29. “In this emergence our captain being overcome with liquor, and quite unable to command the ship; we officers came to a resolution of running out clear of the enemy as soon as we could get the ship afloat, and signed a paper to indemnify Mr. Cook if he would take upon him the command. At four afternoon we set her floating and cut away the small bower anchor; but in ten minutes we run aground again: at seven carry out the kedge anchor; but in heaving, the hawser broke. We immediately carry out another hawser with a lower deck gun to it, having now lost all our anchors and still aground. At two forenoon, the enemy hale us several times to surrender or except no quarter. At five, carry out the maintopmast-shroud hawser on the starboard bow with another gun; still plying the enemy with our great guns below, and small arms on the poop. We do them little mischief; tho’ they never miss us, especially our boats as soon as they see them stir. At eleven forenoon, carry out the rest of the small bower, with two lower deck guns right ahead into five fathom: we clear away the hold ready to start our water to make the ship lighter: got our upper and lower deck guns forward to bring her by the head, the ship hanging abaft on a rock: we keep two guns out of the stern ports, continually firing at the enemies new battery; but can’t bring them to bear. These twenty four hours we have happily only one wounded: but the ship is wretchedly paid off between wind and water.”

30. “At six afternoon the ship floating, we cut away the yawl being sunk with the shot: the other boats are much damaged: hove to our small bower; then cut away it, and the other two hawsers, and sent the pinnace ahead to tow the ship off. Just as we got afloat, the enemy fired so smartly from the new battery that their shot raked us through between wind and water, killing one of our people, and wounding two others. Thus have we lost both our bower anchors and cables, the stream and kedge anchors, four hawsers, four of our lower deck guns, nineteen barrels of powder, two men kill’d and six wounded: having stood these fifty hours, a fair mark for the enemy to fire at: and if we had not got clear, I do believe they would have sunk us before morning. We are all very sorry for Mr. Godfrey and Mr. Pritty, not knowing how the governer may use them ashore. At ten afternoon we brought to, and begin to splice our rigging, not a rope of which has escaped a shot: As for the masts and yards, they have all been severely pepper’d, and the carpenters have been all night stopping the holes in the ship’s bottom. At seven forenoon stow our guns in the hold, bar in the ports, hoist in the launch and pinnace, and at noon steer away west with an easy sail, hoping to save our passage before the Monsoons come on. Wind at S. S. E.”

31. “Our carpenters are imployed in fishing the masts and yards, and the rest of our people in fixing the rigging. At six afternoon, the body of the island Guam bore E. seven leagues, from whence I take my departure, north latitude 13 : 20. allowing half a point N. E. variation, designing now for China. Nothing remarkable till

June 23. “Find our ship to be in a very weak condition, scarce a whole timber in her upper works: discover one of our fashion pieces to be shot through, which being the chief support of the after part of the ship, we are obliged to frap her, to keep her together: it blowing pretty fresh, we dare not carry sail; having been forced for a week past to feud under bare poles through variable winds and bad weather. We impatiently look out for land, being afraid the currents have forcibly set us much to the eastward.”

24. “At day break, find our selves among several islands, one of which is Barbuon at the north point of the island Luconia. I saw also seven rocks, mark’d in some draughts; and likewise other islands, mark’d in some manuscripts with a figure of 5, and by captain Dampier called the Bashee islands. Dampier’s account and mine agree: but by Dr. Halley’s chart to Luconia, my reckoning is out by above three degrees; except he means the south cape of Luconia which may reconcile the difference. From June 14th to 19th. I found the current set to the southward; but whether W. or E. I know not: and from thence chiefly northward.”

30. “Make the isle and shoals of Prata latitude 20 : 46 N. The longitude from Barbuon to it is 4 : 46 W.”

July 1st. “Saw a sail to the eastward which we take to be a China junk. At six forenoon see other islands, and several boats a fishing. At nine forenoon bent the sheet cable: sounded in 30 fathom clay ground. At noon had the islands from N. N. E. to W. by S.: these lands were never mark’d in any chart. Longitude from Prata 2 west.”

2. “Anchor in 13 fathom: send away the pinnace for intelligence how Macao bore. Return’d with a boat and three Chinese, of whom we could only understand, that Canton was to S. W. of us; so we parted, and had the land from N. E. to W. of us: soundings from 22 to 13 fathom.”

3. “We gain nothing to windward: but are further to leeward of Macao than we expected. We can get no pilot, and so bear away for Amoy: at six afternoon made the white rock lying near the main land: at seven forenoon saw several boats a fishing: had 21 fathom clay ground.”

4. “At six afternoon saw the land N. E, and several islands laid down in the charts. Have had soundings from 30 to 15 fathom, latitude per observation 23 : 40.”

5. “Not knowing the way into Amoy, and not being the length as yet, hold upon a wind designing to ply off and on ’till daylight. At six afternoon saw the range of islands that run to Amoy: the eastermost bore S. S. W; the southmost N. N. W. At four forenoon made a sail; have had several boats aboard to sell us fish, but can’t understand them. Soundings from 22 to 14 fathom good ground. At ten forenoon saw the Piscadore islands from S. S. E. to E. S. E. 8 leagues.”

6. “At five afternoon came to with our sheet anchor in the gulf of Amoy. Longitude from Barbuon W. 4 : 48. Blessed be God in our passage hither, from the 24 of June we have had pleasant gales and serene weather, the winds between west and S. W. At ten the Hoppo’s men come aboard to know what we do here. Told them we was a king’s ship. They wrote down particularly our force and number of men, desiring us to be faithful in our account. The very next morning our men, in a mutinous manner, demand of captain Clipperton their prize money, alledging that the Success could never put to sea again. The first man that attacked the captain was John Dennison. I interposed thinking it my duty; whereupon Edward Boreman bid me desist, or expect a brace of balls thro’ my head: Mr. Cook with a sneer said, let the poor man rest and take breath a little, meaning the captain: upon this our captain went ashore to the Hoppo or commissioner of the customs. During these four days we receive aboard a great quantity of rice, some cattle, fowl, wood and water. On the 12th, the officers go ashore and are handsomly received by the Hoppo, with whom we make an agreement to anchor in the harbour and lye the monsoons out. Two Hoppo men or customhouse-officers are sent aboard to hinder private dealing with the natives. Several Mandarins or noblemen visit the ship with the Hoppo. Some of the men go ashore without leave, for which our captain going to correct them, the whole crew unite and resist. We get more provision aboard; after which the Hoppo’s agent receives the port charges, being 1700 dollars, about 400 pound sterling. Our captain receives a present of wine and fruit from one of the Mandarins. Nothing material till

