The reason why Clipperton’s surname is omitted, was because he was well known in the South-Seas: and if any Spaniards or French who occasionally touch there had seen it, the discovery of the name might probably have alarmd the coast of Chili and Peru.

This done, captain Clipperton holds his course to the norward, soon arriving in the parallel of Lima: which being the chief scene of action, he stands off and on at a convenient distance, to prevent being descryed from the shore; where he had cruised but a small time, before he made himself master of several prizes: but necessity obliging him to send at least two officers, besides a sufficient number of his men on board each prize, it weaken’d him very much, so that he soon grasped more than he could hold. Add to this the low condition of his men, both by sickness and a reduction of their allowance that they were not overable to work the ship; besides the loss of thirty men, who dyed between the equator and this place. The misfortune of all this will best be seen in what follows: for in November the Success giving chase to a fresh sail a head, the last taken prize was run away with by the Spaniards, who by stratagem got the better of the few English that were put aboard her in a hurry: while the enemy, with manifest risque of their own lives, ran their ship ashore among the rocks, and alarmd all the coast.

—Here follow Taylor’s own words.

Success, November the 20th. “Fresh gales and fair weather. Yesterday at three in the afternoon we were surprized to see that when we made the signal to tack and stand off from the land, our last taken prize instead of observing the same, made sail for the shore as fast as she could, she being then the sternmost and nearest the shore, while we stand off, having another sail in view.”

21. “Little winds and fair weather. At three this afternoon finding the pink that yesterday stood in for the shore was run away with by the Spaniards, we begin to think it now full time to send all the Spanish prisoners ashore, as well to save our provision, as to let the Spaniards ashore have early notice of our good treatment towards those we had taken; that our men may be used after the same manner.”

From this period, therefore, I date the breaking of our scheme, and the ruin of our voyage; of both which captain Shelvocke was intirely the author. This I need not labour to prove, because it’s manifest if Shelvocke had joyned Clipperton, and been here at his duty, the loss of this prize had not happened; or which is infinitely worse, the alarming of the Spaniards: upon whose security the greatest hope of our enterprize was founded.

From this misfortune of Clipperton on the coast of Peru, and the wilful mismanagement of Shelvocke in rousing all the coast of Chili, a stop was put to the success of both our ships, and the consequence was an imbargo laid by the Viceroy of Peru, which was enough to check all our growing wishes and expectations. Here then we must a while leave captain Clipperton, who could do nothing effectually without the assistance of our ship, which he now thought had quite deserted him, or was cast away: and if the Speedwel had joyned him, his prizes could not have grown so numerous: for ’twas designed, that one of the ships should carry the captures to the desert islands to leeward, where the prisoners might have subsisted on their own provisions; we sinking the first taken ships, to leave them no opportunity of alarming the coast, ’till the work were done, and our fortunes made. According to Clipperton’s own scheme, who projected and commanded this voyage, our greatest dependance was in this parallel: Lima being the grand mart of all trade and business carryed on from North to South on this vastly extended rich continent.

Here I think it worth observing that captain Clipperton can no way deserve censure in his conduct, having hitherto, tho’ under a hard lot, acted justly and prudently: but what can be the merits of captain Shelvocke, who after providentially escaping the violent tempest at first setting out, makes his own ill use of it, and would never again endeavour to meet his consort; but shun’d it with all the craft imaginable? What recompense can Shelvocke make for the indecent censures and cruel reflexions thrown upon the memory of the dead? Certainly Clipperton deserved better from a man to whose wilful mismanagement all his misfortunes are justly imputed: and ’tis no wonder, if he took to drinking, after having miscarryed in three voyages to the South-Seas: the two first by circumvention of the Spaniards, and this last by the treachery of one who should have been his consort and friend: ’tis what we see daily in people undone by the baseness of men and the frowns of fortune. As to the humanity of our two commanders, there is certainly this difference between them; Shelvocke took care on all occasions, to risque the lives of his men that few might remain witnesses of his falshood, and the dividends of those who did survive might rise in greater proportion: for out of his 106 men carryed from Plymouth, he brought only 25 to China; whereas Clipperton brought most of his thither; and behaved with generosity and good temper, witness his concern for his men, who were run away with in the prize lately mentioned, and his good treatment of the enemy; since he did not care how soon the Spaniards went ashore to give what account they thought fit of him.

The contrivance by which the Spaniards got their ship again, was thus. The Spanish captain seeing by the number of prizes then in the custody of captain Clipperton that he could not spare many of his hands to put aboard the pink, which already had above a dozen passengers, besides the ship’s company: the master of the Rosary privately bid the passengers hide themselves in the hold with the countermaster or boatswain who was a Frenchman, ordering them upon a signal agreed on, to seize as many of the Englishmen, as should happen to go into the hold; and this plot they believed would succede as the lieutenant drew nearer and nearer to board them; for Serjeantson had but seven or eight men with him. The lieutenant upon his boarding the prize, ordered all that appeared to him, such as Indians, Nigros and seamen to go into the great cabin, except the captain and pilot, and then placed a centinel at the door. When he thought he had effectually secur’d his prisoners, he gave orders to hoist the topsails and stand for the commodore: then apprehending no danger, the men heedlesly went down to see what there was aboard. The passengers who were secretly in the hold surprized the men, knocking some of them down with billets of wood: the prisoners in the cabin immediately rushed on the centinel and disarmed him. The master or pilot, according to the sign, coming at the same time behind Serjeantson knocked him down likewise, and ordered them all to be bound; tho’ none were killed as Serjeantson informed me, whom I afterwards found a prisoner at Lima.

The Spaniard thus regain’d the possession of his ship; but did not long injoy her; for eagerly running her ashore, he lost her on the rocks, and narrowly escaped with his life: then setting the Englishmen free from their bonds, they all got ashore as well as they could, the Spaniards taking them prisoners the nearest way to Lima.

The viceroy of Peru understanding what the Spanish captain had done, order’d a new ship to be built for him at Guiaquil, and a general tax among the traders to pay the value of her, as a reward for the service he had done the public. One of Clipperton’s men upon examination declared all he knew of our designs in this voyage: and upon these occasions, there is seldom one wanting who will tell any thing to merit what favour he can. Among other discoveries, the viceroy is informed of the cross and bottle at Fernandes, with the written signals for captain Shelvocke, and that two of Clipperton’s men had deserted there: upon which he immediately sends out a small vessel to fetch the two men, and the bottle containing the signals.

We return now to Shelvocke whom we left in the bay of Conception treating with the governer about the ransom of the two ships: but our captain finding he was only trifled with, thought fit to burn the two ships there in the harbour: upon which I shall only observe, that it was a very extravagant humour: for one of the ships, the St. Fermin, he owns p. 153, was the best fitted out of any of the Peruvian traders, and p. 104, he says the loss of his anchor at Chiloe was one of the greatest damages he could have sustained: therefore ’tis much that a man of his pretended knowledge could not save an anchor and cable to supply the former loss of his own: the neglect of which appeared sufficiently afterwards.

