There’s none can forbear laughing who reads his daily manner of feasting these Californian gentry with vast quantities of hasty-pudding: or his grave way of telling how respectfully and ceremoniously they returnd his civilities, keeping a constant equipage for the captain and his men, whenever they came ashore. In short, after all the country rung of Shelvocke’s fame and came in daily to view him, he concludes this ridiculous farce by telling ye the manner of his taking leave.

Page 398. When he loosed his topsails, having a mind to appear awful, he saluted the king and court with five guns, which mightily frighted them: but when they understood he was going away, the men were sadly cast down, and the women all fell a crying; which was a sure proof of their being in love, tho’ Shelvocke is modest and don’t own it.

His saying he had a mind to appear very awful at parting, agrees well with the adoration which he says they paid him at first reception, p. 389: if wild ranting and frolicking can be calld adoration.

His pretended natural history of California is all dull and tasteless, except just that which is taken from captain Rogers who was there in 1710. Shelvocke p. 399. it begins with the same words as he does p. 317. Shelvocke says p. 390, “The rocks as you enter the harbour are like the needles of the isle of Wight.” Rogers the same words, p. 317. The description of the men, p. 404, is verbally the same as the other p. 314. Their grinding a black seed which they eat for bread, is stolen from his journal. Shelvocke says their language is guttural and harsh, p. 409. Rogers p. 314, word for word the same. Their manner of living amicably and in common, is a transcript from the same author. Their bows and arrows, and their wonderful manner of diving is all the same.

Shelvocke says, p. 408, A late navigator represents the Californians as idle, lazy and jealous of their women; and that he never could have a sight of any but such as were old. Which Shelvocke indeavours to be merry upon, by saying, “he could not tell how that gentleman treated them; but that he himself succeded so well in his addresses as to have them by hundreds every day young and old.” And after the frumety kettle had been boyling for them all day, it’s no wonder if some of them gave him their company all night: for he often says they were very civil and complaisant, and used to be concernd at the mens taking snuff for fear it should kill them.

The navigator here meant is the aforesaid author; whose accounts being universally commended, there’s no room to admit Shelvocke’s impertinence: but after a man has made himself so notorious a plagiary as I have just now proved him, ’tis a very stupid blunder in him to find fault with that only which signifies nothing. Rogers his words are p. 316. “They appear to be very idle, and seem to look after no more than a present subsistence.”—This is confirmd of all Indians who having no traffic, or knowledge but what is natural, must needs be indolent and idle: therefore I see no occasion there was to contradict this, when he had stole all the rest; except his ill breeding is so natural to him, that he can’t forbear it.

As for his being freer with the women, I don’t dispute that; neither is it for any man’s honour to confute him: only I can’t help remarking Shelvocke’s words at the close of this page 408. “I may venture to say, quoth he, that we ingaged them so far by trifling presents and entertainments, that no body upon those terms need want their assistance for the future.” The plain English of which is, that any man may lye with the women for a rusty knife, or a porringer of thick milk.

Captain Rogers has given us a handsome concise description of the people and the coast: and if a mariner who comes after can make no additional discoveries, he is a thief to print for his own another man’s observations, and a blockhead to trouble the world with his own schoolboy remarks; such as his conceited notions of a king and sceptre; he and his dirty crew having adoration paid them, and his foolish tales of ceremonious equipage and hasty pudding.

Captain George Shelvocke having here finish’d his wise observations, prepares to cross the western ocean from Mexico to China; and with a hypocritical sigh laments the absence of Clipperton, whom he partly came hither to meet with: but says he had the inward comfort of having added this instance of his indeavours to the advantage of the expedition in general, p. 433.

Now I leave the reader to judge whether ’tis likely he came here to seek Clipperton, or was sorry for the disappointment, after having so long shund him, blinded the world with a false relation of his acquisition, conceald all the money, and divided it among three and thirty of them? and yet this man has the calm assurance to talk of his indeavours for the advantage of the expedition!

In two or three days sail he says he discoverd land, which he takes the liberty of naming Shelvocke’s island. Vain creature! dost thou expect any one after reading this narrative of your actions shall mention the word Shelvocke without ridicule? much less shall an island where you never set foot ashore be calld after your unworthy name. Had you been there sacrificed for your avarice and tyranny, as Peter Baldivia was at the place which bears his name, you might ever remain, like him, unrivald in your title; and your son George might have wrote your epitaph.

In Shelvocke’s passage over to Guam nothing material happens but the death of seven or eight more of his men; some of whose shares, I have reason to believe, became his perquisit: for two of their widows have assured me, that after much painful application they could get no relief. On his arrival at Guam he makes this cunning observation, that he found it one hundred leagues short of captain Rogers his account: but I don’t wonder at that; because this later kept a public regular journal, and has printed each day’s run; which book Shelvocke would never let his people look into, or keep a true reckoning themselves.

Page 438. Here he says he should have been very glad of refreshments; but the ill state of his people was an objection against his staying, lest the governer should take an advantage of their weakness and surprize him. When they were upon the point of perishing, as he calls it, one would think it was a very proper time to get refreshments. But this is another instance of his falsehood; for the true reason is conceald, namely, his fear of losing the hundred and twenty thousand dollars, &c. which he had aboard.

In November he gets to China, and meets with some of Clipperton’s people at Macao; from whose intelligence he gives us that part only of Clipperton’s conduct which is blameable. I own I can’t find out the pleasure of triumphing over a dead man’s character, especially in those private defects which can do the defamer no service or credit.

By my transcript of Taylor’s journal, Shelvocke may see I have not omitted those facts which related to Clipperton, and I am glad to give him this proof of my impartiality: but where he has perverted the story, I am obliged to oppose him: for Shelvocke says that Clipperton was orderd into custody at Macao, for silly reasons which he gives, and not worth my reciting, because there’s nothing in them. If the reader please to return to the last page or two of the journal, he will find that Clipperton honestly withstood dividing his capture as long as he could, till an order from the Mandarin, and a guard came aboard the ship to oblige him: this Shelvocke has the malice to call taking into custody; tho’ he knew the story as well as I can tell him. And whereas he says they fleeced Clipperton and let him go; ’tis quite wrong; for Clipperton paid but 1700 dollars for anchorage, as by the journal, which is not 400 pound: and Shelvocke owns he paid above 2000 pound, p. 457: therefore ’tis manifest the latter was fleeced, not the former.