August 25th. “We officers sign a paper for the captain to allow all the ships company money to buy necessaries. Captain Mitchel being gone, and Davison we succeded him being kill’d, Cook violently insists upon having thirty shares as second captain: which by his own management with the men, we were forced to yield him: but when the question was put to make provision for the gentlemen who were kill’d or taken from us, and the two officers from the Speedwel, Hendrie and Dod who are passengers with us, Cook was first man to oppose and reject it: so that we settle the shares as well as we can. Our captain and most of the officers are willing to allow something to the two passengers aforesaid; captain Shelvocke having used them ill for favouring the owners interest, particularly Mr. Hendrie the agent whom he would not suffer to act, but made him swab the deck: however the company murmur at making them an allowance, and I doubt they will receive nothing. After this we fall into great disorders and confusion, and the men are strangely set against the captain, refusing to work without their whole prize money, and complain to the chief Mandarin call’d Hyhung: upon which captain Clipperton is sent for, who represented, that according to our articles, the capture ought to be shared at London. However Cook goes secretly to the Mandarin and underhand favours the men, insinuating that they would be cheated; and threaten’d, if Clipperton did not easily comply, to tell the Mandarin of his fine doings at Guam, and the great loss of captain Mitchel sent in the Chichley prize with a good cargo never since heard of: So that in short there came a guard of soldiers aboard of us, and an order to captain Clipperton to divide all the shares and pay them.”

Sept. 16th. “Which was done this day without reserving anything for Shelvocke’s two officers, our dead men, or thole who were taken prisoners.”

Which at 4 s. 8 d. a dollar, makes English money, 97 l, 15 s, 4 d.

According to this distribution,

Taylor not having here, or at leaving China, mention’d any thing of what became of Clipperton, or the gentlemens money, I think proper to insert that account as I had it from one of our owners and several of the Success’s people. The owners moiety consisting of dollars, wrought silver, gold and jewels amounted to upwards of 6000l. sterling, and was put aboard a Portuguese East-India man, called the Queen of Angels, Don Francisco la Vero commander, which was unfortunately burnt at Rio Janeiro on the coast of Brasil, June 6th 1722; of which effects no more came to hand than 1800l. As for captain Clipperton, he having sold the Success in China, took his passage in her to Batavia; and from thence in a Dutch India man he came to Holland. He stay’d there a few weeks upon his own affairs, and went directly to his family at Galway in Ireland, where he died two days after his arrival, in the year 22: being an Englishman born at great Yarmouth, in the county of Norfolk. But more of this in another place. I procede to the journal.

Sept. 25th. “Weighed out of Amoy harbour. Our arms, ammunition, and sails came aboard: it being a practice, with the Chinese, for their security, to take these ashore from all strangers.”

30. “Weighed and run out of the gulf, from whence I take my departure, latitude 24 N: designing now for Macao an island belonging to his Portuguese majesty.”

October 4th. “Anchor in the road of Macao: salute the fort: captain goes ashore and returns with the commander of a Portuguese man of war. Here we are informed of peace in Europe. Cook and Veitch go to Canton to consult with Mr. Winder supercargo of an India man and son to one of our owners, what our captain is to do with the Success. Upon their return the ship is condemned, being uncapable to procede for England; and is sold for about 4000 dollars, much too cheap.

“Here I settle my account of time, and find I have lost a day coming westward round the world; therefore I allow but six days for this week and go on.”

30. “Twenty of us agreed here, at six dollars each, to go to Canton in a boat with chests and bedding, and get a passage from thence to England: but it was my good hap to miss going in her, losing only my money; for she was taken by the pyrates: and some of our people now at Canton have lost their things: So that seven of us agree for a Mandarin’s boat at twenty dollars each, finding it unsafe to go otherwise: we anchored at a town half way to Canton, being obliged to get into a private boat, while the Mandarin convoyed us in sight of Canton. In our passage we saw a pyrate take a boat; and I find it is a common practice. I think it very scandalous: but probably the Chinese government wink at it.”

November 4th. “We arrive at the English factory at Canton: are very kindly received. They meet, and agree to carry us to Great Britain at five pound a man, being a very great favour: Accordingly we all pay our money. I and two or three more went aboard the Maurice, captain Peacock at Wampo, being the place where the European ships lye about three leagues down Canton river. The rest of our company divide in several ships.”

9. “We made sail in company of the Macclesfield an English East India man, and an Ostender call’d the House of Austria.”

13. “The grand Ladron island bore N. E. four leagues; from whence I take my departure. Latitude 22. N.”

The run from China to Great Britain being generally well known, it is foreign to my purpose to extract any more of this journal. I here give Mr. Taylor my hearty thanks for the use of it: and am pleas’d I can do it in this public manner. Without it, I could not have been able in some particulars to confute the false and treacherous relation given by captain Shelvocke; who never kept any journal himself, or suffer’d any one to use pen and ink, but his own creatures. If Mr. Taylor had designd to publish his account, he doubtless might have enterd remarks and occurrences of another nature than those which concern navigation and geography. And altho’ the expedition of these two ships faild in all its best particulars, yet a good journal of their procedings round the whole ocean might have been entertaining: for men love to read of enterprizes, tho’ they prove unfortunate.

Lastly, I must observe to Mr. Taylor’s credit, that he has kept his account truly and carefully like an honest man and a good artist; having judiciously markd the currents and rectifyd the latitudes of many places. He arrivd at Batavia in December; at the cape of Good Hope in February; at St. Helena and Ascension in March; and in May 1722, at London: having thus made a complete tour of the globe.

SECTION III.

Here I resume the history of my captain, whom I left cruising off Payta; while Hatley, I, and the rest of us were taken by admiral Midranda, otherwise call’d general of the South-Sea.

Shelvocke having hitherto failed of making his fortune, begins now to think it too late, at least for this season. The scheme of our voyage is at an end; the enemy is alarm’d; their ships all laid up, except the two Spanish men of war which are in quest of the English privatiers: and Shelvocke probably would now be glad of his commodore Clipperton’s company. But finding as he says p. 199, his circumstances to be in an extreme melancholy posture; he sails back to windward, and resolves upon a new experiment, which was to get rid of the owners ship, and cruise upon a new bottom: thereby thinking to intitle himself to all he should get, exclusive of us prisoners and the gentlemen at home. And this is captain Shelvocke’s law and, conscience, and the real shift he now makes to dispute it with the gentlemen who fitted him out.