After he had set fire to the ships, he took along with him the fruit bark, upon which he orders a deck to be made, calling her the Mercury: (an odd name for a vessel that could neither sail nor row) and away we procede towards John Fernandes.

In our way thither, the prize and plunder money of the St. Fermin was distributed; and here he says p. 157, that captain Betagh indeavours to raise a mutiny but fails in the attempt. Particularly, that I opposed the owners having part of any thing but what was upon freight or mention’d in the bills of lading; and thus he runs off two pages of mere scandal, as if I only was uneasy, whereas all our officers had convincing proofs of his bad principles as well as I. I might have said in common talk among our selves, that I always thought wearing apparel found in chests between decks, should be deemed fair plunder: and may be it is so. Is it just therefore, that what a man delivers as private opinion only, shall afterwards be reap’d up and call’d mutiny; especially by one who has made every thing plunder, and ruin’d and destroy’d near a hundred men in the voyage? But this man is perpetually blaming every body but himself to screen his own villanies.

Jan. 17¹⁹/₂₀. We arrive at Fernandes, where Mr. Brook being the first officer that landed, immediately saw Captain John —— and W. Magee cut in the tree-bark as aforesaid: upon the news of which every body seemed to rejoyce, but our worthy captain, who would have it an invention of Brook’s, for which he used him scurvily before all the company, telling him ’twas a lie. It’s very strange a man can’t believe his own eyes, or would feign a thing of this nature, which any one going ashore might be convinced of in a moment: but Shelvocke hated the mention of it, and feared the truth of it, lest his whole company would be impatient, and persuade him without delay to go to leeward and joyn his consort. Brook had hitherto been a great favourite with Shelvocke, but for this unwelcome discovery he is now put upon the black list, as by the sequel will appear.

I shall quote our author’s own words, p. 160. “Some of my men accidentally saw the word Magee, which was the name of Clipperton’s surgeon, and captain John cut out under it upon a tree, but no directions left, as was agreed on by him in his instructions to me. His actions being thus grosly repugnant to his instructions, it was evident that he never meant I should keep him company, or ever joyn with him again.”

Now this is so notorious a falsehood, that every step of captain Clipperton shews the contrary, and proves you the greatest impostor that can be: your very wording of it, shews to what mean shifts you are reduced. Why must it be, accidentally saw the word Magee? Was it a meteor that vanished after the first appearance? or if the men did see it by chance, are you so simple to persuade us it was cut in the tree by chance? And then to say Magee was first, and the captains name under it, is not the contrary more probable? Besides, we all saw the captain’s name first: and this is only a stupid indeavour to degrade him. As for the directions agreed upon, they were buryed in the ground, and discovered to the viceroy who sent for them as I said before; and tho’ Shelvocke was ignorant of this at Fernandes; yet, at the writing of his book, he well knew it: and therefore the coarse language he gives Clipperton as above, makes himself appear a worse wretch than I expected.

After this, instead of going directly to leeward to meet with the Success, he must needs have another touch with the shore; and accordingly steers away to Arica, sending the Mercury along shore before him, which took a bark laden with cormorants dung (used there as manure) the owner of which came on board us in the night, and informed us that one of Clipperton’s prizes had alarmed the whole coast, and that two Spanish men of war were fitted out from Lima in quest of us: and this is what we believed Shelvocke knew before, by letters taken in the St. Fermin. Here he puts four quarter deck guns into the Mercury, and hawling her pretty near the shore, gets into her, with my self, Mr. Stewart, three more officers, and a few men: then bringing the Speedwel and Mercury’s broadside to bear on the town, he begins Quixot like to canonade it; which really had no other effect than to scare away the women and children: for the men contrary to our expectation assembled on the naked beach, and suddenly erected a good breastwork of stones and what rubbish they could find, gallantly standing our fire: but the swell giving us some motion, we could not bring our guns to bear so as to dislodge any of them. Shelvocke being tired with destroying his munition, sends an Indian prisoner under a flag of truce to demand of the town what they would please to give to be rid of us; and tho’ he says nothing of this, p. 167, the Indian leap’d out of the boat, swiming through the terrible breakers, which made landing there impossible; delivers his message, and returns faithfully the same way to the boat with answer, That they car’d not a fig for any such borracho; that is drunkard, the most contemptuous name they make use of. Upon which our captain called for his pinnace, and taking Stewart with him, goes aboard in a pet; but left the rest of us to unmoor the Mercury, and carry her out into the road. At his getting into the boat, not as he says at his departure, the inhabitants gave us a regular hedge fire, and three huzzas, or horse laughs. To confirm what I said about the strict prohibition of ransoming; the owner of the dung bark was forced to do it by stratagem, coming in the night with his money, being 1300 dollars, and pray’d us to carry her three or four mile out, and then turn her adrift, that the bargain might be a secret, or look as if she was not worth our keeping.

Shelvocke’s aversion to journal-keeping was so great, that I cannot help inserting the following memorandum to confirm it. One Mr. Hamilton our ensign, a gentleman of a good family in Scotland, had a mind, tho’ he was no seaman, to keep a journal for his amusement; and upon taking this bark he enters it thus in his book.

Feb. 5th. 1720. “This geud day we a taen a sma vashel lodded wi turd.” This humour causing some laughter in the steerage, Shelvocke lent his son George to inquire the meaning of that uproar. Upon George’s report, the captain came down and asked Hamilton what business he had to keep a journal? adding that he was a sawcy fellow, and there should be no pen and ink work aboard his ship: so that he was oblig’d ever after, like Shelvocke, to keep his account by dint of memory.

From Arica we sail down along shore, and now Shelvocke enters vigorously upon his own project; which was effectually to rid himself of his officers, having been often heard to say, he hated so many captains. He knew by Rogers his journal, that all the merchantmen in those seas are man’d with Indians or Nigros; with which he could easily supply any loss of his own men; and which, far from demanding any share of prize money, would sell for money in another part of the world. Whereupon he sends away fifteen of us in the Mercury, seven of which were officers, just in the mouth of the enemy, in the very track of their ships; and with a moral certainty of being taken, if not destroyed, for cruising on their own coast, and in one of their own bottoms. It is very remarkable that one of this ill fated company should be the boatswain, who is always look’d on as the most necessary officer to be left in a ship; the good order of the men depending as much upon him, as the captain himself: and a boatswain was never sent a cruising in this world before. His name was Nicholas Laming, a good man, and a good officer. After we were taken prisoners, he died on the road with the great fatigue of his journey.

To put this man’s wickedness yet in a dearer light, give me leave thus fairly to describe the Mercury. She was really nothing but a lighter; was built and always imploy’d as such; tho’ not quite so heavy or strong as those in the Thames: for as the Spaniards have no wharves, cranes, or carts to load their vessels with in that country; so she differ’d from our lighters, only by being a small matter slighter and shallower, the better to run into shoal water; where the Nigros and Indians do the office of cranes and horses, by wading deep in the water to load her. He built a deck upon her as high as the gunnel, fix’d a mast in her, and then put a gang of his ships oars into her: one of which I measur’d, finding it thirty three foot in length, and so heavy that no less than three men could row with one of them: beckets having been fix’d to the looms for the easier managing of them.