Immediately after which he has these words, “I thought it proper to make this digression for the information of such of the Gentlemen owners who have thought Clipperton blameless, that they might pass a judgment on his conduct: since it is certain that he will never, either privately or publicly, let them into the truth of his story.”—What can be more offensive than this, first to invent a falsehood, and then say ’tis for the gentlemens information? which he concludes with a jesuitical turn, that Clipperton never would publicly or privately let them into the truth of his story; the only reason of which is a mental reserve that honest Mr. Shelvocke has, that truly he knew captain Clipperton was dead.

What remains of this author, relating the shifts he made to get himself and his money transported to England, whether true or false, tis immaterial to my design: and so I leave him aboard an East India-man which brought him home the first of August, 1722. His 14th chapter, as it contains nothing of our dispute, is no ways liable to my exception. I believe his cautions and directions to be very just, and may be useful to any who shall go upon that cruise: but his own behaviour is a proof, that it’s easier to give good advice than to follow it.

THUS have I taken fair pains gradually to trace and answer captain Shelvocke: to expose his ignorance in some things, and detect his many wilful forgeries in others. I have discoverd nothing of his wickedness out of its proper place with design to prepossess mankind; well knowing that where truth is to be found, art is needless.

Upon the whole the reader may perceive that he lays all the mischiefs of his voyage to the obstinacy of his men, always taking care to shift off the guilt from himself: And to prepare his readers the better, has the groundless assurance to say in the fourth page, that they had actually formd a design of returning with the ship to England.

2. At St. Catherine’s he says they forced him to sign the new articles, or else they would have run away with the ship.

3. Going in to Chiloe he says was the mens fault; where we so narrowly escaped a shipwreck.

4. At going in to Conception a little to leeward, he says the same.

5. At Fernandes, he says they forced him to divide the Owners money, and enter upon the new Jamaica discipline.

6. Upon meeting Clipperton, he says, ’twas his men demanded a confirmation of the first articles with the Owners, after they had twice made new ones for themselves.

7. When he left the four men aboard the bark where they were murderd, he says his people would not let him bring to till she came up.

8. ’Twas his men also gave him an island, and obstinately calld it after his name: the vanity and inconsistency of all which I have sufficiently exposed. But I would fain know what forced him to conceal that great sum of money taken aboard the Conception? Or who obliged him to play the hypocrite and keep it a secret when he publishd his book? I could ask him many more questions that would stagger him: particularly, who forced him to dedicate his volume of scandal and forgery to the lords of the admiralty? who flatterd him into a belief, that their lordships would patronize the author of so much treachery and cruelty? and whom he has had the unpardonable boldness to deceive in the first line of his dedication; by telling them, that having before had the honour to present them the original minutes of his transactions, he now has laid before them a more perfect account of his procedings: when at the same time he never kept a journal, tho’ he says he lost one at Fernandes, p. 417, which place I shall quote for the particularity of it.—“When I was shipwreckd on the island of John Fernandes, I among many other things lost some particular remarks and memorandums of the ship’s way et cætera: therefore in general have not been particular.” I can’t tell what he would have the world understand by this; but I and every common sailor knows, that if a man loses the particular memorandums of a ship’s way et cætera, he has lost them in general et cætera.

If such language, such remarks and pitiful forgeries can pass for A voyage round the world, a man may e’en stay at home and compose one. ’Tis nothing but a bundle of falshood and scandal: and John Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s progress is a much better journal, and better writ.

For the entertainment of the curious I shall here subjoyn a few of Shelvocke’s blunderrata; tho’ the captain is said to have had the assistance of his son, and his son the assistance of the learned.

Page 196. Mightily disabled.

207. Saved the ship not coming to pieces.

257. To hear the silence of the night destroyd.

278. With a resolute despair.

418. In general have not been particular.

307. Shall now continue my narration of our future procedings.

265. We had not an hour’s hopes of living a minute longer, &c, &c, &c.

Soon as captain Shelvocke returnd to London, he waited on the same gentleman I have often mentiond, who framed and directed this expedition; where being self-convicted of his past wicked actions, he hoped by a genteel donation to pacify the resentment he expected to meet with: but the said gentleman to whom he thus applyd, was rather shockt at the visit; and instead of hearkening to any terms, charged a constable with him, and carryd him to the Cockpit. The secretary of state being absent, he was there advised to take out an action against him at Doctors commons, and another at Common law at the Owners suit; with several processes against some of his people, who came home in the India ships with their ill gotten wealth. So that captain Shelvocke was himself that day confined in Wood-street Counter; and a few days after about a dozen of his crew, being all that yet appeard, were arrested also and confined.

After this the said owner applyd to the court of Admiralty for a warrant to keep Shelvocke in custody of the marshal, in order to be tryd for a pyracy on the Portuguese; for robberies on the king of Spain’s subjects since the cessation of arms; and lastly for defrauding his owners and people, affidavits having been made of these several facts by two of his own officers and others. But the court refused him a warrant, because it was not sworn that the witnesses saw the moydors taken out of the Portuguese captain’s scritore; tho’ they swore they were taken out of his possession and brought from the ship. This greatly disappointed the owners, and involved them in the tedious law suit which followd: for they found it difficult to lay the action at Doctors commons, being under the discouragement of the judge of that court: and the proceding at Common law was so intricate and doubtful, that they were forced to seek relief in the court of Chancery. Upon setting forth the case, the Lord chancellor granted a writ of Ne exeat regnum against the said Shelvocke, markt 8000l, and some of his men in lesser sums: but Shelvocke getting bail to the action at common law, contrived so with the marshal of the king’s bench prison, that he escaped on a Sunday, and prevented the said writ in chancery being served upon him; and has ever since absconded. Mean time the bill in chancery was carryd on, to which Shelvocke refusing to put in answer; a writ of rebellion was issued out: but a brother in law of Shelvocke’s applyd to two of the owners, being complainants named in the bill, and so prevailed with them, that they pretended they were about a competition with the defendent: so that a sudden stop was made to the prosecution; except other of the owners would exhibit a fresh bill, and spend more money, having already laid out above 400 pound: which however was designd more to punish his unparalleld wickedness, than for any real prospect of advantage.