Accordingly he sails to Fernandes, where he arriv’d the beginning of May, being winter in that hemisphere. He was too good a seaman to believe he could ride it out the remaining part of the winter, in a wild road, destitute of any kind of shelter, and exposed to strong gusts of northerly winds which frequently blow there in that season: he well knew there was no meddling with the coast for the enemies men of war: therefore he makes half the tour of the island, seemingly to push her into some creek; after which, he comes to in the usual place, with only one anchor to trust to; for he had taken care to have no more. Here the ship rode several days safe enough: and during his stay, seventeen of his men are sent ashore, while others were imploy’d in getting off water to favour a false design of going to sea again: and under this pretence of watering, both now and after, many things of value were secretly carry’d ashore, which the people in general wonder’d to see there, and could not imagine who brought them. However, the more effectually to put his project in execution, he weighs from this place, and comes to anchor close in shore: upon which his people unanimously fear some very odd mischievous design, and suddenly recollect how they had often heard him say, That it was not difficult living at Fernandes, if a man should accidentally be thrown there, since Mr. Selkirk had continu’d upon it four years by himself.

Possest with these things, the people were amaz’d, that their captain would leave a clear berth and good anchoring to venture farther in, where it was foul and rocky; and where if the cable parted there could be but little hopes to save the ship: whereas in their first situation they had clear anchoring, room and drift enough to get their tacks aboard, to claw it off either to the east or westward. As soon as the anchor was down, Mr. Brook the first lieutenant advised flinging two of their heaviest guns, which, in case of losing the anchor, might bring her up a little ’till they could set the sails: But Shelvocke rejected all these things with a stedfast tranquillity, and now says he had no opportunity of getting to sea in four days, tho’ he was ready: which I am sure is an absurdity wants clearing up, p. 205. Moreover, how can Shelvocke impose this sham readiness on mankind, when his seventeen hands are all at this time on the island, and who he owns came down so seasonably to his assistance, as soon as the ship touched the shore? Here, he says, a hard gale of wind came from the sea, which brought in such a tumbling swell, that in a few hours the cable parted, the ship struck, and all the masts went overboard.

This is the plausible reason he gives for losing his ship, being a wind rais’d only in his brain, and of his own invention: for ’tis a most notorious falshood, to say, there was any gale when the cable parted: all his people have in one word assur’d me and many others to the contrary. And Shelvocke very well knew, that if he should be catched by a gale in that perilous road-stead, and so poorly found with ground tackle, they must all inevitably have perish’d, by reason of the prodigious breach the sea makes in any thing of weather against the sunken rocks and stones all along the shore. He therefore took care to secure all their lives by destroying his ship in fine serene weather, which the ingenious captain perform’d by bringing a spring on his cable, with which he hove his ship’s broadside against the swell, and kept her in that position ’till the cable was tore asunder. Mr. Dod, who pretends not to be a seaman, says, that about three hours before the ship went ashore, some hands were at work on the quarter deck hawling in a hawser which was made fast to the cable; and that he inquir’d of Gilbert Henderson the gunner, what that was for? Henderson answer’d him, that if he would be rightly inform’d, he must go and ask the captain. To confirm this, several of his people have made affidavit, that it blew no wind at all, that every soul of them got commodiously ashore, and that it’s their belief he lost the ship on purpose: and its remarkable, he made not one tryal to prevent it.

Soon as the cable parted, Mr. Laport his third lieutenant seeing immediate ruine, cry’d out, Set the foresail; hoping thereby to do some good: and while Edmund Philips and others were actually upon the yard, Shelvocke hastily order’d them down, and taking the helm in his hand, said, Ne’re mind it boys; stand all fast, i’ll lay her on a feather bed: which, as it proved a plaguy hard one, shews his great indifference as to the event of the ship.

Page 26. He brags of his being thirty years an officer in the navy: what then must we say to a man of such experience, who will lavishly destroy two or three ships, and save not an anchor and cable for a time of need? There’s nothing can excuse it, but owning what I have been proving. Either way it’s very bad: his judgment and his honesty being both in great danger.

Another circumstance comes in here—When we met La Jonquiere at St. Catherine’s, Shelvocke procur’d of him a pair of smith’s bellows and forge, p. 29, which at that time we could see no manner of occasion for: but without them, ’tis now evident, he could never have made bolts, spikes, nails and other iron work for a barque able to carry fifty or sixty men to sea; and in short, without the bellows, he could never have begun such a piece of work at all. I am sure none of us mistrusted then, that the Speedwel was to be lost; tho’ our captain had a greater foresight, and provided accordingly. Sometimes indeed, large burdensome ships that strain and labour much in a grown sea, and often snap their bolts and chainplates, may want such a thing; but a lively handy vessel like ours of 170 ton, had no more occasion for a pair of smith’s bellows than a great cathedral organ.

I offer not these things as clear demonstrations, but circumstances only; for it is impossible in this case to go farther: and there’s no room for any other sort of proof in a fact where a man has no conspirators, but keeps all the design in his own breast.

In short the ship struck several times and bulg’d. The captain and his men all got ashore: he says one was lost; but it is utterly false: and how wretched so ever he has painted their lives and conversation, the reader will but little regard what he writes: for it is certain he saved all that was most valuable; particularly sugar and powder, both which are damaged as soon any thing. He sav’d but little provision; because that is always stow’d in the hold: but he rememberd to get out his commission, with all the plate and money. What else could he expect? He used to say it was easy living at Fernandes, but now ’tis to serve another turn, he says quite other things.

Here they put themselves under the Jamaica discipline; and divided among them every shilling of the money laid by before for the Owners, and all our shares left in the ships by us who were taken prisoners: and the only reason Shelvocke gives for this, is the old story, his men would have it so: but I that have most reason of any man living to know him best, shall prove that Shelvocke lost not a tittle of his command after the shipwreck: for after they had put themselves on the model aforesaid, whereby he says the captains are allow’d but four shares; he could manage it so, as to have six. And whatever hardships he may sham the reader with, p. 223, those six proportions are much better now, than sixty before. For pray consider, the gentlemen Owners are intirely excluded; who were to have one half of all the capture; and then he has got rid of more than half his ship’s company, among whom Hatley, as second captain, was intituled to thirty shares; my self to twenty, the two mates, the surgeon’s mate, the ensign, a serjeant and corporal of marines, besides the foremastmen. All these shares, I say, being deducted, besides reducing three more of his chief officers, La Port, Hendrie and Dod, two of which afterwards quitted the ship, does not all this make it evident, that six shares, where there are but 52 dividends of the whole capture are better than 60 where there are 650 dividends of half the capture? This shews how greatly Shelvocke would impose upon mankind, and is a confirmation that it was his aim and his interest to destroy the ship; and bring about this new regulation.