Now I appeal to any impartial judge of a ship or bark, how it was possible for the men, if standing, to row with such an oar in such a vessel: for they must at each stroke indanger their knuckles against the deck before the blade could be raised out of the water: and if sitting, ’tis still worse, because there’s no foot-hold; moreover the man at the handle could not extend his arms to fetch a stroke. Then if we consider her as to her sailing, she would go well enough right afore it, provided it blew strong enough: but upon a wind, the meanest capacity may imagine what she could do, as having no gripp of the water.

In this notable imbarkation were we sent to seek our fortunes; and I believe ours to be the first company that ever was order’d to cruise in a lighter. This being the last time he was likely to have the pleasure of using me ill, he resolved to do it in a manner peculiar to himself: all the rest having the favour of knowing their orders an hour or two before. Immediately upon my receiving the message, that I must go in the Mercury, I went down to lash my hammack in the Speedwel: then taking my money bag out of my chest, I seal’d and deliver’d it to Mr. Hendrie then our purser, telling him I expected no account of it, till it pleased God we met in England. Shelvocke who had set a spy to watch my words and looks, now calls up all hands, and ask’d them if they thought they were going for a sacrifice, using me in a manner too scandalous to be recorded. After this, our commander captain Hatley and the rest of us got into the vessel and put off, steering along shore to the northward. We cruised four or five days and landed twice at the isle of Lobos, where Shelvocke promis’d to leave instructions, but we found none: and if he intended we should joyn him again, he would have told us his design of going in to plunder the little town of Payta, where we could easily have joyn’d him, having the rich prize (as he calls her) twelve days in our hands before we were all taken. During our cruise, we took one small bark tho’ he says two, p. 177, and that of no value: after which we took an old English pink bound from Panama to Lima, which Shelvocke says at random was worth 150000 dollars, tho’ he never saw the vessel, or knew what was in her: and I am sure we found no money at all aboard her; for she was bound in her ballast with a small parcel of pedlary ware from Panama to Lima: but were it from Lima to Panama there probably had been money in her. We all got aboard the prize, except a hand or two left to take care of the Mercury, and kept cruising between Lobos and cape Blanco; and while we hop’d to be taken up by our faithful commander Shelvocke, we fell into the hands of one of the Spanish cruisers of 30 guns, called the Brilliant: which after we struck, continu’d their fire into the Mercury ’till they destroyed her, tho’ the men very providentially escaped and were made prisoners with us. As soon as the Spaniards boarded the said pink to strip and rifle us, about ninety six moidores taken from the Portuguese off cape Frio were found upon Hatley, for which he indeed was us’d but scurvily—And this is the fair light I promised, p. 30. when I was treating of this story before.

After leaving us, the next thing remarkable is his long story of escaping the Peregrine a Spanish man of war at Payta: which account as it is a wild story full of abominable romance and vain glory, I shall answer it particularly: for Hatley and all of us were sufficiently inform’d of the whole affair, as soon as we were set ashore at Payta, which was in a day or two after this thing happen’d.

Shelvocke to magnify his own exploits, does well to magnify the force of his enemy. He says, the Peregrine had upwards of 450 men, and mounted 56 guns: I will allow him that she carry’d 40, but never more; for I was aboard her afterwards at Lima; and I believe when he met with her, she had 350 men aboard, but such a mixt crew of ignorant creatures, that I am certain twenty expert seamen would do more execution than all they together. As for the commander of her, whom Shelvocke calls an admiral, he was a Creolian, a mere fresh waterman, who never saw any action before: and as for the people aboard him, they were composed of Nigros, Mestizos and Indians; besides which there were not above a dozen white faces in all: for this ship was purposely design’d to carry the late viceroy prince Santo Bueno, his family and retinue to Acapulco; but in the mean time order’d a short cruise on the coast. She sail’d so heavy that the Spaniards never expected she would be of any use against the English privatiers: and for that reason, put all their good able men aboard the other three cruisers, the Zelerin, Brilliant and San Francisco, which were light ships and good sailers. The Peregrine was so unable and unwilling too, that if she had not found the Speedwel in harbour, she would never have follow’d her to sea; for we were told at Payta, that the first fire from the Speedwel terrify’d the enemy so very much, that they could not tell whether they were really dead or alive. They all immediately ran from their quarters, and the very steersman who had the helm, quitted it: so that the ship which was then close hawl’d standing in, came with her head sails in the wind, and muzzled her self; that is, she lay bobbing up and down, with her sails flapping against the mast: and how could it be otherwise, where there was only a few good officers among a mere mob of black people fear’d out of their wits. The commander and his officers did what they could to bring them to their duty: they beat them, swore at them, and prick’d them in the buttocks, but all would not do; for the poor devils were resolved to be frighted: most of them run quite down in the hold, while others were upon their knees praying the saints for deliverance. The Speedwel did not fire above eight or nine guns; and as they were found sufficient, Shelvocke had no reason to waste his powder: but ’tis plain the Peregrine might easily have run him aboard, if there had been but a few good seamen to stand by the bowlines and braces. However, this panic of theirs gave Shelvocke a fair opportunity to get his men aboard, cut his cable, and go away right afore the wind. This is the plain truth of the matter, which every body was agreed in: for I heard of it at several places; tho’ Shelvocke has cook’d up a formal story of a desperate ingagement to deceive those who knew him not, into a wondrous opinion of his conduct. He talks of his ship being greatly shatter’d in the fight, and several of the enemy kill’d; but ’tis all bluster: there was not a drop of blood spilt: for if the Peregrine did fire a few guns, their confusion prevented them doing any mischief. And Shelvocke’s killing some of the enemy is very unlikely, when so many of them run down and hid themselves.

’Tis impossible for words to express the baseness of captain Shelvocke in puting together so much reproachful language utterly void of truth and reason, as there is from p. 176 to 180. All the malice of his book is here sum’d up in a body. He says I mutinied about going into the Mercury, and insinuates that I threaten’d his life. This is a very poor charge of his, after contriving so plausible a scheme to destroy us. But I remember I answer’d these words p. 53, when we had just doubled cape Horne. As for his accusation of mutiny, ’tis as weak as the other: for tho’ ’tis evident we were deliver’d up as a prey, yet Shelvocke had gone such lengths with us, that he would call even a wry face mutiny: and my whole account of his transactions is full of answer to this sort of calumny. Then he says I prevail’d on Hatley to run away with the prize, plying him with liquor for that purpose: and runs on a long formal story of the wickedness of this thing, when I have made it plain she had no money, or any thing valuable aboard. Does not Shelvocke’s great ignorance in these facts demonstrate that these false accounts in his book were all invented here at home?