Now let mankind judge what a check this must be to all future aid and assistance to the crown; when at any time a prince upon a declaration of war, shall require his loving subjects to fit out private ships to cruise upon and annoy the enemy! Is it not a temptation to the crew of any other ship who carry only money aboard, to run away with the vessel, come home in the face of their imployers, and go to law with their own masters money? Is it not to give such men hopes of protection from the laws of their own country, which surely are made to punish, not defend the cruel and the wicked? Here’s an example, where a writ granted by the highest officer in the kingdom has not been able to secure an offender, who has found means by corrupt practices to prevent the execution of it. But yet more astonishing is this man’s assurance to impose a scandalous narrative upon the world for truth, to gloss over his cruelties and robberies by the innocent name of A voyage round the world; and after all, dedicate this libel to the lords of the admiralty; wherein he courts them for favours, while there are repeated letters from the king of Spain to demand satisfaction for depredations upon his subjects, committed by this very man; and he still braving it with impunity.

’Tis proper therefore to insert here, that complaint was made to one of the principal secretaries of state by the marquiss de Pozzo Bueno ambassador from the king of Spain, while his Britannic majesty was at Hanover; “That on the 11th of April 1721, in the road of Sansonate on the coast of Mexico, George Shelvocke commander of an English privatier did then and there make prize a ship calld the Holy Family, value one hundred thousand dollars, belonging to Don Lewis Carillo of Lima in Peru; altho’ the said Shelvocke had notice given him of a cessation of arms agreed upon in the year 1720, between the crowns of England and Spain, and publishd in those seas before the said capture.”—I have seen a copy of this memorial, being writ in French, and sent to one of our Owners; and here is now, or was a Spanish agent in London to solicit the business. It is hard to know how this affair will be determined, now Great Britain and Spain are at such variance; but if the court of Madrid comes quickly into terms, which looks not improbable, the government may still lay hold on Shelvocke for all his robberies in the South-Sea, as well as his pyracy on the Portuguese; tho’ courts of justice either want the inclination or power to punish him.

Here follows a distinct list of the number of men, lost and destroyd according to the will and pleasure of captain Shelvocke; only 33 remaining out of 106 to divide the whole profits of the cruise: and it is observable that of all his people only two died a natural death and two by casualty.

’Tis fit I say something to the memory of captain Clipperton, who being this time so extraordinary well fitted out, and having been twice this cruise before, doubted not of easily making a good voyage for the Owners and All of us: but after he was separated from the Speedwel, and under the hardship of losing his stock of liquors; he was forced to sail comfortless under a doubtful expectation, till he came to the last scene of action: where being still disappointed of his consort, ’tis no wonder if he gave the voyage over for lost. When afterwards he did meet with captain Shelvocke on the coast of Mexico, all his proposals proved ineffectual. Thus Clipperton having in vain made three foreign voyages, two of which were round the globe, he took it to heart, grew dejected, and in his passage to Asia minded nothing at all. However, we see by the journal that he kept good order, and acted by council during his whole cruise upon the enemy.

When he came to China he sold the Success, laying by the Owners moiety as aforesaid: then he arrived in Holland, aboard a Dutch East-India ship, and died two or three days after he came to his family in Ireland; being heart-broke, as I am well informd, at his long run of misfortune.

He was an Englishman, born at great Yarmouth in the county of Norfolk, and used to the water from his infancy. He was certainly a complete seaman, as the northern English generally are, and in all the south navigation he was perfectly experienced. His humanity and good nature are undeniable, having never arbitrarily exposed or commanded away the lives of any of his people: and tho’ he had private failings, they were common to mankind, and not such as Shelvocke has unfairly represented.

My readers in general, as well as the gentlemen adventurers, may here see that the miscarriage of all this expedition is wholly imputable to the captain of the Speedwel, who cruelly treated his own people; deserted the other ship till the war was over; acted separately, and managed every thing arbitrarily: tho’ our orders were strictly to copy captain Rogers his method, and in all attempts and difficulties to act by a council of our own officers.

So that if Shelvocke had early rejoynd the Success and concurrd with Clipperton, according to the said precedent, We who are extreme sufferers had not only profited thereby, but the advantages might have been national. The charge of our expedition was upwards of fourteen thousand pound, and I believe the Duke and Duchess did not stand the Bristol gentlemen in so much. And tho’ Rogers had aboard him some troublesom spirits, who opposed his better views, yet it’s well known he brought home a capture of a hundred and seventy thousand pound value. We were certainly as well fitted out as they: and thus having precedents and examples, what might we not have done, if conducted, as they were, with prudence, care and integrity!

SECTION IV.

Containing observations on the Spanish America in general, and the remarks I made while I was confined in Peru.

CHAP. I.

About the middle of March 1720, when Shelvocke sent Hatley and the rest of us to seek our fortunes in the lighter, calld the Mercury, he himself in the Speedwel went to plunder the village of Payta, which was just under our lee, and where we might easily have joind him, had he imparted his design to us: however we had not cruised long in sight of Cape Blanco, when we took a small bark with a good parcel of chocolate and flower. There was an elderly gentlewoman aboard, and a thin old fryer, whom we kept two or three days; and after taking out what we wanted, we discharged the bark and them together.

Soon after this we took the pink which Shelvocke calls the rich prize; She had no jealousy of our being an enemy, but kept her way to the southward, till seeing the Mercury standing towards her she began to suspect us. About noon she puts the helm hard a weather, and crowded all the sail she could afore the wind: and being in her ballast this was the best of her sailing, which also proved the greatest advantage they could give us; for had she held her wind, we in our flat bottom could have had no share in her. About ten at night, with rowing and hard sailing, we got within shot of the chase and brought her to, being pretty near the shore: they were about seventy persons aboard, thirty of which were Nigros. Hatley, I remember, upon going aboard left me and Pressick with four more hands in the Mercury; where we continued two or three days, till a heavy shower of rain (hardly ever known upon that coast, and which Shelvocke takes notice of p. 185) spoild all our bread and other dry provision; it was then time for us to get aboard the prize, which we did; sending three hands afterwards to take care of the Mercury.

We stood off and on the said cape seven or eight days expecting to meet with the Speedwel; and there we set ashore the Spanish captain, the padre, and some gentlemen passengers. At last we spyd a sail about five leagues distance, plying to windward: not doubting it was the Speedwel or Success, we stood towards her, while she kept edging towards us. About ten in the morning we were got near enough to discover it was a warlike ship, as she proved; tho’ neither of those we wishd for. The master of our prize had before informd us, that he met the Brilliant man of war cruising for our privatiers; which till now we intirely disregarded.