As to the whole trifling account of his transactions at Fernandes taking up above fifty pages of his book, as it is little to me; I shall take but little notice of it: leaving the reader to amuse himself with it at leisure. He has taken pains all along to make us believe, that the shipwreck was not his own act and deed, by representing the hardships he was exposed to ashore, from the dissention of his people, the barreness of the place, and the improbability of his getting well to sea again: But this is all artifice, to make the reader imagine, that no man would run himself voluntarily into so many difficulties. It is certain they liv’d poor enough upon the island; but having good carpenters, caulkers, smiths, and all proper workmen, he continually imploy’d them upon the main point: which was to get a new bark built out of the old ship; in order to make a private fortune in a more expeditious manner, than he could before: as I shall demonstrate by and by, when I shew my reader the written account of their acquisition, and how they shard it on the coast of Mexico; tho’ Shelvocke has conceal’d it. One thing I must not forget, p. 225, he says that Mr. Brook having got the love of the people; was named to be their future commander: but as it did not take place, I shall shew how Shelvocke took care it never should, by making away with him and five more at Sansonate.

However, I must not quit him without a story I lately had from Mr. Hendrie, which shews how he was divested of his authority, as he calls it, p. 219. Captain Shelvocke maintaind as absolute sway at Fernandes, as before, till the tenth of June came about. The men knowing what affection the captain had for that anniversary, some of them begd to have the small arms to celebrate the day in the most dutiful manner they could: upon which Shelvocke readily consented; and those who did not care to assist at it, diverted themselves about the island, not knowing but a civil war might be the consequence. So, a bonfire was made steeple high, the loyal subjects wearing artificial roses of linen rags and paper, while several cordial vollies and huzzas were let off; Shelvocke himself being captain of the mob, and his son George the skinker to fill out the liquor. But, what sower’d the festival was, they had nothing to drink the Chevalier’s health in, but vinegre, water and sugar, being the best punch they could get. At the close of this rejoycing, the captain demanded their muskets; but the men were wise enough to keep them, the scheme having been chiefly laid for that purpose.

In short, on the fifth of October 1720, the bark is completed, launched, and calld the Recovery. And thus by giving her a new name, captain Shelvocke has the new fashiond assurance to tell mankind that the Owners title is quite sunk, as if there never had been any such thing: tho’ he still proceded with the king’s commission, being the property of the Owners; and is the same which he afterwards producd at China, as a protection for his own person, and a security for all that he had rapaciously got together.

And whereas, p. 216, he affectedly says, that the men in a body thank’d him for giving them a prospect of deliverance; I think it very improbable that the men would be so courtly, when above twenty of them chose to remain upon the island. And whereas again, p. 242, he insinuates that they who stay’d behind were afraid to venture in the new bark; I think it much more natural to suppose, they had rather stay upon that island and trust to the mercies of providence, than be made the certain tools of Shelvocke’s tyranny and self interest.

My captain’s first enterprize was with the Margarita, p. 262, he calls her a forty gun ship; which at that rate could not burthen less than 400 ton. In this I can confront him of my own authority: for I was aboard this ship afterwards at Callao, and she never carried above 200 ton and eighteen guns: but Shelvocke wisely magnifys her force, because her geting clear might bring no other slur upon his captainship: whereas she certainly escaped thro’ his own fear: for after his gunner was kill’d he took the helm in his hand from Christopher Hawkins, and puting it hard down, sheer’d off from her. P. 279, he says, he heard the captain and three of the Margarita’s men were killd in the action; which is so far from truth, that they had none kill’d, and only a Nigro wounded in the cheek. They had not above a dozen cartridges of powder aboard, and two or three small arms belonging to the passengers, with only stones or ballast for shot. The commander of her was a Frenchman, who told it me all at Callao: beside which, captain Opie in the Carteret brought from Buenos Aires one of the Margarita’s passengers, who told the story to fifty gentlemen about town.

David Griffith, who went with Shelvocke to China, confirms all the above particulars. He has been with me since his arrival in London, and says that captain Morel, who was afterwards taken aboard the Conception, declared there was a man in the Margarita, who stood ready by the colours immediately to strike, if captain Shelvocke could have taken courage to board her. David further assures me, that Shelvocke’s whole account of that story is to excuse his own faint heart: for whereas he talks of his animating the men, and their backwardness to fight, it is a mean pitiful forgery; for the men were unanimous for boarding the enemy; and Shelvocke shamefully refused it; took the helm and sheerd off.

His next feat is plundering the village of Iquique; where he got a good quantity of provision, wine and brandy: immediately after which he meets with and attacks the Francisco Palacio a large merchant ship: and Shelvocke by this time being somewhat potvaliant, I believe he did his indeavour to carry her; but she provd too big for his bark. However his main purpose being to change his new baptized vessel, as soon as he could, he quickly met with an opportunity that succeded. Standing into the road of Pisco, they discover a good ship: whereupon Shelvocke summons his people, who came to a resolution to board her at once; which they luckily performd without resistance. This prize was calld Jesu Maria of 200 ton, laden with pitch, tar and copper: so that our freebooters decently quit their slight new tenement for a good, clean, weatherproof habitation. It seems the Spaniard offerd 16000 dollars for her again: but Shelvocke’s people were certainly in the right to keep the prize; for considering their circumstance, no money at that time could be an equivalent.

A way he sails to Payta in the Jesu Maria, where the most important thing I find, is the reflexion he makes upon the conduct of captain Clipperton, who he says refused a booty of 400,000 dollars, king’s money, which lay there in the governer’s hands.

Here Shelvocke gives another great example of his ignorance; for to my experience, who was first set there ashore, after being a prisoner; I know very well that the place is poor and without a governer, having no trade whereby any duties, worth mentioning, can arise to his Catholic Majesty: There is indeed a head man (as there is in all places) called Teniente, who makes a hard shift to live by exacting port charges and other small fees from the vessels that touch there only for refreshments, and to put their pedlars ashore. Clipperton knew this very well, and was too prudent to make a fresh broil upon the coast for nothing at all, and that’s the reason he never touchd there; tho’ Shelvocke has magnified himself so much upon it, and has absurdly connected two facts together, which happend at a year’s distance: For the first time the Success was in the parallel of Payta, was Nov. 1719; and the second time Nov. 1720, as appears plainly by Taylor’s journal: and yet this ignorant book-writer, p. 188 and 288, has mention’d Clipperton’s puting prisoners ashore there in Nov. 1719, being the first time: whereas the prisoners he designd to put ashore was in Nov. 1720, a twelve month afterwards; which however he did not; but landed them at Cape Helen; as specifyd in the journal the 2d. section of this voyage. He is very right to assert that which no one can doubt of, when he says Clipperton might have taken Payta as easily as he did; and so might any vessel, sending ashore six armed men, for there’s no such thing as firearms, being a naked village of defenceless Indians. But it is endless for me to set the public right in every fact of Shelvocke’s history; for as the whole is divided into voluntary falshood and plain ignorance, his book may more justly be calld a romantic libel than a journal.