After this he accuses me with discovering to the enemy the secrets of our expedition, for which I was us’d respectfully, and made an officer. It must be great weakness in Shelvocke to fancy he had any secrets to discover, after he had alarm’d all the coast himself: besides the Spaniards knew well enough what we came there for; therefore ’tis childish to talk of secrets: indeed Shelvocke kept his own private designs a secret from us, which I dare say was no intention of the voyage; and I could not have known the places of rendezvous, without the help of Mr. Taylor’s journal. The reason of my being us’d respectfully is this.—Don Pedro Midranda, the admiral who took us, had a personal esteem for Sir Charles Wager, and I have reason to believe was formerly his prisoner. The Spanish admiral had been treated with great candour and generosity by Sir Charles: and upon examination, finding that I gave a good account of Sir Charles, he was pleas’d to shew us great favours for his sake. It was owing to this, that I and all but captain Hatley met with kind treatment: for my own part, I had the honour to eat at his table all the time we were aboard; where he seldom fail’d to toast Sir Charles Wager, at every meal. Then it’s plain the aforesaid guilt of Hatley’s made that difference between him and the rest.

He says I was made an officer, and that I desired of my new captain, if we had the good luck to take Shelvocke, I might have the honour of boarding him first.

After such vile procedings, by my troth I believe no body would think it an honour to board captain Shelvocke: but I deny that I ever said so, and whatever any of us said, he can only ghess at it. ’Tis certain we had reason to think and speak ill enough of him; since it was evident he got rid of us to serve a turn. However, as we were now treated much civiler than it was in Shelvocke’s nature to allow of; I frankly own there was not a man among us, but would gladly have seen him fall into the same admiral’s hands: for in a very few days after this, Shelvocke rids himself of eleven more of his men, whom he sent under James Hopkins, one of his mates, aboard an empty bark not worth a groat, which he calls the St. David, p. 180, leaving them to shift for themselves, with no more than a week’s provision: after which they were compell’d to surrender among the Indians: and one of them, John Gundy, born at Plymouth dock, had his throat cut for not stripping immediately: the rest I saw prisoners with us at Lima. Shelvocke is modestly silent upon this article, saying only, p. 187, that he was oblig’d to leave the St. David to cruise off Payta: but not a word of the mate and his ten men.

As to my being an officer in the king of Spain’s service, ’tis mere scandal and nonsense; for if I had acted in that station in a time of war between the two crowns, ’tis very improbable I would venture home so soon, being the first of the prisoners who appear’d in England. Indeed we all, except Hatley, had our passage to Cales in a Spanish advice-boat, call’d the Flying-fish. Mr. Pressick our surgeon’s mate, acted as surgeon in her, receiving wages; and so did all our men, being releas’d from prison to help navigate the vessel home. For my part, as I was well treated, I would not eat the bread of idleness, but kept my watch as other officers did; and pray where’s the harm of all this; tho’ Shelvocke and his blunderbuss of a son, have had the stupidity to call it treason? And it must appear a very malicious charge, as well as an ignorant one, that after a man has been driven amongst the enemy, he must be call’d a traytor for being us’d kindly and accepting his passage back again; that because I was not murdered there, I ought to be executed at home. This is Shelvocke’s great christianity and good conscience.

Lastly, he accuses me of being of a nation and religion which the Spaniards are fond of.

In the first place, captain Shelvocke is very ill bred, to make any national reflexions at all; and then very ignorant not to know, they are never allow’d as argument. If he means I am an Irishman, I am well enough pleased to own it: not forgeting that his Majesty has many loyal subjects of that kingdom, in the state, church, navy and army. If by the other reflexion he means my religion to be of the Romish church; I shall make this answer to it. That it certainly is the religion my parents design’d I should be of: but when I came to riper years and better understanding, I made use of that liberty which God has given all mankind, to make such confession of faith as is most agreeable to holy scripture and right reason.

Thus determin’d, I took the oaths above twenty years ago; by which I quitted the Romish faith, and abjur’d all papal authority in these kingdoms: I did all that is requir’d in those cases, and therefore ’tis needless to say more. Consequent to this I had the imployment of a purser in the navy, which I held some years; having before that served in several other inferiour capacities. I have continued ever since a lawful member of the church of England; What pretense then can Shelvocke have to persecute me in this unjust public manner, and charge me with the popish religion; especially after he has cruelly forc’d me among the most rigid professors of it?

But if he means by this accusation to make me appear as a disaffected person, I hope he will be mistaken: for I never drank the Pretender’s health, tho’ Shelvocke made a constant practice of it, and every tenth of June proposed it in an open manner; constraining some to do it, and using others ill who had spirit enough to refuse it. In what light then shall I place this Shelvocke, to make his infamy truly appear? A man who hath solemnly taken the oaths of allegiance, abjuration and supremacy, with king George’s commission in his pocket, commander of above a hundred men, to whom he should appear an example of goodness and loyalty, and in a public time of war to drink the Pretender’s health, and command his men to do the same, is an instance of such perjur’d villainy, as can never be exceded! Considering I am a seafaring man, ’tis for my credit that Shelvocke will allow me to be of any religion: and I am really sorry I cannot return him the complement; but he has made such an abandon’d wretch of himself, that I am persuaded mankind will say ’tis better to have some religion than none at all. For after a man has broke thro’ oaths, which I call sacred ingagements, and violated all moral virtues, by which he was bound to promote the interest of us and our owners; what idea can we have of him? when thus he stands guilty of treachery, cruelty, perjury, ill-nature and ill-manners; you cannot call him a christian, and he is far short of a mahometan both in faith and practice.

Here I take leave of my noble captain Shelvocke, being quite separated from him, as he intended; and now forced to submit to the Spaniard, which however prov’d the fairer enemy of the two. Henceforth therefore, I must trace him by the help of Taylor’s journal, and the concurring evidence of those whose hard lot it was to remain under his command: while I go back to captain Clipperton, whom I shall, in as brief a manner as possible, bring to the end of his voyage, which also ended his life. He staid his month for Shelvocke at Fernandes, as I observed before: the account of his progress and actions after that, I will impartially transcribe from Taylor’s journal, as I find it.

SECTION II.

Success Oct. 20, 1719.

“This day a paper was fixt upon the main-mast, declaring what should and should not be deemed plunder.

“The man who first spys a sail, proving a prize, to have five dollars for every hundred ton the prize measures.

“Every man aboard a prize found drunk, or in any indecent act with a white or black woman, to be punished according to the nature of his offense.

“Every man, of whatsoever degree, concealing any money, or other thing above the value of half a dollar, shall forfeit his share of such prize, and twenty dollars out of his share in the next that shall be taken. The variation by an amplitude taken this day in latitude 15 39 S. is 9″ : 20 N. E.”

25. “We this day arrive in the latitude of Lima, our cruising station; where we brought to, and lay under our topsails till four in the morning: then made sail, and at seven chased a small vessel, which we came up with at eleven, being a snow of about forty ton, laden with sand and rubbish for manure. She was navigated by seven Indians and two Nigros: her master was left sick ashore. They would not give us any intelligence. We found nothing aboard her worth the trouble of carrying away, except two jarrs of eggs, two of molosses, and a couple of dollars.”

28. “At one afternoon make a sail. At two are a long-side of her, being a ship of about 150 ton, call’d the St. Vincent, with wood from Guiaquil. There are two fryars, sixteen Indians and four Nigros aboard.”

