we come to Queen Elizabeth’s islands; where we send our pinnace ashore on the main, having found a fresh water river, but frozen up. We saw several flocks of geese and ducks, but were very shy. Our surgeon’s mate remains on shore. One Robert Dawson, a saylor, departed this life. Our surgeon’s mate was brought on board in the morning almost dead with the cold. At ten in the morning we weighed and made sail.”

June the 7th. “Fresh gales and fair weather the first part, but the later much snow. At two this afternoon anchor’d in forty fathom water, the northmost point of Elizabeth’s Island bore S. W. one league, St. Bartholomew’s island E. by S. two leagues: the yawl was sent ashore to gather greens. This place affords great quantity of a sort of wild sellary, which very much refreshed our men, and is good salading enough.”

June the 13th. “These twenty four hours squally with snow. We find here a good watering-place. Here is a fine wood, most hazel, with some tall beach trees, several of which are fit for masts.”

---- 14. “Sent our launch ashore with our empty casks: captain Clipperton and the carpenter went this morning ashore to look for a good stick for a mizen-mast, and find a good one ready fell’d. At noon the captain return’d with some wildfoul. Our men gather muscles and limpets in great plenty. Here we begin sorely to feel the want of our wine and brandy: and our men by frequent eating shellfish to help out with their allowance, are much troubled with the scurvy.”

20. “Cloudy weather, with much sleet and rain. Our launch brought on board her loading of wood, which we stowed away among the cask: at five this morning clear’d the hause and brought the small-bower on board: hoisted the launch in; at eleven our pinnace brought on board a mizen and mizen-top-sail-yard, with a new studdinsail-boom, and got ready to sail.”

21. “Weighed this forenoon at eleven. The tide being spent, stood into a small bay, but could find no ground with seventy fathom line; so were obliged to run to leeward again. Winds from S. W. to N. W.”

22. “Fresh gales and squally: at one this afternoon anchored in a fine bay in fifteen fathom, shingly ground: the northmost point of Port Famine N. by W. five leagues, and the southmost point of the small bay, which we christen’d no Bottom Bay, S. by E. four mile. At seven we weighed again plying to the southward; we had this day a good amplitude, and find the variation to be 14° : 15´ northerly. All the trees along shore are very tall; their tops cover’d with snow; the land prodigious high, so that we have strong flaws of wind almost continually: fresh water to be found in every bay.”

29. “A canoe with four Indians came on board us, being two men a woman and a boy: they are of a middle stature, dark complexion, a broad roundvisage, low fore-heads, black hair, very lank and short, with no cloathing but a skin to cover the middle: they had a small streak round the skin of their wrists, of a fine azure blue: they would not suffer the woman to come on board: captain Clipperton ordered them some bread and cheese, which they eat greedily, but would not touch a drop of brandy. They brought us some wild geese and ducks, which they exchanged for knives: they had a fire in the midship of their canoe, which is made of the bark of trees sewed together. They had bows and arrows, and some fishing tackle. After two hours stay they went ashore, making signs they would come again. To day we buried Thomas Camfield a marine.”

30. “Cloudy weather: our pinnace went ashore this afternoon at one, and returned at six, and with them the Indian canoe loaden with large muscles, which they truck’d with our people for bread, and what else they could get.”

July 1. “Moderate weather: our pinnace was sent ashore to fetch one of our men that tarried there yesterday, but could not find him. Our surgeon’s mate had one of his toes cut off, mortified with cold that night he stay’d ashore. At seven forenoon loosed both topsails; at nine weigh’d, and our pinnace brought the man aboard: an Indian canoe came on board; and one of them steping in, and being under fresh way, the rest of his companions held fast the towline, till they were almost hawl’d under water: so they were forced to let go the rope, and the Indian remain’d on board. Cape Froward bore at noon E. 14 mile; Point Gallant N. E. by E. four mile.”