Hereupon captain Hatley advising with me what to do we concluded that some advantage might be made of the information given us by the Spaniard: that as the Brilliant had spoke so lately with the pink, probably there would not be many questions asked now. Upon which Hatley and I drest our selves like Spaniards, and hoisted Spanish colours: we confined our prisoners in the great cabin, suffering none of them but the Indians and Nigros to appear upon deck, that the pink might look as she did before; in which contrivance we had succeded, but for the obstinacy of John Sprake, whom we could not keep off the deck.

As the Admiral came up he fired a gun to leeward: hereupon we lowerd our topsails, making easy sail till we got along side of him. Their first question was, if we had heard any thing of the English privatier? we answerd, No. The next was, how it happend we were got no farther in our way to Lima? We answerd, by reason of the currents. They askd us two or three more questions, which we still answerd in Spanish. They seemd thoroughly satisfyd; and were just getting their tacks aboard in order to leave us, when the said Sprake and two more of our men appeard on the main deck: a Frenchman aboard the admiral looking out at the mast-head spyd their long trowsers, by which knowing them to be English he cryd out, par Dieu Monsieur, ils sont Anglois, they are Englishmen. Upon this they immediately fired a broad side into us with round and partridge shot; by one of which Hatley was slightly wounded in the head.

After we had surrenderd they took all the English aboard them, and put a couple of their own officers into the prize. The admiral then bore down to the Mercury about two leagues to leeward, and tho’ they fired at least twenty five guns into her, the three men escaped unhurt; and the vessel tho’ full of water had not weight enough to carry her to the bottom. After taking in the three men, our commander Don Pedro Midranda went in to Payta carrying the pink with him, where he set us ashore. He orderd me to Piura about forty mile up the country; and did me the favour to let Pressick the surgeon and Cobs a marine serjeant go with me: but captain Hatley and the rest he sent under a guard, with mules to carry them to Lima, which is above four hundred miles further on the coast; the reason of which I have partly given at the close of my second section: for the cape Frio story being blown, and the moydors found upon Hatley, they had a mind the thing should be sifted and the guilty punishd. The admiral having taken in water and refreshments, quickly put to sea again in quest of the British privatiers, designing to take us up to Lima as he came back.

The weather in this latitude being too hot, the custom is to travel from six in the evening till eight in the morning. My Indian guide set me on the best mule he had, which not caring to follow company, I led my fellow travellers the way till ten a clock. While day-light lasted, I observed the country one open plain, with Indian plantations regularly enough cantond out on each side of us. This level is from 30 to 100 mile broad, and extends 300 mile along shore; for I am now going to the southward, having the Cordileer mountains on the left hand, and the great ocean on the right. If this land was well waterd, as the soil is pleasant and fertile, it might be as fine a country as any: but travellers are here obliged to carry water for their mules as well as themselves. At the approach of night we were puzzled in the way: I often found my self stopt by great hills of sand, and my mule as often indeavourd to pull the reins out of my hand, which proving troublesome, the Indian advised me to throw the reins on the mule’s neck; and as soon as that was done the creature easily hit the way. These sands are often shifted by from place to place, which I take to be occasiond by the strong eddies of wind reverberated from the mountains. At night we rested a little at an old empty house in a coppice about half way, which the guide told us was built by the inhabitants of Piura, for the accommodation of the prince St. Bueno viceroy of Peru, where they met him in formality and regaled him.

At seven in the morning we arrived at Piura, being a regular handsom town scituate on the banks of the river Collan. The Indian conducted us to the house of a good Spanish gentleman and his wife who having received his charge, the guide returnd to Payta. In a quarter of an, hour’s time the towns people flockd in to see the rary show; and instead of being used like prisoners at discretion, we were entertaind with respect and civility, which we were not sure to meet with. Our landlord, I should say keeper’s name was Don Jeronimo Baldivieso. He had five daughters, upon the sight of which and their candid way of receiving us, we hoped our time would slide easily away, and our captivity prove agreeable. I began now to be sensible of the admiral’s favour in ordering us to this place; for he had such interest in all the kingdom of Peru, that for his sake we found good genteel treatment. Soon as we had refreshd ourselves, according to the custom of the place, with chocolate, biskets and water; we were diverted with the sound of a Welch harp in some inner apartment: the artist had good command of it; for I heard parts of several famous Italian, as well as English compositions; and upon inquiry, was informd that all the Spaniards daughters had learnd music, and sung or playd upon some instrument or other. Tho’ at first this seemd a little unaccountable to us, yet I afterwards found that music was common in Peru: for the Italian party having a few years before prevaild at the court of Madrid, the said viceroy prince St. Bueno, who was an Italian, had brought a great many musicians of that country along with him; which has now, spread music every where, and is as good in Peru as in old Spain.

This I thought proper to mention, because by means of music and an inoffensive carriage, we lived in good harmony with those who had a right to treat us as enemies.

It was a practice here every day for the neighbours to come and view us; at which I was well enough diverted: for Cobs being my serjeant, we had exercised the brown musket together; so that we turnd readily about to shew our selves: but Mr. Pressick hung down his head, and grew melancholy.

Payta being the place, as I said afore, where the pedlars or walking merchants are set ashore, they make Piura their first stage to Lima, disposing of their goods and lessening their burthens as they go along: some take the road through Caxamarca; others through Truxillo along shore. From Lima they take their passage back to Panama by sea; and perhaps carry a little purchase of brandy with them. At Panama they again stock themselves with European goods, returning by sea to Payta, where they are set down: there they hire mules and load them; the Indians going with them, in order to bring them back: and so these traders keep in a continual round till they have got enough to live on. Their traveling expenses are next to nothing; for the Indians are brought under such subjection, that they find lodging for them, and provender for their mules. This every white face may command, being a homage the poor Indians are long accustomd to pay; and some think they have an honour done them into the bargain, except out of generosity they now and then meet with a small recompense. In the British and French nation a pedlar is despised, and his imployment lookd upon as a mean shift to get a living: but it is otherwise here, where the quick return of money is a sufficient excuse for the manner of getting it. And there are many gentlemen in Old Spain, who, when their circumstances in life are declining, send their sons to the Indies to retrieve their fortune this very way.