His next arrival is at the island of Quibo, p. 303; where he talks of a terrible sort of hogs with their navels upon their backs; for my part I don’t easily believe such out of the way things; but refer our captain Quibo to dispute it with the physicians and anatomists.

In their passage hither he says his men frequently got drunk and quareld; and that he went in danger of his life, and used to have his clothes tore from his back, if he endeavourd to part them. This too may be a very important discovery to the rest of his readers; but I my self know him so well that it is no news to me: for Shelvocke used to make freer with the wine and brandy than any one; and I believe his men thought it no harm to follow his example and drink their skins full, especially since their new establishment was more like a commonwealth than an absolute monarchy.

During these useful discoveries of our author, I think ’tis pity any thing should interrupt him; but as the devil would have it, Jan. 1721, he meets captain Clipperton in the Success, which interview he says was very astonishing: And truly I believe it was: Clipperton might well be surprized at the history of Shelvocke’s management; and Shelvocke had as great reason to wonder the other did not confine him for it: And I can tell him the gentlemen here at home wondered at it, and took it ill that he did not. But what astonishes me most, is that Shelvocke has the hardiness to give us the history of captain Mitchel, for the truth of which he appeals to a dead man, Mr. Davison, who told him so; which Davison was killd at Guam before Shelvocke came to China. The tragical circumstances, as he calls them, p. 309, of a jealousy between Clipperton and Mitchel; of the later’s being orderd with a rich cargo to a place no where to be found, and yet orderd thither on purpose to be destroyd, are reflexions so malicious, and yet so irrational, that Shelvocke must be fuddled when he writ them.

The journal tells us how he was fitted out, and whither bound; that his cargo was ten thousand pound value: is it possible then, supposing a real misunderstanding, that Clipperton would pay so dear to get rid of the gentleman? ’Tis certain he never imbarked his men in lighters or in empty prizes with any design to make away with them, as Shelvocke served us: captain Mitchel was put aboard a clean ship, well mand, and provided with stores and necessaries, and a valuable parcel of goods to dispose of at Brasil for the Owners advantage in order to secure them something: and it is true that neither he nor the twenty three men with him were ever yet heard of: But how is Clipperton chargeable with that? or what excuse can Shelvocke make for these impious reflexions, but a sort of pleasure he has in being revenged on the memory of the dead. Thus far Mitchel may be accounted for: The journal March 16th. 1720. tells us that being obliged to wood and water, he touched to the northward, at port Velas; where it’s very probable he and his men became a prey to the enemy: for the said article mentions that several of Clipperton’s men saw some shirts and other things worn by the natives, which by the mark convinced them Mitchel had been there. Shelvocke goes on in this childish manner, p. 308. talking of submersions of islands, and that it was conjectured Mitchel and his men, the ship, the island and all were sunk under water: This likewise he says was Mr. Davison’s opinion; who I know had more sense than to say or think any such silly thing. He says farther that Clipperton never cleand his ship, whereas the journal takes notice of his having done it two or three times; besides several others omitted by me, as not for my design to transcribe every such trifling remark. As for Clipperton’s behaviour at Conception, Coquimbo, and afterwards at Guam it was ill judged no doubt: and tho’ it was so, I have impartially enterd it in my second section, it being much more for my purpose to tell the truth, than to stifle it: But let it be as it will; he certainly had the Owners interest in view, and thought honesty the best policy; though captain Shelvocke has taken leave to think otherwise. On the next leaf he says, that upon meeting the Success he expected to be treated by them as one belonging to the same interest; but found himself mistaken. Truly there’s nothing strange in that; for his was a private interest, and theirs a public one. Besides, the journal says, that he would not come into terms: which is answer enough to all his complaints of unkindness, treachery, and so forth.

After meeting with the Success several times in the South Seas, I come now to the last time of their meeting, which was in March 1721. off of Acapulco; whereas the journal mentions, it was thought most adviseable to joyn both companies, and attempt the great Manilla ship. As to the remarks that Shelvocke has made upon this transaction, and the pains he has taken to represent Clipperton a monstrous creature, ’tis not to be minded. The journal says, the proposal to Shelvocke was this, That if he and his crew would refund all the money shared among themselves contrary to the Owners articles, and put it in a joint stock; then all faults should be forgot, both companies would unite and procede to cruise for the Acapulco ship: The very next article in the journal is, that not hearing from captain Shelvocke, and the time for the Acapulco ship setting out for Manilla, being several days past; Resolved in council to make our best dispatch for East India. Here is the plain true account of the affair, and how the treaty broke off: but Shelvocke has labourd hard to pervert the truth of this fact, as he has done all the rest, thinking to gain pity from mankind, by telling what he sufferd through the deceit of Clipperton, never expecting that these things would be refuted and clear’d up. Besides, there may be other reasons assignd for Clipperton’s sudden separation, tho’ not enterd in the journal: for he knew, before he left England, that the Spanish fleet was all taken and destroyd by admiral Byng; and therefore a peace was probably concluded, being two years past: and therefore Shelvocke, who had not made his fortune while the war lasted, and had really ruind the project, ought of the two to be the sufferer. ’Tis very likely, Clipperton for these reasons did not care to imbarrass his ship just upon the point of his leaving the South-Sea; but on second thoughts, concluded it was better to keep what he had got. These, I say, are very fair conjectures: but the reason mentiond in the journal above is sufficient of it self; for Shelvocke thought the conditions proposed by Clipperton were too strict: He did not care to refund what he had unlawfully shared, which doubtless he ought to have done; and for the neglect of which, ’tis evident the whole affair ended.

P. 321, Shelvocke talks of articles which he demanded of Clipperton and Godfrey: That in case they took this rich prize, he and his people should be intitled to their proper shares, according to their first agreement with the Owners: This in my humble opinion is a great weakness in Shelvocke to publish, tho’ he passes for a cunning fellow: for why should he insist upon a repetition or confirmation of the first articles with the gentlemen Owners, if he was not conscious of his having, some how or other, forfeited his right by a notorious mismanagement and breach of trust?