2. “Moderate weather at half an hour past four this afternoon anchored in twenty fathom, small sand and shells. The body of Prince Rupert’s island bore south three mile: the low point of the bay we were in N. W. one mile. Another Indian canoe came on board: the woman they had wore a necklace of small beautiful shels, nicely strung, which went five or six turns round her neck; it look’d, at a small distance, like a pearl one. At seven this morning weigh’d and try’d the strength of the current, which ran about two knots.”

3. “For these twenty four hours strong gales of wind and cloudy weather: this afternoon at one anchor’d in thirty one fathom; small stones and shells. Point Middleton W. by S. two leagues, and the point of St. Jerom’s found N. W. by W. four mile: the tide run two knots and a half. At five in the afternoon, being high water, sounded in twenty seven fathom, at ten, forty five fathom, at twelve, forty five fathom, the ship having tail’d out. At four in the morning we found she drove: brought the cable to the capston and hove; but the tide running strong to leeward, and a fresh gale, she drove very fast: so that half past five we were forced to cut away the anchor with half the cable: and before we could get our sails set we were just aboard Prince Rupert’s island, having fifty fathom close to the side of it: but our sails filling, we had the good fortune to run off; and were forced quite back to Point Gallant bay, where we anchor’d in fourteen fathom.”

5. “These twenty four hours strong gusts of wind, with much snow and rain. At night dy’d Mr. John Crawford: several more fall ill: captain Shelvocke has many curses: at six forenoon our pinnace was sent ashore to get greens and other refreshments for the sick men. Winds at W. and N. W.”

7. “These twenty four hours strong squalls of winds: lowered our fore and main yards, at three this afternoon moor’d the ship. Mr. William Pridham our master gunner departed this life: buried one Thomas Oldfield.”

8. “These twenty four hours pretty moderate weather: at four this afternoon got up our lower yards: at eleven this morning we buried our gunner ashore, under a triple discharge of our small arms: and had an end of a strong plank drove down at the head of his grave, inscribed with his name, the ship’s name, with the month and year.”

10. “Squally weather with snow. At two this morning lower’d our yards again: at five Francis Doyle, one of our marines, died. The pinnace kept constantly imploy’d in fetching muscles and other shellfish: and the wild sellery, already mentioned, being the only eatable we can yet discover.”

11. “Moderate gales and hazy weather, with snow. At three this afternoon clear’d the hause: at seven this morning got up the yards again; this day put our ships company to shorter allowance of six to two, i. e. one piece of beef or pork for six men.”

17. “At eight in the forenoon weighed again, and at noon anchor’d in York Road, which is the same place we were drove out from when we lost our anchor; it is gravelly ground: Point Middleton W. S. W. three leagues, Cape Quad W. by S. five leagues.”

18. “Hazey weather with rain and snow. At half an hour past nine this evening the ship drove, it being loose sandy ground; hove up the anchor and stood into the bay. At eleven anchor’d in eight fathom: our buoy being staved, weighed the best bower to bend another, and so let it drop again. Moor’d: winds at W. N. W.”

20. “This morning captain Mitchel and lieutenant Davison went in the pinnace to Terra del Fuego or the south shore, in order to make a discovery of the passage that the French Tartan is said to have went thro’ into the South-Sea, May 1713, and to see if there was any anchoring beyond Cape Quad; being furnish’d with all necessaries for that purpose.”

29. “The pinnace return’d, having found the passage thro’ which the Tartan pass’d, but so narrow, that it was judged hazardous to go far that way: but their provisions fell short, and that place affording no manner of supply, they were forced to return before they could satisfy themselves throughly: yet they found several good bays to the N. W. of Cape Quad to anchor in. The Indians gave them a seal, which they broyled and roasted, and said it eat as well as any venison.”

August 1. “Captain Mitchel, with three more of our officers took the pinnace at six this forenoon, and resolve this time to inform themselves of the truth concerning the passage already mentioned into the South-Sea, and see if ’twere practicable for us to go through. Our other boats go a wooding and watering. This morning died Thomas Parry corporal of marines.”