Our lodging was in an outhouse purposely kept for these traveling merchants. According to the Spanish custom, we had our dinner sent to table under cover, where Don Jeronimo and we eat together; while the good lady of the house and her daughters sat together in another room: this is the practice at all meals, and if any strong liquors are drank, it is then. In all our conduct I think the good Spaniard was never disobliged, except once when he saw me drinking a dram with the doctor at a little victualing house. As nothing is more disagreeable to the Spaniards than drunkenness, I had much ado to make amends for this step towards it, tho’ they easily admit of gallantry in the most familiar degree: so that ’tis only changing one enormity for another. Here are several churches endowd; one convent of Franciscans, and a seminary for youth instructed by two Jesuits.

After we had past about six weeks at Piura, our Indian guide came again to wait on us to Payta, the man of war being returnd. When we were upon the point of taking leave, our surgeon was missing, which retarded us a day longer: they had conceald him in the town, and designd to keep him there, being a very useful man: and if he could have had a supply of medicines, he might soon have made a handsom fortune. However the next day we mounted our mules and parted with great reluctance, especially with Don Jeronimo and his family.

We went aboard the Brilliant at Payta, which having done nothing at sea, made a sort of cruising voyage to Callao, the port of Lima. The civility I received from the admiral or general of the South-Seas, as he is there calld, is what I have touchd upon at the end of my first section, both before we were set ashore at Payta, and in our passage from thence to Callao. I shall only add one particular to the honour of Monsieur de Grange, a captain under the general. Soon as we were taken by the Brilliant, as aforesaid, this gentleman seeing the soldiers had stript us, being the conquerers usual perquisit in all these cases; he generously gave me a handsom sute of clothes, two pair of silk stockins, a hat, wig, shirts, and every thing according. We arrived at Lima in about five weeks, and were immediately committed to the same prison where the rest of our companions were sent, except Hatley, who, having a particular mark set on him, was confined by himself. And I can’t help remarking, tho’ Mr. Hatley was no friend to me, that it was a cruel thing in Shelvocke to send him of all men upon that enterprize in the Mercury. For when captain Rogers came into these seas upon a like cruise 1709, Hatley upon some occasion was separated from him, and made a prisoner afterwards upon the continent: and now being catchd the second time, with the aggravation of the Portuguese money found upon him, he had like to have been torn to pieces.

The court of judges went soon upon the examination of our story, and drew up a charge against us as pyrates: since by the moidors found upon Hatley, it appeard they were taken from the subjects of a prince in perfect amity with the crown of England: but it was happy for us that the viceroy Don Diego Marsilia, who was an archbishop and in the decline of life, was pleased coolly to discriminate the affair, and finding really but one of us guilty, would not sign any order for shedding innocent blood. As for Hatley, some were for sending him to the mines for life; others for hanging him: but the several accounts of capt. Shelvocke’s vile procedings contributed to his deliverance, the truth of which here were enough of our people at Lima to witness. For besides lieutenant Serjeantson and his men who were brought hither, here came the men whom Shelvocke sent with Hopkins to shift for themselves in a poor empty bark, who for want of sustenance were forced to surrender to the Indians: so that the court finding Shelvocke more a principal in the pyratical story than Hatley, and believing we had been plagued enough before we came hither, they thought fit to let us all go by degrees. Hatley indeed was kept in irons about a twelvemonth, and then got to England.

I was released out of prison in about ten days, by the interest of captain Fitzgerald a native of St. Malo, who was in favour with the viceroy, and past his word for my limitation at Lima. Upon inquiry for Mr. Serjeantson and his men, I understood that most of them had taken up the religion of the country, had been christend, and were dispersed among the convents in the city. The first that I saw had got his new catechise in one hand, and a pair of large beads dangling in the other. I smiled, and askd the fellow how he liked it: he said very well; for having his religion to chuse, he thought this better than none, since it brought him good meat and drink, and a quiet life. Many of Shelvocke’s men followd this example; and I may venture to say this was as good a reason as most of our people could give for their conformity. Tho’ ’tis reckond very meritorious to make a convert, and many arguments were used for that end; yet was there no rigour shewn to bring any of us over. Those who thought fit to be baptized, had generally some of the merchants of Lima for their padrinos or god-fathers, who never faild giving their children a sute of clothes, and some money to drink their healths.

About this time four or five of Clipperton’s men, and as many of Shelvocke’s got leave from their convents to meet together at a public house kept by one John Bell, an Englishman, who had a Nigro wife that for some services or other had got her freedom. The design of this meeting was to confirm their new baptism with a bowl of punch: the consequence of which was, they all got drunk and quareld; and forgeting they were true catholics, mistook an image of some good saint that stood in a corner for one of their own company, knockd him down, and demolishd him. I missing the fellows for a few days, inquired at John’s house what was become of them. He told me the story, and said they were all put in the Inquisition; for the thing having took air, he was obliged to complain of it, or go there himself: but promised that underhand he would indeavour to get them released; which I found afterwards was done in five days: so that they had time enough to say their catechise, repent and be sober. Bell said, if the men had still remaind heretics, this drunken-bout had not come within the verge of the ecclesiastical power; but being novices, and just let into the church, they were the easier pardond; since their outrage upon the saint was no proof of their relapse into error, or an affront to the catholic faith, because they were all disorderd with liquor.

At length about a dozen men of both our ships, being now pretty well instructed, were discharged from the cloysters, and sent to Callao to help careen and fit out the Flying Fish, then designd for Europe. Here they enterd into a project to run away with the Margarita, a pretty sailing ship that lay in the harbour, and go upon the account for themselves: but not knowing what to do for ammunition and a compass, they applyd to Mr. Serjeantson, telling him they had a design to steal away by land to Panama, where being an English factory, they might have a chance to get home; that they had got half a dozen firelocks with which they could kill wild hogs or get some game as they went along, if he would be so kind to help them to a little powder and shot, and a compass to steer their way through the woods: the fellows, by begging and making catholic signs to the good people at Lima, that they were poor English newly baptized, had got together some dollars which they desired Serjeantson to lay out; who not mistrusting the plot, took their money and bought them what they wanted. Thus furnisht one of them came to me at Lima, and said there was an opportunity offered to make my fortune, by running away with the Margarita at Callao, if I would imbrace it: whereupon he told me the story, and that Sprake was to have the command, as being the only artist among them. I answerd that it was a bold design; but as captain Fitzgerald had ingaged for my honour, I was obliged not to meddle with it. In a few days the plot was discoverd, their lodgings were searchd, their arms taken away and they put in prison. The government was greatly provoked, and had near determined their execution, when an order came to release all but Sprake; who being the projector was kept in irons two or three months and then set free. I believe, in this affair their late conformity did them great service: but both these stories are an argument, that neither the church nor state are so rigorous in Peru, as the Romish dominions in Europe.