P. 327. He concludes this long invective with a smart reflexion upon Clipperton, that it was his fear to ingage the Manilla ship, which made him recede from the proposal. For my part, I really think he had reason to fear it, having twice narrowly escaped the men of war already: and since Shelvocke refused to put his plunder money in the common stock, why should Clipperton risk all he had, to mend another man’s fortune? Shelvocke most certainly would have been glad of so great an addition to his capture, as the Acapulco ship must have afforded; and I doubt not he would have run away with a very handsome share of it, as he has done with all he took both before and after: and now he is bitterly vext with Clipperton, because the bite did not take.

Shelvocke’s next exploit is at Sansonate; where finding a ship at anchor call’d the Holy Family he attacks her, and after some resistance takes her: She proved no great prize: but being a better sailer, he thought fit to shift the cargo of the Jesu Maria, and change ships with the Spaniard.

Shelvocke says p. 331, that this ship was fitted out and commission’d on purpose to take him; and would have us believe he has performed wonders in the ingagement. I own I am at a loss to account for this man’s extravagant assurance, when he and I, and every body knows the viceroy never grants commissions to merchantmen. There were three men of war out already; and had this been a commission ship, there would have been officers and sailors aboard making a regular force of 150 men at least; who would never have submitted, especially in the condition they found Shelvocke. He owns himself it was a merchantman, and yet stupidly says they were commission’d to take him.

Just as he was going to sea, he receives a letter from the governer with notice that there was a truce between England and Spain; wherein he demanded restitution of the ship and cargo; on refusal of which he should be declared a pyrate. Tho’ Shelvocke did not depend upon this for truth; yet being greatly reduced and wanting all necessaries of life, he was willing in some measure to treat about it. He sends ashore lieutenant Brook his next officer with five men under a flag of truce; who were immediately made prisoners.

Thus he gets rid of six more of his people, under the show of a treaty with the governer, for they were never since heard of. I don’t expect the world will judge of this affair as I do, because those who are ignorant of the circumstances of these things, and unacquainted with Shelvocke’s personal behaviour, cannot make a proper censure. When a man dies in a course of physic, who knows whether ’tis chance, or design in the doctor? the patient is gone by legal prescription. So here a gentleman is fairly orderd ashore into an enemy’s hand: and if he never returns, who can say it is a design or accident? Thus much is certain, they went without a hostage, tho’ Shelvocke always had strong notions of the Spaniards resentment, and their manner of revenge; especially in Mexico, where the Indians are the cruelest people alive. And while he was speaking of Mitchel’s story, we find him quick enough to leave it past doubt, that he and his men perishd in some obscure manner: and yet he must now send a young gentleman ashore into the clutches of this enemy, at a time when he knew the whole coast was exasperated, and himself destitute of all common necessaries; with a very indifferent force, and consequently not able to resent any affront, much less to avenge himself on the governer, in case he detaind Brook and his men. Shelvocke immediately before and after this acted in a hostile manner on that coast; and even in their view he took this ship called the Holy Family, where the countermaster lost his life: so that if poor Brook and his men were sacrific’d by way of atonement, ’tis no severe supposition. For my own part, I know he hated Brook, for adhering to the constitution of his country; and because he could not digest the jacobite healths, that Shelvocke usd to drink: I have observed before, how he abused him for discovering Clipperton’s name on the tree, when we first touchd at Fernandes; and Shelvocke himself explains the jealousy he had of him, when they were there the second time: all which being considerd, I leave those to make inferences, who have been long in the world, and studyd mankind.

There’s another gentleman this author has made free with, Randal by name, Brook’s brother in law, who having gone round the world with Shelvocke was arrested by the Owners at his landing, as were several others, and secured in the King’s bench prison, where he died. This lieutenant Randal has not escaped the malice of his pen; but in many places of the book, is very ill treated. And I cannot help observing that a great part of captain Shelvocke’s voyage is libelling the dead: such as Clipperton, Davison, Randal, and others. This way of accusing is infamous, and abhorrd by all civilized nations; which I hope is some excuse, for my appearing in their defense: and tho’ I can but poorly perform the office, yet what I do offer, is founded upon certain knowledge and truth.

Before I leave this prize calld the Holy Family, I must inform the reader, that Shelvocke, far from having any merit in taking her, ought to have lost the command of his own ship for deserting his post upon the quarter deck. After two or three of his men were wounded, Shelvocke expecting warm work, sculkd with his son behind the boat which lay upon the main deck; and left David Griffith alone to ply the gun upon quarter deck: for which desertion, Griffith ought in justice to have succeded as captain of the ship. Moreover, whenever Shelvocke ventured from the said barricade and judged a shot was coming, he would skilfully plant himself behind the main mast, leaving David by himself to fight the Philistines. But to return.

Shelvocke unable to get provision at Sansonate, retires with fresh apprehensions that he must be forced to surrender whether peace or war; and chose therefore to go to Panama, where he hoped for tolerable usage, there being an English factory: And what excuse can he invent for not going there before the loss of these six men? Conscious of his guilt, he frames a long protest against the governer’s procedings, which doubtless is a thing all invented since, and no original. Accordingly he steers away for the gulf of Amapala, where among the islands he hoped for a recruit of water; but found none: and being now indeed in a deplorable condition, forced to drink the sea water or their own urine; they agree, weak as they are, to bear away again for Quibo to get water. In their way to this place, they providentially met with a small supply at the isle of Cano, with the apparent hazard of Randal’s life. For Shelvocke, tho’ he was so liberal with the lives of other men, took care of his son, tall boy George, and his minion Stewart, keeping them safe aboard; and never orderd either of them ashore when there was any appearance of danger; nor is there one instance of it in all his book. At last with miserable difficulties they reach Quibo, where they wood and water at leisure; thinking however still to surrender at Panama, if fortune did not throw some agreeable prize in their way, which happend very soon: For a few days after they left Quibo, a small bark laden with beef and pork fell accidentally into their hands, taking them for Spaniards: Tho’ she proved a lucky prize to Shelvocke, at a time when his people were near starving, and had not provision enough to hold them to China, yet he tells us p. 266, that they were all so tired of the sea, and past hopes of making a considerable dividend of money, that they chose rather to go ashore at any rate and surrender.