30. “At four afternoon made a good sail, which we came not up with till eleven at night: she is a pretty large ship, of at least 400 ton, from Panama for Lima, having a good many passengers aboard. She is called the Trinity, and was taken by captain Rogers when he plunder’d Guiaquil, 1709.”

Nov. 2. “This afternoon at one saw a sail: at three came up with her, being a vessel of about seventy ton, bound from Lima to Panama; she has on board the countess of Laguna, and several other passengers, a good deal of ready money, and at least 400 jars of wine and brandy, being two articles we much wanted. Our captain asks the lady whether she will come aboard the Success, or remain in the prize. She chuses the later. He sends a marine officer with a guard to take care she be not molested by any of our men, and that none enter her cabin but her own domestics, or such as she allows of. Mr. Godfrey, our agent, went aboard the prizes, carrying to each a couple of jars of wine and brandy, which was a very acceptable present.”

18. “At seven this morning we saw a sail: at eleven she became our prize, proving to be a London built pink of about 200 ton from Panama for Lima, with wood, of little value: but they tell us of two rich ships from Lima coming this way; and that there are two Spanish men of war of fifty and thirty guns, fitted out in quest of us.”

This being the prize that was run away with by stratagem Nov. 20, I need not repeat it. Turn back to p. 91 and 95.

24. “This afternoon we took a prize call’d the Cayetan, of about 200 tons, laden with wood from Panama for Lima: she has aboard forty Nigros and thirty Spaniards, most of them passengers.”

27. “Anchor at the isle of Plate with our three prizes. Our captain being now under some apprehensions of the enemy’s men of war, which we know are clean, and fitted out on purpose to destroy or bring us in; begins to think that his cruising without a second, will turn but to little account: resolves therefore to make the most of what he has got; which consisteth chiefly of European goods found in the prizes already taken. And being well assured the Spaniards dare not purchase them by reason of a strict prohibition from the king of Spain, he puts a handsome cargo of ten thousand pound or upwards, aboard the lady’s bark now call’d the Chichly; and appoints captain Mitchel commander of her, and to dispose of them to the best advantage on the coast of Brasil. He mounts her with eight guns, puts aboard thirteen Englishmen and ten Nigros, with what provision and other necessaries he can spare him. Captain Mitchel at parting gave us three cheers, which was answer’d by the Success. Here our captain discharges the other two prizes after rummaging them of all we wanted, and gave them to the Spaniards; reserving the Nigros, and the captain of one of them for our pilot. We ply to windward again to come into our station.”

Decemb. 12th. 1719. “We saw a sail about five in the evening, and at seven took her. She is called the Rose, bound from Cheripe for Panama, laden with provisions. Our launch and pinnace were all day imploy’d in bringing on board the flower, and other provisions in order to discharge her. Having got as much flower out of her as we could well stow away, we cut her mainmast by the board, lest she should overset, and so let her go. These prisoners inform us, that our men who were taken by the Spaniards were sent to Lima by land. Here we continue to cruise, standing off all day, and towards the shore at night: but nothing happens till

27th. “Anchor in Guanchaco Bay in nine fathom clay ground, and find two ships at anchor. We fire a shot at each: but they make no return: send our boats aboard: but found them abandon’d, and could discover that all the loading had just been taken out, and nothing left aboard, except some bread, and a few jars of water. We hung out a flag of truce, and fired two guns at half an hour’s interval, hoping they would come aboard to ransom their ships. They answer’d us from shore; but seeing no boat coming to us, we fired again, and remain here till next day, when seeing it was in vain to wait any longer, and that they would neither ransom nor beg their ships, we pull’d down the flag, and set the ships a fire. At eight forenoon, the church of Guanchaco bore E. 3 leagues, from whence I take my departure, latitude 8 : 10 S. designing for the Gallipagos. The currents here set much to the northward.”

January 9th. 1720. “Arrive at duke of York’s island being one of the Gallipagos. Here we scrub and clean our ship, and refresh our selves with tortoise: after visiting some more of these islands, we steer away to the northward.”

21. Made a’sail: sent our pinnace a head to keep sight of the chase, by making false fires: at eleven at night came up with her, and on our firing a gun she brought to, being a ship from Panama, having on board the marquiss de Villa Roche president at Panama, and his family bound for Lima, called the Prince Eugene. This is the same ship in which captain Clipperton was circumvented and taken in his late voyage in these seas, when he received but indifferent treatment from the said marquiss at Panama, before whom he was carry’d.”

22. “Mr. Davison our first lieutenant was sent to command the prize; and I was order’d his assistant. At eight in the morning the pinnace came aboard to search for treasure: at eleven returned, carrying the marquiss, and what else they found most valuable. Nothing remarkable happens till,

February 26th. “We are plying to windward in our cruising station with the last mention’d prize. A Spaniard who was accidentally wounded at the taking of her, dying last night of his wound, his countrymen desired he might he bury’d after their custom and formalities; which was granted them. When they ended their prayers, the corpse which lay ready on a gratin with a good bag of ballast ty’d at the feet, was thrown over board: but to the admiration of every one, the body floated, and continued so till we sailed quite from the sight of it. The marquiss de Villa Roche being present said, it was very portentous, and that some surprizing accident must be the consequence.”

“Upon throwing the corpse into the water, the Spanish custom is to cry aloud Bon Viaje three times, that is, a good voyage. This day took an observation in latitude 11 : 50 N: the current here sets very strong to windward.”

March 8. “We made the island of Port Velas latitude 10 : 30 N: the next day anchor’d in thirty fathom. We find here a good watering place. The padre and boatswain of the Prince Eugene come aboard to be examined, as likewise the marquiss to dine: the father and boatswain being desirous to go ashore, they have leave, on condition they will indeavour to persuade the people to drive some cattle to the shore, and spare what provision they can in exchange for what we have aboard.”

March 13th. “Our launch being near the shore, where runs a great sea, she was hove along, soon fill’d and sunk. By this accident we lost two men, John Trumbal serjeant of marines, and Roger Pengelly gunner’s mate. And here the wonderful perfection of the Nigros is most remarkable: all the rest of the men got ashore, when one of our Nigros stripping himself, takes a rope’s end, dived, and slung the boat: after which we hawld her up and towd her aboard, very little damaged.”

March 16th. “The padre and countermaster return with some natives, bringing four head of black cattle, some fowl, and fruit, as a present for the marquiss; but told our captain, that their alcalde or governer could not allow us to trade with him. They give us an account of captain Mitchel, who put in here to water, and say that his men shot some of their young bulls: but that 200 of the inhabitants appearing under arms, he thought it best to go away. We doubt not of his being here, because we have seen some shirts and wearables of Mitchel’s men. The next day the marquiss writes letters ashore privately, to stir up the people to surprize our men at the watering, and secure the boats. These with other mischievous letters wrote to Lima were stopp’d by Mr. Godfrey our owners agent, who finding them in an Indian’s hand ashore, sent them to captain Clipperton, who now debars the marquiss the use of pen and paper, and uses him but roughly. The Indians who were yesterday aboard, and to whom our captain made a few presents for themselves, the church and the governer, return this morning with some good fresh beef. After this, captain Clipperton treats with the marquiss about ransoming the prize; but not agreeing, he orders the timber with which she was laden to be thrown overboard, saving as much for firing as we could stow: after which we rummage the cabin, taking away all the clothes and equipage.”