CHAP. II.

Describing the City of Lima.

Lima is the metropolis of Peru and the seat of an archbishop. ’Tis a regular built city, the streets all strait and spacious: so that you go thro’ it almost any way without turning a corner. It is composed of little squares like St. Jago the capital of Chili, which is copyd from this. It stands in an open vale, having only a gentle stream to water it; and which divides it as the Thames dos London from Southwark, allowing for the great disproportion. The port of Lima is at Callao seven mile below it. The houses are only one story high, of twelve or fourteen foot, because of the frequent earthquakes in that country. There are about eight parishes, three colleges for students, twenty eight monasteries of fryers, and thirteen monasteries of nuns: so that the religious take up a fourth part of the city. However by the easy flow of money, and the vast sums bequeathd, being the effects of celibacy, they are all well endowd and supported. Besides which, there are two hospitals for the sick, poor and disabled; and where several of our men were kindly lookt after. The length of the city from north to south is two mile: the breadth one and a half; the wall with the river making a circumference of six mile. On the east side of the stream lies the other part of the city; being joynd by a very handsom stone bridge of five or seven arches.

I compute there are now sixty or seventy thousand persons in Lima, all sorts and colours included: and I don’t wonder at any multiplication in a city which is the centre of so much affluence and pleasure. For besides the natural increase of the inhabitants, all ships which trade that way, whether private or public, generally leave some deserters who chuse to stay behind for the incouragement all white faces meet with.

The Inhabitants are thus distinguisht.

Issue of sambo mulatta, and sambo indian are calld giveros. These are lookt on as having the worst inclinations and principles; and if the cast is known, they are banisht the kingdom.

Hence procede endless denominations according to the variety of mixture: and some people make a science of it, to know the multiplicity of casts and give them a name: but the forementiond are the chief and most particular. It is counted creditable to mend the breed by ascending or growing whiter; but a descent or cast the other way is calld saltatras; from saltare retrò, to go backward; and is lookd upon as base born and scandalous.

The difference of birth and parentage causes an observation pleasant enough: for they are as great strangers to each other as chevaliers are in France, or graduates and scholars in our universities. So that a quartron indian will hardly keep company with a mulatta: and a mestizo thinks himself a king to a sambo.

Of all parts of the world, the people here are most expensive in their habit. The men dress as they do in England, their coats being either of silk, or fine English cloth, and hair camblets imbroiderd or laced with gold and silver, and their waistcoats commonly the best brocades. The women never wear hoops or stays, only a sticht holland jacket next their shifts: they generally throw over their shoulders a square piece of swanskin flannel intirely coverd with Flanders lace, besides the silver or gold lace round the peticoat: when they walk out, the Creolian women are veild, but not the Mulatta; and till the age of thirty or forty they wear no headcloths: their hair being tyed behind with fine ribands. But the pride of both sexes appears chiefly in Maclin and Brussels lace, with which they trim their linen in a most extravagant manner, not omitting their sheets and pillows. Beside the outward covering of the mantle aforesaid, their linen is doubly borderd with it top and bottom, with ruffles of four or five furbelows hanging down to the knee. Then as to pearls and costly stones, which they wear in rings and bracelets for the neck and arms, they are very immoderate; though the value is hardly equal to the appearance.

Of all the convents in Lima, that of St. Domingo is the richest, and Francisco the largest. The provincial or governer of the Dominicans is chosen triennially out of their own body, and his income above seven thousand pound a year. I was present at one election, which I mention because of the great splendor and cost which attended it. A large triumphal arch was built cross the street: the inside lined with scarlet cloth and velvet, and hung all over with jewels and wrought plate. Thro’ this the principal people of Lima past with the new provincial at their head; where he stopd to hear a short oration pronounced by a girl upon that occasion, and then went to his convent to finish the solemnity.

The processions in Lima are made with more show and pageantry than those in Europe, and are sometimes very extravagant. I was present at that noted one when the image of St. Dominic goes to church to wait upon that of St. Francis, which is attended with a deal of firework and equipage: and I doubt not the managers of our opera and comedy would improve much by seeing the odd figures and machinery of this grand visit, which is made yearly to keep up the singular esteem the Spaniards have for those two orders. Tho’ these expenses are profuse, yet at Lima they are common, where the begging fryers often die possest of dollars, from the value of ten to twenty thousand pound. One instance of the riches of this place, I was told by several who rememberd it: that when the duke de la Plata their viceroy made his entry, the inhabitants paved the merchant street thro’ which he past with bars of silver, each of which was 2500 dollars at least: which piece of finery I can liken to nothing but the account we have of Jerusalem in the days of king Solomon.

The viceroy has a handsome palace in the great quadrangle of the city; which I take to be near as large as Lincolns-Inn-Fields at London. His salary is ten thousand pound a year, and his perquisits double that sum: and tho’ his government expires at three, four, or five years end as the king pleases, yet ’tis supposed he makes a good fortune for life; for he has all places in his gift, both in the government and army throughout Peru, except particular persons are sent or nominated by the king.

The judicial court consists of twelve judges, not to mention the inferior officers, council and solicitors. Here all causes should come to be decided; but they are too often determined aforehand in favour of the party who gives most mony. And tho’ these vast dominions abound in riches, yet there is not abundance of work for the lawyers; because the statutes are few and plain: which is certainly happier than a multitude of laws explaining one another ’till they are so intricate that the issue of a cause depends more upon the craft of the solicitor and advocate, than the truth of the case. Moreover, a multiplication of laws begets an infinity of attorneys and council, who live high and great upon the distresses of other people, and as often argue a man out of his right as into it.