While things were in this doubtful state, and nothing material happend for three days; but it was really expected a period must be put to Shelvocke’s privatiering, a sail presented her self standing along shore to Panama, which he immediately gave chase to, leaving the bark which he had in tow, with four of his men and five Nigros to take care of her. He made all the sail he could ’till night, when fearing the chafe would give him the slip, he advised, as he says, bringing to, that the bark might come up again; but having otherwise resolved, they continued their sail all night. Early the next morning, being the 20th of May, he came up with the chase, and after a small dispute carryd her. I must not omit that when they returnd to the bark, they found her quite deserted, and the decks coverd with blood: so that he has now four more of his men destroyd, and leaves it past question that they were murderd. After which he would patch the story up with an idle supposition, that the Spanish crew he left in the bark all jumpd into the sea and drownd themselves: Is it not as easy to imagine they saw a boat coming by before they acted the murder? or if not, ’tis common for the natives of that part of the world to swim several leagues. All people naturally secure their method of escape before they commit a violence of this nature: and I am sure ’tis a more rational conjecture, than to think they would destroy the English first, and murder themselves afterwards. Shelvocke crys out it was a cruel return for his civilities, having lent them these four men to assist them, p. 374. Sure this cannot be captain Shelvocke himself, but his son Georgy who talks of sending men aboard a prize out of civility. This is such a sort of complaisance, as when an officer takes the defendents goods in execution, and out of pure good nature sends a man into the house to keep possession. Such stuff as this is worth reading for the great rarity of it; but who would ever expect to meet with it in a book calld A voyage round the world. He goes on and says, “It seemd strange to me, that our men should suffer themselves or run the least hazard of exposing themselves to be thus butcherd.” Indeed, captain, I believe they could not help it; otherwise it would have been somewhat strange: and I am apt to fancy no man alive can help it when he is overpowerd. But what sort of language is this, “to run the least hazard of exposing themselves to be thus butcherd?” Did you ever hear of peoples voluntary exposing themselves to have their throats cut? Did not he hazard and expose the men who left them there without an officer? Shelvocke’s reason why this seemd strange is as good as the rest; for says he, they were four in number! a mighty number indeed against a ship’s crew. He owns they were five Spaniards, and there might be ten for any thing we know: it was certainly for his purpose to lessen the number: and why might not the five Nigros joyn in the massacre upon certain views and promises? I have as much reason to suppose the one as the other. But the whole story is such a piece of dull thinking and poor language, that ’tis time I have done with it.

THIS being the great crisis of captain Shelvocke’s voyage, I shall be more particular in relating the affair of this last prize, which will open the most notorious scene of villany and deceit that has appeard yet, p. 371. The ship was called the Conception, Don Stephen de Recova commander bound from Callao to Panama having on board several persons of distinction, particularly the Conde de la Rosa a Spanish nobleman who had been sometime governer of Pisco and was now going home to Spain: “laden with flower, sugar, marmalade, peaches, grapes, limes, etcætera.” Now, Be it known to ALL MEN, That, that et cætera was A hundred and eight thousand six hundred and thirty six pieces of eight: and Shelvocke little thought when he took this prize or compiled his book, that I of all men should have this exact state of the affair. He often said, he would never give the gentlemen Owners a fair account; and I have often promised in this treatise to prove that he did say so; and now we have both made our words good. I have not only an authentic account; but I’ll declare also how I got it. When I was taken and carried prisoner to Lima, I had leisure enough to reflect on my misfortunes: how likely I was to be ruind, and the Owners to be cheated. So that to prepare them in defense of their rights, I wrote over to one of them the substance of what had occurrd to me: how Shelvocke had mismanaged; how arbitrarily he had acted in defiance of their articles, and what his private intentions were in the future part of the voyage. As soon as I came to London, which was in October 1721, I confirmd the purport of my letter with several new circumstances. For all which performance of my duty, I do suppose my name has met with so much accusation and reproach in captain Shelvocke’s book. But beside my advices, the gentlemen had many proofs from other prisoners and other people. Eleven months after, being August, captain Shelvocke himself arrived, and waits immediately on the said gentleman to compound in the lump for all his transactions; not owning any thing of this prize, which he had unlawfully shared, and every thing else among three and thirty of them. Instead of compromising the matter, the gentleman read him my letter, secured him, and the same day had him confined in Wood-street counter. A few days after his pupil Stewart arrives at Dover, and was seized by the honest warden of the castle according to directions; who faithfully secured his book of accounts and brought it with the prisoner to the Owners, from whom I had the book and copyd the dividend, which is as follows.

Here the reader perceives the sum total of this dividend to be short of what I said the capture amounted to: but in order to set that matter right, there is a secret article of 627 quadruples of gold, which Shelvocke graciously shared among private friends; each of which quadruple or double doubloon is worth sixteen dollars or pieces of eight,

All which money Shelvocke has the prodigious modesty to conceal; and only says the prize was laden with flower, sugar, fruit, &c. Stewart’s book mentions the 627 doubloons, but not a word how they were divided. So that we must imagine them to be sunk among both the Shelvockes and Stewart: perhaps Adams came in for a little. For as Stewart was agent, cashier and paymaster, it was an easy matter to hide a bag of gold from the public, and dispose of it afterwards in a committee of two or three.

When Shelvocke orderd me upon that expedition in the lighter, as I gave my fortune over for lost, so I judged my person to be in a very precarious condition: and thinking my money safer in the Speedwel, I deliverd it to Mr. Hendrie the former agent, being about 350 dollars: for I little dreamd of the scheme that Shelvocke had formd, to lose the ship and seize all for himself; but that if my money came to England I should have it some time or other. However, all these effects were shared at Fernandes, as aforementioned. So among other things I left a wig with John Theobald the barber on the list, who sold it afterwards to Coldsea the master for ten dollars: but as soon as Theobald found me out in London, he honestly came and paid me the money, and told me his share of this prize was as it stands in the account: but he knew nothing of the second dividend.

By the above account it’s plain Shelvocke’s dividend of the silver taken in the Conception de Recova came to 2642 l. 10 s. of which he afterwards made thirty per cent. in China, reckoning at a medium; for sometimes it is there at forty, but never under twenty five. The gold he doubtless brought home, being there less than value. He sold the ship for about 650 pound; but says, p. 457. he paid twice that sum for port charges: and therefore I don’t place it to account; tho’ I know very well he had wit enough to make all his people contribute. And, as there is no minding what he says, it was certainly for his purpose when he writ the book, to lessen that money he sold his ship for, and to swell the sum he paid for anchorage. For why should he pay 2166 pound port charges, and Clipperton but 396, as Taylor’s journal mentions, when we all know Shelvocke’s was but a merchant ship, and Clipperton’s a warlike ship, carrying forty guns and above three times the number of hands! This great disparity, and the reason I just now mentiond, makes my captain strongly suspected: but however, as I am not certain, I shall reckon nothing for it. Add to this the amount of the St. Fermin and other prizes taken on the coast of Chili, which was at least 2000 pound, all shared as before, tho’ not set down. Then lastly, the ship’s cargo is unaccounted for, which he gently slips over, and forgets he ownd, p. 313, it was a valuable one. This is intirely his own perquisit and pocket-money; for as no soul but himself can now tell what that value was, or what he made of it: I can only remain an unhappy, ignorant, injured sufferer; and wonder that so much baseness and treachery can appear, and yet live unpunisht.