March 20th. “The marquiss and his lady dine aboard the Success: after which they go ashore for recreation, leaving their only child aboard as a pledge. They send off a good bull, and some fowl: there being no oxen on this continent. On the 26th, the governer sends us two bulls more; and on the 31st, the marquiss sends a present of fruit to his child, to bring which there are seven Indians a horseback: they left two letters hanging on a stick in the sand. Nothing happens to the 4th of April, but more presents from the marquiss, attended as before.”

April 4th. “This evening the marquiss and his lady, with the governer and others came aboard. Nothing is said of the marquiss his plot; but all chearful company. The bargain of ransoming goes on so far, that all the Spanish prisoners are orderd ashore, except those who had rather stay in the prize: but no talk of money in the case: On the 8th and 9th, the marchioness and the child are carried ashore, and we salute ’em with three guns; the marquiss remaining with us till the performance of articles, which were signed. The governer has a quantity of indigo delivered him, and he sends us a handsom present of beef, which we are all very glad of. We weighd; leaving the prize to the Spanish captain, and are now plying to windward with moderate gales till

April 20th. “We anchor in the gulph of Amapala in 17 fathom: send the pinnace to find a watering: the Spaniards oppose their landing, but suffer them to put on shore a Spaniard and Indian belonging to the marquiss, who are going to Rio Lexos to fetch the ransom money: but it is my opinion we are all bit. Not being able to get water at Amapala, the pinnace is sent to the isle of Tigris; where they find very good water, and the Indian who guided them is rewarded with some clothes. Our men meet with abundance of game on the island, killing a good number of deer. Here is also a great plenty of boobys, which are better eating than those catch’d at sea. Here we stay till the 10th of May, much longer than we intended, in expectation of the ransom money; but having little reason to believe the Spaniards will be punctual and faithful, we unbent our sheet anchor and stow’d it, taking our departure from hence, latitude 12 : 36. N.

May 20th. “This day, the books, instruments and clothes of lieutenant Serjeantson were sold at the mast: being run ashore in the Rosary pink with his men as aforesaid. Here I find a strong current to the N. About this time the cloathing, linen and other necessaries taken in our prizes were distributed, being deem’d fair plunder.”

June 4th. “We arrive next at Gorgona, latitude 2 : 35 N. The current sets to the eastward. Here is wood and water, and great plenty of fish; but they wont take the hook, and we have no seine. From hence we ply to windward, and nothing happens till

July 25th. “We spy a sail, and come up with her: she struck to us, being the St. Vincent which we took once before, now commanded by Don Clement de Andrado, laden with timber and cocoa nuts from Guiaquil for Lima. We keep to windward with our prize, and

August 11th. “Anchor at Lobos la mar: the distance from this island, and Lobos la tierra is 10 leagues. Our chief imployment here is to catch seal for the company. Our men have tents on shore, working in their several stations. Here we scrub and clean our ship, taking out of the prize what is most valuable. Our men, tho’ fatigued with work, live well and look well, and are now ready for another cruise. Nothing happens till

Sept. 6th. “A plot is discovered among the men, wherein the conspirators had form’d a design to seize the captain and officers, and run away with the ship: all who were secured, to be put ashore at the small desolate isle of Lobos, but the opposers to be shot. After discovery, the two principal actors, Joseph Maynard boatswain’s mate, and James Roch the ship’s corporal were severely punish’d, besides being put in irons: the rest were pardoned.”

“The cause of this uneasiness among the men, was their despair of making a good voyage, having no hope of the Speedwel’s joyning them, which had brought them into great straits and difficulties; so that they did not much care what happen’d.”

Sept. 15th. “Our design of coming down again to the northward, was to look into Cheripe, if we could see any ships there; but chance to fall to the leeward of it, by reason the currents set us much to the northward, tho’ we have already made allowance for the same: we soon beat up again, finding the coast alarm’d, and seeing no ship.”

Sept. 17th. “This day sent our pinnace well arm’d to chase a small vessel which she came up with, being a fishing boat that has used to make up her fish on the isle of Lobos, where we found a good parcel ready split and salted; besides a handsome quantity of fresh fish in the boat. We anchor again at Lobos, in 38 fathom, and find the S. Vincent, which we left here, was drove ashore and sunk. We clear the fishing boat, and send her away with 38 Spanish prisoners: after which we weigh again and ply to windward, being in latitude 7 : 00 S. Here the currents set pretty much to the southward: no prize, nor any thing occurs, only the burying four or five of our hands; we hold our course for the bay of Conception where we arrive.”

November 1st. “Going into the bay we spy three sail of ships at anchor: the fort fired a signal gun: we hoisted Spanish colours, and kept plying up till ten at night: being moon light, we discover a fourth ship standing in after us: we bore down upon her: she haled us in Spanish; we answer’d her with our guns; but the wind failing, and she being clean, gained a head of us. In the morning the pinnace and launch were sent after her: but soon left chasing, she being got almost out of sight. However, we really lost the substance for the shadow, our captain now steering for Coquimbo.”

5. “We came up with another sail, which upon our firing a gun struck her colours: she is call’d the Solidad: she hath a cargo of tobacco, sugar, and cloth enough to purchase her loading of wheat at Coquimbo, whither she is bound from Lima. They inform us that our last chase had much such another cargo; and that the two Spanish men of war fitted out in quest of us and our consort, were returned to Callao to be victual’d afresh: and had orders from the viceroy to cruise on the coast of Chili, not only upon us, but all the French interloping traders.”

6. “The greatest part these 24 hours fresh gales of wind and hazy weather, with a great southern swell. At one this afternoon, coming open with the harbour of Coquimbo, we saw three sail of men of war at anchor, with their topsails loose in their tops; who, immediately on seeing us, slipt or cut their cables and stood after us, we hawling close upon a wind, our prize doing the same: but she being the windward-most, and at much the greatest distance from the enemy, they judged it necessary to send the best sailer among them after her: at three the headmost ship came up with our prize, and fired at her: upon which she struck: but after she had so done, the man of war fired several guns more into her, the reason of which we could not ghess: the other two ships crowded all the sail they could after us till four, when the biggest carryed away her mizentop-mast: he then fired a gun, tacked, and stood in for the shore again, which we were not very sorry for: one of them carrying 50, one 40, and the other 26 guns, all clean ships, French built and sailed well. It pleased God the wind favour’d us whilst they continued the chase; so that we weather’d Isla de pajeros, i. e. the island of birds which lay just in our way: for if we had been forced to tack, we must have been taken.

“We have on board us the captain of the prize, and eight seamen, besides twelve Nigros. There were taken with her, twelve of our men, besides Mr. Milne our third lieutenant who commanded her. However, we had the good luck to ease her of 97 pound weight of wrought silver, when she first became our prize.”