Yet in Peru there are corregidors or magistrates in districts from Lima who find ways and means to oppress the poor Indians, notwithstanding they are perjured if they trade with them. These natives live chiefly by husbandry and working the mines; and the Spanish court have found it necessary to forbid the corregidors trading with them, in order to secure them a quiet possession of the fruit of their labour. To evade this oath, another person under-hand procures a parcel of European goods and disperses them among the Indians, who, tho’ they want none of them, must buy them at 3 or 400 per cent. more than prime cost; a time being positively fixt for the money.

These hardships are past retrieving, because every magistrate knows his reign to be but short, and if he don’t make a fortune he is laught at: So that they wink at one another; and the great distance between Peru and Spain is a reason the king’s orders are seldom regarded, being two years going backward and forward: whence arise many clandestine doings. For according to law, the king should have a twentieth part of all gold, and a fifth part of all silver; but there are vast quantities that never pay duty carryd privately over the continent the north way, as well as the south way by trading ships. And tho’ there are prodigious sums allowd for militia, garisons, and repairs of fortifications: yet it is not one half applyd. From all which it is easy to imagine what immense revenues would come to the treasury at Madrid, if his Catholic majesty was but faithfully served.

The country in Peru is naturally subject to earthquakes: and I have heard that the English plantations in the north of America have felt them. At Lima they had two great ones about fifty years ago, which overturnd houses, churches and convents: and in the reign of Charles the late king of Spain, there was an earthquake near the equinoctial line that lifted up whole fields, and carryd them several miles off. Small shocks are often felt without doing any harm; and I have been two or three times calld out of bed when such a thing has happend, tho’ we have heard no more of it: but upon these occasions the bells always toll to prayers.

Notwithstanding this country, especially nigh the coast, has sufferd much by earthquakes; yet their churches are lofty enough, and neatly built. That part of their architecture which requires most strength is generally finisht with burnt bricks; but their houses are all built with bambo canes and bricks dryd only by the weather, which are durable enough because it never rains. The covering is a matting with ashes upon it to keep out the dews, which is all the wet they have.

The small river of Lima is mostly snow water descending from the neighbouring mountains, which are coverd all the year with snow; but partly dissolved in the summer season, which is from September to March. One would expect it much hotter thereabouts than it is, there being no proportion between the heat of this climate in America and the same degree of latitude in Africa; for which there are two reasons: one is the cool temper of the air proceding from the congealed snow on the mountains, which diffuses it self every way: the other is, the humidity of the vapours which hang over the plains, and which are so frequent, that when I came first to Lima, I often expected it would rain. These vapours are not so coarse, low and humble as our fogs, nor separated above like our summer clouds; but an exhalation between both, being spread all round, as when we say the day is overcast. So that sometimes a fine dew is felt upon the outward garments and discernd by the eye upon the nap of the cloth. This is a happy convenience at Lima, the people being thus screend one half of the day from the sun; and tho’ the afternoon be sunshine, ’tis very tolerable being mixt with the sea breezes, and not near so hot as at Lisbon, and some parts of Spain in Europe which are thirty degrees further from the equator.

The want of rain in this part of the continent obliged the poor, I should say happy Indians, before the conquest, to make dreins and canals for bringing down water from among the distant mountains; which they have done with such great labour and skill that the vallies are kindly refresht, producing grass, corn, and variety of fruits: to which the aforesaid dews may also a little contribute.

Zarate the Spanish historian has given us the natural cause of this perpetual drought. He observes that the south-west winds blow upon the Peruvian coast all the year round; and the ocean is therefore calld pacific, because the winds never disturb the waters. These easy gales always bear away the vapours from the plains before they can rise and form a body sufficient to descend in a shower: but when they are carryd farther and higher, they grow more compact and at length fall by their own weight into rain.

This is so fair and rational an account, that I wonder Monsieur Frezier has affected to contradict it. ’Tis convincing to a stranger; and to most gentlemen there who are curious enough to think about it. Any one who reads Frezier’s voyage may see he has not only mistaken the Spaniard, but given us long conjectures of his own, very confused and improbable.

They have plenty of cattle, fowl and fish; and all provision common to us except butter; instead of which they always use lard. They have oyl, wine and brandy enough, tho’ not so good as in Europe. They drink much of the jesuits herb camini brought from Paraguay by land; for all East-India tea is forbid. They make a decoction of it, and suck it through a pipe or quill. It is generally here calld mattea, being the name of the bowl out of which they drink it. Chocolate is their usual breakfast and a grace-cup after dinner: Sometimes they drink a glass of brandy for digestion, but scarce any wine at all. In the kingdom of Chili they make a little butter, such as it is; and their way of doing it is remarkable. The cream is put into a sheepskin stript off whole, and kept on purpose: after tying the ends fast, two women lay it on a table, and shake it and sowse it between them ’till it comes.

Tho’ the Spaniards are no friends to the bottle, yet gallantry and intrigue are here brought to perfection, for they devote so much of their time to the service of the fair sex, that Venus seems here to keep her court. It is unmannerly not to have a mistress, and scandalous not to keep her well. As for the women they have many accomplishments both natural and acquired; their conversation is free and sprightly, their motion graceful, their looks winning, and their words ingaging: they have all a delicate shape, not injured with stiff bodyd stays, but left to the beauty of nature; so that there’s no such thing as a crooked body among them. Their eyes and teeth are particularly excellent, and their hair being generally of a dark polisht hue is finely combd, and platted or tyd behind with ribands, but never disguised with powder: for the brightness of their skin round the temples appears very well shaded thro’ the hair like light thro’ a landskip.

Tho’ these amours are universal at Lima, yet the men are careful enough to hide them; for no indecent word or action is allowd in public. They have two usual times for these entertainments: one is at the siesta or afternoons nap, which is commonly with the mistress; the other is in the evening cross the water in calashes, or at the great square in the town where the calashes meet in great numbers towards the dusk: these are slung like our coaches, but smaller; and many of them fit only for two sitting opposite. They are always drawn by one mule with the nigro driver upon his back: and it is usual among these calashes to observe several of them with the windows close up, standing still for half an hour together.

In these pastimes they have several customs peculiar to themselves. After evening prayers the gentleman changes his dress, from a cloak into a montero or jocky coat, with a linen laced cap and a hankerchief about his neck instead of a wig. If he wears his hair it must be tuckt under a cap, and that flapt all down: so that it is a universal fashion to be disguised some way or other; for those who have no mistress are ashamed to be thought strictly virtuous, and must be in some mask or other to countenance the way of the world. But as all this is night work, they have an establisht rule to prevent quarels, which is never to speak or take notice of one another; whether they are going in quest of amorous game, or visiting their ladies: so that in short the forepart of the night is a masquerade all the year round.