From all which particulars it is evident captain Shelvocke has secured to himself and brought to England a great sum of money, being neither his merit, nor his due: and tho’ he is probably possest of much more than we can make out, yet even Stewart himself assured me, that Shelvocke could not be less than seven thousand pound gainer by the voyage.

P. 371, he says this was the second of those warlike merchant ships that was fitted out in an extraordinary manner and commissiond to take him. This is another instance of his vain-glory and absurdity, and is sufficiently answerd by referring to what I said about the other ship calld The Holy Family, which he also said was commissiond to take him. But how particularly silly it appears in this case, let any one judge that reads it. Can it be believed or imagined that the Conde de la Rosa, whose property this money chiefly was, would venture so great a sum aboard a ship that was commissiond to take a privatier? I never heard, nor the oldest man alive, that a ship fitted out for warlike enterprize, was stored with money instead of ammunition. Suppose two or three honest fellows were equipt to take a highwayman that had long infested the roads and plagued the country; can any one believe they would furnish their pockets with half crowns instead of a pair of pistols? Sure Shelvocke must take his reader for an Ignoramus; and having lost all morals himself, thinks other people have lost their senses.

After this, I think, I need not be very studious to prove captain Shelvocke a sad fellow. I have hitherto labourd diligently; but now I believe his and my readers will come easily on my side. This fact is too flagrant to be denyd: ’tis self-evident and known to every body. All the anteceding circumstances of his voyage are mean dishonest actions, tending to this one perfidious end: and whoever reads his preface after seeing this account, must read it with indignation. What pretense has he there to talk of reputation, truth and integrity? P. 31, he councils all those who may hereafter subscribe for another cruising expedition, to regulate well their articles; and look out for a commander of strict honour and honesty: which advice from captain Shelvocke can be of no other use, than that it certainly excludes him for life. And how black soever he appears, he may thank himself: for tho’ his transactions were never so foul and unjust, I should perhaps have lived and died a private sufferer; and not given my self the excessive trouble of being public defendent, had not Shelvocke turnd public author, and added folly to his villainy, by putting it in print. But it’s high time to disabuse mankind, when an author not content with doing private injuries, shall print and publish whatever his wicked heart can invent, and thus indeavour to make his poison universal.

P. 378, he says, “he took out of the Conception twelve months provision of bread, flower, sugar and sweatmeats; with a like proportion for the Success, which he expected to find at Tres Marias, being then a stranger to Clipperton’s faithless desertion.” Not to mention the falshood of his expecting to meet Clipperton, who never promised to meet him, ’tis a piece of barefaced hypocrisy to say he put up any provision for the Success. Shelvocke knew better what to do with his money and time, than to venture the loss of both to look for a man whom he always shund and hated for having the chief command: besides he speaks immediately of going to Asia; for being well supplyd with money and necessaries, their thoughts of surrendering were laid aside, and all their despair vanishd. He twice calls it a hazardous experiment going over to Asia; and gives us some trifling reasons, but the others he says he will keep a secret, being needless there to mention, p. 380: one of which I have lately unfolded for him; which was really a fear lest he and all his money should be seized at China.

Any one acquainted with the story may discover all his thin disguises, and easily perceive that every word he says from p. 381 to 385 makes plainly against him. He talks of cakes of virgin silver found in the prize, moulded into marmalade boxes to defraud the king of Spain of his fifths; while he, at the same time, appears much more guilty to defraud the gentlemen Owners, and us prisoners, and imposing now this notorious sham upon his disinterested readers. Does so much fruit, marmalade and passengers aboard, prove that the ship was commissiond to take him? or why does Shelvocke talk so much of sweatmeats, except the money run in his head. Twenty five thousand pounds and upwards, besides rich plunder, is a fine box of marmalade truly.

P. 382. He fairly says every thing taken out of the Conception was divided according to the new articles made at Fernandes; which I believe to be mighty true, because it is the genuine account which I copyd from his own steward’s book; tho’ Shelvocke then little thought that Betagh would have it here to produce against him. He complains he had no more than six shares. I have proved already at the beginning of this section, that six, according to his last arbitrary scheme, are much better than sixty by the first articles with the Owners. But how in the name of sense could Shelvocke expect sixty out of two and fifty? for it’s plain by the account there are no more. Thou art a very unconscionable fellow indeed to have more than your due, and yet complain you have not more than all. This is neither Scotch, English, nor Irish: ’Tis the devil! and if Shelvocke can make sixty out of two and fifty, he must be more than a devil.

The next page or two he is very fearful of falling into the hands of the Spaniards, tho’ he talkd of nothing but surrendering just before this prize happend. This may look odd to a reader, who thinks he has nothing to lose beside flower and fruit; but after this discovery of the money it seems natural enough to be afraid to lose it. And why does he by way of caution speak of a rich prize that was formerly retaken from captain Clipperton by venturing too near the shore, if the circumstances were not similar and parallel to his own case?

But I need not trouble my self any longer to expose the wretched shifts he makes to cover his guilt. ’Tis like a schoolboy who has been tardy and robbd an orchard: he first tells a lye to hide the roguery, and then invents twenty more to patch that up.

Shelvocke having now done his business, steers away for California, in order to wood and water and clean his ship, that he might hasten to China and make a good market of his silver: for the natives there are so fond of it, that by changing any species of silver into gold, a man may make 30 or 40 per cent.

Accordingly in August 1721, he arrives at California; and gives his readers a description of the natives in the comical stile, thinking to make amends for the rest of his stupid incoherent romance. He would fain give us great ideas of the good breeding and gentility of those salvages, tho’ they have no intercourse with any other part of the world: but as I don’t take Shelvocke to be a judge of good manners, I look upon what he says as a fable. He has the vanity to dwell upon that idle story of the king of the Indians delivering him his sceptre, which he says was done in a very handsome manner; but he immediately returnd it, and doubtless with much grace and majesty: and yet he says he could not tell whether he was a king or no, only he had a black stick in his hand; which as it was the best thing the poor creature had, he gives it to Shelvocke, expecting no doubt a spoon or knife for it, which they are always glad of. And Shelvocke will have it that this fellow was a king, and this black stick was a sceptre; which as he deliverd, it is pity Shelvocke did not keep it, and make himself king of the country: for it’s plain the Indian resignd his sovereignty by parting with the stick.