Mr. James Milne, whom I have since had conversation with in London, told me that the reason of the enemies continuing their fire after he had struck to them, was owing to the rage of the captain to find him a Spanish prize instead of an English privatier; and vexed at this mistake, he could not immediately quit his passion, but struck Milne upon the head with his drawn sword. However, the captain soon after sent for him up, and finding him almost stript by the soldiers, generously asked his pardon, and order’d him a complete sute of apparel from top to toe. The captain’s name was Don Blas de Lesso and had been a guard marine in the French service where he lost one of his legs. I mention this to the honour of the said gentleman, who kept Mr. Milne aboard him all the time the men of war were in quest of us and the French interlopers, using him very kindly: and tho’ he was carried prisoner to Lima, the said captain soon got him his liberty, procured him his passage gratis to Panama, and gave him a jar of brandy, and a jar of wine for his sea store; beside 200 dollars for his expenses to England. But I am sorry to hear he never acknowledged it by letter from Panama or elsewhere; the said Don Blas having spoke of it to a particular gentleman, then factor for the British South-Sea company at Panama.

November 7th. “This day our agent Mr. Godfrey, and Mr. Cook second lieutenant, had words about a pair of gold buckles, which the later had got privately in his keeping. The lieutenant gave Mr. Godfrey very scurrilous language: but our agent insisted, that it was his immediate province to inspect all such matters. Whether Cook keeps the buckles I know not: but he went in a very unmannerly way to captain Clipperton and told him he would no longer take the charge of the watch: whereupon Mr. Chambers the master took that charge in his room. The next day the clothes and other things belonging to our people, taken by the man of war, were sold publicly at the mast. Being thus worsted at Coquimbo, and forced to fly their men of war; remembring our mistakes at Conception, and that we must now abandon these coasts with short provisions, and no hopes of captain Shelvocke, we begin to be much dejected. However we keep jogging on the northward, and

14. “Make the isle of St. Gallan, whose latitude I find 13 : 42 S. On the 15th. stood into the road of Pisco; but finding nothing, we stood out again, holding to the northward.”

16. “See a sail and give chase. She hoisted Spanish colours and fired a gun; and finding that she could wrong us, she hawld up her courses, and took in all her small sails: we let fly our topgallant sheets, firing three guns to windward, that being the signal between our ship and the Speedwel, in case we should meet. The chase holding her wind, we could not come near her. The next day at two in the afternoon she tacked, and stood for us, as if resolved to ingage us: we edgd on towards her, ’till we got within a mile or thereabouts, when she fired several guns at us, which we return’d with a broadside: upon which she held her wind again, and stood to the westward; and being just cleaned, and a prime sailor, went at least two foot for our one; so that we soon found we had no share in her.”

Mr. Taylor is very right; for I my self was in this sham fight. I call it so, because I believe neither of the commanders had any great stomach for a battle. In the first place, it was contrary to the orders of captain Fitzgerald who commanded this ship called the Flying Fish: for being ready to sail for Cales, he was only now order’d out by the viceroy in quest of Shelvocke; of whom news was brought to Lima, that he had a day or two before taken the Jesu Maria out of Pisco, leaving the Spaniards the bark he built at Fernandes. Pisco being but a little to windward of Callao, they were in hopes of catching Shelvocke as he went to leeward: and the Flying Fish having a very considerable treasure aboard, the captain was strictly order’d to forbear attacking, or speaking with any imbarkation, except Shelvocke. On the other hand, Clipperton may well be supposed willing enough to decline ingaging with a ship just come out of harbour with 200 fresh men aboard; at a time when his people were in a very low condition and dispirited, as appears by the journal: neither had he half the number of men. So that I am of opinion if the dollars had been left ashore, the Flying Fish would have been able to carry Clipperton into Callao. For Fitzgerald, who was a St. Malo man, had aboard him a hundred townsmen, stout fellows; and the rest were the best hands he could pick out of all the ships at Callao for this occasion.

November 18th. “Maltesi one of the Guara islands bore N. E. one league; from whence I take my departure in latitude 11 : 10 S. Being fine weather we heel’d and scrubb’d both sides of our ship. We stood in for Guanchaco: but finding nothing there, bore away for Cheripe: where seeing nothing, we stood away for Payta, designing to try our fortune at every port to the northward; particularly to get a supply of flower, which being now all expended, we have three pound of Indian corn served to a mess of six men each.”

27. “Saw point Helen: shorten’d sail and stood from the land. Hoisted out the pinnace and yawl to set the prisoners ashore belonging to the last prize retaken by the enemy. After which we steer to the westward for the Gallipagos islands, in order to refresh our men, who are very bad with the scurvy.”

30. “Had an observation, and find my self in latitude 00 : 09 N. Here is a strong current to the northward, and I believe a little westerly. I am 22 miles more northerly than the log gives, variation and leeway having been allow’d. All our bread, flower, and Indian corn is now expended, and we have but one little meal in 24 hours; which is a small piece of English beef (being yet very good) and calivances. Six men in a mess.”

December 4th. “Mr. Thomas Fairman our purser departed this life; and we committed him to the deep. Measur’d our logline and find it three fathom too short, which amounts to 52 mile one hour with another since we left cape Helen. Having an observation, I rectify my account and find the latitude 00 : 36 N. We keep plying to windward against a strong S. W. current in sight of the Gallipagos.”

6th. “Sent the pinnace to discover an anchoring place at one of the islands: returns without finding any; but saw abundance of tortoise ashore. Send the pinnace and yawl to get some. They return with fish enough to serve the company a day: But there running a prodigious surf, they could not land, or look for turtle. We kept plying off and on, and sounded in foul ground from 80 to 50 fath; the latitude of the island I make 9 minutes N. ’tis a mere rock: so we left it, and steer’d away for another S. W. being the same which the Spaniards make to lye under the equator. We run along shore but can find no anchoring: so that being unwilling to lose more time, we make our best way to the isle of Cocos, where we hope certainly to get fish, fowl, and coco-nuts; our people being very sick and weak.”

7th and 8th. “We had several islands N. E. but on the 9th got clear of them all. This day I took charge of the captain’s watch, and Mr. Chambers the larboard, Mr. Davison being sick, and lieutenant Cook still refusing his duty. Little happens in this passage, but burying two or three of our hand. Our people fall apace; therefore are in pain lest we miss the island.”

17. “Going very slowly ahead, find there is a southern current. Lye so till day light, believing we are near the island. At nine forenoon with joy we beheld the island Cocos about nine leagues N. W.”

18. “Anchor in 13 fathom white sand. Here all our people and the marquiss de Villa Roche got ashore, where we build a house for the sick men. Here is abundance of good fish round the island which we take pains to catch, the surf being sometimes very great. Our people find here plenty of coco-nuts, crabs, boobies and their eggs, this being their hatching time. Our captain broaches the last hogshead of brandy, allowing every man a dram a day: and on new-years-day gave the people a gallon of strong beer for six. This food, ease, and refreshment pretty well recover’d all our company. We wood and water, tho’ with much difficulty; for here is a great swell coming in from the northward constantly at full moon and change: therefore are forced to wait ’till the spring tides are abated before we can get any thing off.”