Among that rank of people who don’t keep calashes there are several points to be observed. Particularly when they take the evening air, one couple never walks close upon the heels of another; but to prevent the publishing any secret whispers, each couple walks at the distance of twelve yards at least: and if any lady drops a fan or any thing by accident, a gentleman may civilly take it up; but he must not give it to the lady, but the gentleman who is with her; for she may be the sister or wife of him that takes it up: and as the women are all veild, these wise laws are instituted to prevent any impertinent discoveries. A freedom of that kind is lookt upon as the highest affront in all gallantry, and merits a drawn sword thro’ the liver. They are so careful in these rules, that if a man sees his intimate friend any where with a girl, he must in no wise take notice of him, or speak of it afterwards:

These things are all done with the greatest gravity imaginable; and thus the practice of love becomes decent, safe and easy: so that a man may possess his mistress without any visible inconvenience, and spend all the money he has in the world without fear of brawls, duels, or a roundhouse: not like the rude hectoring blades and prentices of a certain northern metropolis who are continually affronting the female sex, with shocking words or scandalous actions.

Altho’ the commerce of love is here so regularly settled, yet there are some jealousies now and then subsisting, which sometimes have ended fatally. There was a story of this sort pretty fresh when I was at Lima. A young lady had for some time, as she thought, been sovereign mistress of her lover’s heart; but by cruel chance she found him in company with another woman, and perhaps a handsome one. As Shakespear says, Trifles light as air are to the jealous confirmations strong: so she waited for no further proof of his infidelity, nor any excuse for the wrong done her; but suddenly drew his dagger and dispatchd him. She was soon confined and brought to tryal: and when every one expected she would be cast for her life, her judges gave it this turn, that it was not malice fore-thought, but excess of love that prompted her to the rash deed. Whereupon she was acquitted: but the nice casuists thought she should in honour have hangd her self. This instance shews how sacred a thing love is there judged to be, tho’ in a state of concubinage only. And the moral good or evil of some actions are hard to be determined, while different governments have different customs.

How agreeable soever these practices are to the Creole Spaniards, yet they cause a great inconvenience to society: for the men are so seriously taken up with their delicacies, that the women ingross most of their time, and spoil all public conversation. For this reason there are no taverns or coffee-houses, so that the men are only to be met with at their offices or at church. They have a sort of playhouse where the young gentlemen and students divert themselves after their fashion: for what performances they have in the dramatical way are so mean, that they are hardly worth mentioning, being scripture stories interwoven with romance and obscenity.

It was at this theatre that two English sailors of monsieur Martinet’s squadron fought a prize a little before I came to Lima. They first obtaind leave of the viceroy to exercise at the usual weapons; and after the shew-day was fixt, most of the preceding time was taken up with preparatory ceremonies to bring a good house. They each traversed the town by beat of drum in their holland shirts and ribands, saluting the spectators at their windows with a learned flourish of the sword; so that by the extraordinary novelty and manner of the thing, the whole city came to see the tryal of skill: some gave gold, but few less than a dollar. When the company male and female was close packt up together, the masters mounted the stage: and after the usual compliment peculiar to the English nation of shaking hands before they quarel, they retired in great order and stood upon their guard. Several bouts were playd without much wrath or damage: but the design of this meeting being more to get money than cuts or credit, one of the masters had the seasonable fortune to receive a small harm on the breast, which having blooded his shirt began to make the combat look terrible: whereupon the company fearing from such a dreadful beginning that the zele of the champions might wax too intemperate; and till they were reconciled, no man in the house was safe, unanimously cryd out basta, basta, which signifys enough, enough; and so the house broke up. The sailors finding this a better prize than any they ever made at sea, humbly besought his excellency for another trial of skill: but the viceroy and people were all against it, from a religious objection which could never be got over; and that was, lest the fellows should kill one another, die without absolution and be damnd.

While I was at Lima, I grew acquainted with one monsieur Thaylet, a gentleman whose effects were seised by Martinet’s squadron, as an interloper from St. Malo: after which he remaind in Peru, where he was imployd by the government, he having been formerly commander of several good ships. The first service he had, was to fetch the bottle with instructions for Shelvocke, buryd by Clipperton at Fernandes, p. 97 of this book. On his return with the said instructions and the two men who deserted there, the viceroy willing to incourage him, thought of another short expedition for him in the same vessel; being an English ketch of about sixty ton, and had served captain Martinet as a tender. The viceroy having lately had certain notice by a Spanish ship, that they accidentally made an island in the South-Seas till then unknown to them, tho’ markt in several drafts by the name of Solomon’s island; it made his excellency curious to persue the discovery. He thereupon orderd the ketch to be fitted out for two months under Thaylet’s command; who accordingly saild into ten degrees south, in which latitude the island was said to lye. He cruised thereabout till his provision was nigh expended; and returnd without success. However as the same account came by two different ships who touchd there, the Spaniards verily believe there is such a place; for the men reported, that the natives, as to their persons and behaviour, were much like the Indians on the continent; that they had many gold and silver things among them, but that their language was new and unintelligible. The reason why Mr. Thaylet could not meet with Solomon’s island, might be from the uncertainty of the latitude, and his inability of making further search, being provided for only two months: for I have been informd in London that the said island or islands lye more southerly in the Pacific ocean than where they are laid down in the Dutch maps. And the two Spaniards who had been there, were only small trading vessels carryd thither by irregular currents; and could give no certain account of the latitude, because they kept no reckoning.

To sum up this chapter, I shall only observe that the Spanish Peruvians are better seated for the happiness of this world, than any people I know. If they are indolent, their great affluence makes them so. If they are delicate, the kind serenity of the climate contributes greatly to it. Much husbandry and labor is needless, where the whole year is a fruitful spring. Indeed the Nigros and Indians do all the work; for a white face is exemption enough from all labor and care. In our unequal gloomy regions, many customs would be condemnd, which are there the pure effect of nature: for the night and day make a happy medium between cold and heat. Therefore, if the general bent of human nature be for constant happiness and freedom from pain, the man of pleasure must go to Peru, and make Lima his temporal paradise.