5. “Captain Mitchel returns: but found no such passage to go thro’ into the South-Sea, as Monsieur Frezier would make us believe. It’s true they found a narrow streight which led them into a spacious bay full of ice: but no passage through.”

I shall transcribe no more from Taylor’s journal of what happen’d to them in these streights: what I have taken is for the information of my seafaring reader, and to shew him the many fatigues that Clipperton’s men were harrassed with in mooring and unmooring; their struggling with contrary winds and currents; the loss of their anchor, and their narrowly escaping a shipwreck against Rupert’s island: all which will easily convince him that to go through le Mair streights and round Cape Horne, is the safest and shortest navigation: Besides, the French, who have carried on a constant trade to those seas for almost thirty years, have always chosen it: add to this that captain Clipperton’s endeavours to find out the passage through Terra del Fuego, talked of by Frezier, demonstrate that he would gladly have been out of the streights as soon as he could: but Mitchel, who was a good seaman and curious enough, having made two essays, which took him up a fortnight, returned without finding any new passage: so that it’s very doubtful whether any Tartan, or other imbarkation ever past that way; tho’ Frezier has fondly imagined it a new discovery, and has marked it in his chart, which also is faulty in other respects.

August 18. Captain Clipperton got out of the streights of Magellan, proceding directly towards Fernandes, lat. 33 : 30 S. being the third and last place of rendezvous, where he arrives on the 7th of September 1719. According to his instructions he stays here a month for Shelvocke, and if he had stay’d four, he must then have gone without him. Captain Clipperton not being able to conjecture what was become of the Speedwel, gives her up for lost: however, before he weighed he sent captain Mitchel ashore to set up a cross, burying at the foot thereof a bottle, wherein was a letter for captain Shelvocke, directing another place of rendezvous and some proper signals to know each other at sea: but fearing that two of his men who had there deserted and absconded in the woods, might mischievously take down the said cross; he had his own name and Magee’s the surgeon, carv’d in the bark of one of the largest trees first presenting it self at landing.

Taylor’s Journal Sept. 8. 1719. “This being the last place of rendezvous to meet with or hear of the Speedwel: we find no signal nor footsteps of her; which gives us all no small uneasiness.”

---- 9. “At eight this morning sent sixteen men ashore: three of them die soon after they land, cursing Shelvocke with their dying breath, for running away with our wine and brandy. The truth of it is, our case is deplorable enough; for we have not a drop of either to chear the languishing spirits of our sick men: and we that at present, through the providence of the Almighty, injoy our health, cannot help being dejected to think how soon it may come to our turns to be taken with sickness.”

14. “Uncertain weather with rain. This day our boats bring eighteen goats aboard: sent ashore for some salt; our men having found here a good quantity ready made, which was left by some of the French ships who often touch here.”

28. “We continue to get our wood and water aboard, and our ship in a posture for sailing.”

Oct. 6. “Moderate gales of wind and fine weather. Captain Mitchel with some more of our officers go in the pinnace to the east part of the island to look four of our men, who have absented a fortnight: two of which men they found in the custody of our goat hunters, having met with them when in persuit of their game, saying they had greater difficulty in securing these fellows, than in killing double the number of goats: for at first they were forced to fire several times at them before they would surrender. They told our men that for the first five days they were hard put to’t, being forced to subsist wholly on the cabbage-trees, of which here is great plenty; but that having by good fortune one night found some fire that was left by our hunters, it served them in good stead, for they could then dress their fish and fill their bellies. Our pinnace is sent ashore to launch the longboat. Salted more fish, and brought off four cask more of seal.”

7. “Got all our people off the island into the launch, with most of the things we had on shore; leaving the two men that run away to take possession of Alexander Selkirk’s habitation, who was taken off this desolate place by captain Rogers in 1709; after having liv’d here above four years alone. Captain Mitchel goes ashore to set up a cross with a bottle buried at the foot of it, wherein is a letter for captain Shelvocke. At five this morning unmoord, and at eight weighed.”

The names carved as aforesaid on the bark of the tree stood thus, as I saw them.