January 17. 1721. “The marquiss came aboard as do most of our people, being ready to sail. Eight nigros and three of our men desert here, and abscond in the woods. The names of our men are Higgins, Caulker and Shingle. The anchorage here being rocky, we have sadly gaul’d both our cables. After continuing here a month, we weigh and set sail, from whence I take my departure, January 20th. latitude 05 : 38 N. running now to the northward on the coast of Mexico.”

23. “We spy a sail to which give chase, and send the pinnace to keep sight of her: but at night she gives us the slip.”

25. “This morning I see the coast of Mexico. About seven we made a sail: at 11 she struck to our pinnace: which returns and brings account that she is the Jesu Maria a Spanish ship, but now in the possession of captain Shelvocke, who commands her. That he has about 40 of his men aboard, the rest being all dead or dispersed. That he lost the Speedwel at Fernandes; where they stay’d five months, and built a barque out of the Speedwel’s wreck, with which they put to sea, and coasted along Chili and Peru meeting several ships, but could do nothing with them; ’till they came to Pisco near Lima, where they took this prize, being the ship we went in there to look for. They differ much in their account: but have no regular command among them, being all alike as the West-India privatiers. They have chose a quartermaster, carrying every thing by a majority of votes: so that we find, they have quite broke their articles with the owners, and have shared all among themselves.”

27. “Perceived captain Shelvocke to hoist St. George’s colours at main-top-masthead, firing three guns at intervals, being signals to speak with us. We lye to for his boat, which came aboard with a letter for captain Clipperton; who immediately sent back the boat for their purser to be examined concerning their actions on the coast of Brasil, and in the rest of their absence from us. Sent away the boat: but the purser Mr. Hendrie stays; who gives but a dark story of their procedings; and that he was not allow’d to take any account of the treasure for the owners. At eight captain Shelvocke came aboard being sent for by our captain and agent to give an account of his transactions. The boat brought Mr. Dod their lieutenant of marines to continue with us; he having been used very ill for standing up for the owners interest.”

28. “Came aboard from captain Shelvocke, six chests of pitch and dammer, and two barrels of tar, with six slabs of copper. Captain Clipperton spares him two of our quarterdeck guns, some great and small shot, a compass, and a few other necessaries. His people have laid out a great deal of money with us for clothes, shoes, hats, &c. Captain Shelvocke goes aboard and parts company. Here remain with us two of the Speedwel’s officers, Mr. Hendrie the purser and Mr. Dod lieutenant of marines, designing with us for China. We keep to the northward on the coast of Mexico, meeting with strong west and north-west currents ’till latitude 15 : 00 where they set S. E. In this passage we have met captain Shelvocke three times without speaking, whom we knew by his making the signals. Our men have caught some tortoise, which has been very acceptable, but nothing material happens in all these traverses till March 7th. “Our officers consult, and resolve to joyn captain Shelvocke the next time we meet, in order to attempt the Acapulco ship homeward bound.”

13th. “Made a sail, which by the signals proving to be captain Shelvocke, we brought to. He comes aboard with his lieutenants. Our captain and they agree in general, that if we meet the Manilla ship, Shelvocke’s company to joyn us, and run her aboard at once. Accordingly we cruise for her: and on the 15th captain Clipperton holds another consultation; wherein proposals being agreed on, are sign’d and sent to captain Shelvocke; That if he and his crew would refund all the money shared among themselves contrary to their articles with the owners, and agree to put it in a joynt stock, then all faults should be forgot; both companies would unite, and procede to cruise for the Acapulco ship.”

17. “Not hearing from captain Shelvocke, and the time for the Manilla ship setting out being several days past: Resolved in a council to make our best dispatch for East India. We have an infirm ship’s company, and but five months provision, which must serve us to China unless we get a supply at Guam.”

“At six in the evening, the westmost land in sight, which I take to be port Marquiss bore N. N. W. eight leagues; from whence I take my departure, it lying in 16 : 50 north latitude.”

May 10th. “This day at noon we make Serpana one of the Ladron islands, Guam being a few leagues farther ahead. The latitude of Serpana I find to be 13 : 42 N. and the difference of longitude from port Marquiss 121 : 08 W. Nothing worth notice has happen’d in this tedious passage, only burying six of our hands. All our people are very weak, and take the scurvy apace: so that land is now a very welcome sight.”

13. “Anchor at the island of Guam. Send the pinnace ashore with a flag of truce. They tell our lieutenant, they cannot trade with us without leave from the Governer.”

16. “A prow came from the governer with Mr. Godfrey our agent, acquainting us, that we may be supply’d with provisions. Accordingly our launch brought aboard some cattle, bread, sugar, brandy and fruit. The next day his honour sent us a handsome present of palm wine, sugar and chocolate; for which we drink his health with a complement of seven guns.”

May 18th. “The marquiss de Villa Roche our prisoner, went ashore in company with our agent, the first lieutenant and doctor, having agreed with the governer about his ransom. We give him five guns at landing. Our launch is imploy’d these six days in bringing wood, and water, and provision aboard: during which time the governer desired he might have some arms and ammunition in exchange. Accordingly captain Clipperton sends him twelve fuzees, three jars of powder, sixty round shot, four pair of pistols; beside cutlases, long swords and daggers.”

25. “Receive a letter, wherein the governer demands the marquiss’s jewels, some consecrated plate, and two Nigros being christians and subjects to the king of Spain: as also a certificate under the captain and officers hands that peace was proclaimed; detaining Mr. Godfrey and Mr. Pritty ’till all this is performd. Hereupon our captain sends a letter with a certificate that the Solidad, the last prize we took on the coast of Chili, told us there was a peace between England and Spain; but withal assured the governer that if he did not in 24 hours send the ransom with the two gentlemen, he would demolish the houses upon the shore, burn the ship in the harbour, and do all the mischief he could at the Philippine islands. In the mean time we receive a letter that the governer will pay for the consecrated plate, and desires more powder and shot. To which our captain sends answer that he will not spare any more ammunition or the Nigros.”

28. “Our yawl went ashore for more provision: but the officer of the village told us we should have no more, unless we sent more powder and shot: upon which we immediately weighd, staying for no answer by Mr. Godfrey or Mr. Pritty. Sent the pinnace ahead to sound, and made the best of our way to the ship in the harbour. The people ashore had raised a battery during this sham treaty, from whence they began to fire at our pinnace; which being returned gave account that what channel they found, was within pistol shot of the shore. At six afternoon, in making up to the ship, we run aground, they having carry’d her into shoal water: so that now we sustain two fires together, one from the battery over our heads, and another from the ship. At nine we got foul of the rocks where we cut away two of our anchors indeavouring to get the ship off; during which time the enemy fired so warmly with stones and shot from a new battery erected on a hill, that we suffer’d extremely in our hull and rigging. We have three men wounded, beside the misfortune of losing Mr. Davison our first lieutenant who was an honest fellow and a good officer. Thus the Success is forced to lye in a miserable condition exposed to the continual fire of the enemy, who in the night have still this advantage of us; that the surface of the water being smooth as a millpond easily shows them our position, whereas we have no other direction for our aim than the flashes of their guns.”