CHAP. III.

Of the mines of Chili and Peru; and the method of working out the gold and silver from the mass.

Chili being the southermost division of the continent of America, is therefore cooler than Peru; and perhaps would sute an English constitution better. It is divided from Peru at the tropic of Capricorn; and is remarkable for that vast chain of mountains known by the name of Cordileer, which coast along from Magellan streights up to the istmus of Darien, being about 4000 mile. It is governd by a lieutenant general, stiled president of Chili, because he is at the head of all civil affairs as well as military: nevertheless he receives orders from the viceroy of Peru. The capital city is St. Jago; it was founded in 1541, and is a copy of Lima.

I shall here entertain the reader chiefly with an extract from Frezier’s voyage relating to the mines, and the manner of separating the mineral from the earth. He undertook the South-Sea voyage by permission of king Lewis the XIV^th, and was there about six years before us, on purpose to make such discoveries, plans and observations as he thought fit. His account, as it is good and intirely new, will without doubt be agreeable to the curious reader:

In Chili, the mines which at present yield most gold, are about the towns of Conception and Copiapo; and the villages of Tiltil and Lampanqui near Valparaiso; tho’ the whole mountains are more or less impregnated with it. The silver mines of Peru are at Lipes, Guaico, Iquic and St. Anthony: gold ones being very scarce in that part of the continent. Potosi has originally afforded such surprising quantities of silver, that it has been proverbial for its treasure: the town stands at the bottom of the famous mountain where the mines lye, and is very populous. The country is obliged by the king’s order to send a great number of Indians yearly to work in those mines; for all white faces are excused from servitude, and the Nigros are not able to work in them because the cold will kill them: but they are imployd in all other business on the surface; so that the native Indians are only destined to this labour.

The Corregidors or magistrates who overlook those Indians appointed to work in the mines, summon them to set out all together on a certain day. They generally take their wives and children with them, who, with tears in their eyes, leave their native homes, and travel unwillingly on to the house of bondage. Many indeed forget their habitation, and after the years end settle at Potosi, which is the chief reason that town is so populous, and almost equals the city of Lima as to its number of inhabitants.

Tho’ the mines here are far diminisht in their produce, yet the quantity of ore that has been already wrought, and lain many years upon the surface, is thought capable to yield a second crop; and when I was at Lima, they were actually turning it up, and new milling it with great success: which is a proof that these minerals generate in the earth like all other inanimate things. And it is likewise certain from all accounts of the Spaniards, that gold and silver, as well as other metals, are continually growing and forming themselves in the earth. This opinion is verifyd by experience in the mountain of Potosi, where several mines have fallen in and buryd the workmen with their tools. After some years they have dug the same place, and discoverd many bones and pieces of wood with veins of silver actually running through them.

These mines belong to him who first discovers them. He immediately presents a petition to the magistrates to have such a piece of earth for his own; which is no sooner done than granted. They measure eighty Spanish yards in length and forty over, which is about two hundred foot in length and one hundred in breadth, and yield it to the discoverer; who chuses what space he thinks fit, and does what he pleases with it. Then they measure just the same quantity for the king, which is sold to the best bidders; there being many who are willing to purchase a treasure which may prove inestimable. If any other person has a mind to work part of the mine himself, he bargains with the proprietor for a particular vein. All that such a one digs out is his own, paying the king’s duty, which is for gold a 20th part, and for silver a 5th: And some landlords are so well satisfyd with letting out their ground and their mills, that they live upon the profit.

The mill for grinding and separating the gold from the ore is made after the manner of our cyder mills. There is first a round stone cistern about ten foot diameter, with a deep orbicular chanel at the bottom. This stone cistern is bored in the middle to let thro’ the long axil-tree of a horizontal wheel placed under it, and wider than the cistern: the wheel is set round with half pitchers, that it may turn as the water falls upon them. This wheel turning the axil, causes a milstone to roll along edgeways by another spindle in the chanel of the cistern above, which grinds the hard ore put in it.

When the stuff is a little broken, they put quick-silver to it, which immediately clings to the gold, and leaves the dross: then they let fall a stream of water, the force of which dissolves the earth, and drives it out at a notch made for that purpose. The gold with the mercury lyes at the bottom by its own weight; which, after they have done work, they gather up and put into a linen bag to squeese out the quick silver as well as they can: then they lay it to the fire, that the remainder may evaporate. This is what they call pinna gold, being clung together like a pine apple; and when this is once melted, it needs no more refining: so that a gold miner has a great advantage of a silver one; for the mercury, adhering so naturally to the gold, leaves all the dross immediately, and the workman knows every day what he gets: whereas the silver miner can’t know till a month or two after.

The silver ore is ground as the gold aforementiond, or sometimes broke with iron pounders of 200 weight to fall by a machine. But milling being the usual way, they grind the ore with water, which makes first a thin mud that runs out of the cistern into a receiver: whenas ’tis dry pounded, it must be steept in water and moulded with the feet, which occasions much more trouble.

The mud is disposed in square parcels of a hundred weight a piece, upon a smooth floor made on purpose. On each of these they throw a great quantity of salt, and mix it all together for two or three days; then they sprinkle it equally with quicksilver, on each mass perhaps about fifteen pound; for the richer it is, the more mercury it requires. An Indian moulds each of these squares seven or eight times a day, that the mercury may incorporate. Sometimes the ore is greasy, and then they put lime to it: wherein they are cautious; for it is very remarkable, that sometimes it is so burnt with heat, that the mercury and silver are both lost. Now and then they intermix a little lead to help the operation of the quicksilver, which is but slow in cold weather. So that at Lipes and Potosi they are a matter of six weeks kneading the ore: and at Puno particularly, they lay a brick pavement upon arches, under which they make fires to help the works: but in other countries they do it in eight or ten days.

When the workman thinks the mercury has attracted all the silver, he takes out a little bit, and washes it in a basin. If the mercury looks dark, the ore is too much heated; to remedy which, they add more salt, which makes the quicksilver evaporate. If the mercury is white, they squeeze a drop of it under the thumb: the silver sticks to the skin, and the mercury slips away. This they find will do; so that when all the silver is gatherd up by the mercury, they give the ore three different washings: and when all the dross is gone, they put the silver in a woollen bag, which they press between boards, to get the quicksilver out. After ’tis hung up, draind and prest as much as they can, they put it into a wooden mould, generally the form of a sugar loaf, with thin copper plates at the bottom full of holes.

After taking off the moulds, these pieces are calld pinnas, which are set upon a frame over an earthen vessel full of water coverd with a cap, which they surround with lighted coals. When the mass grows very hot, the quicksilver that still remains will come out in smoke, which having no passage, circulates between the mass and the cap, till descending to the water, it thickens and sinks to the bottom. Thus the mercury loses but little, and will serve several times, tho’ there must be a new supply because it grows weak with using.

According to Acosta, they use to spend 7000 hundred weight at Potosi in a year: by which one may judge what vast loads of silver they got.

When the mercury is quite evaporated, the silver remains a spongey hollow lump: and this is calld virgin silver; being pure and unadulterated. All this according to law must be carryd to the mint, and pay the fifth part to his majesty. There the silver is cast into ingots or bars of different weight, about a foot long or more. These bars which have paid the duty can have no fraud in them, but it may be otherwise with the pinnas uncast: for the maker often intermixes iron or lead; therefore they should all be opend, and tryd by fire, which would discover another cheat of wetting them, to make them heavy: for their weight may be increased near a third part by dipping them in water, when they are very hot. There are also different degrees of fineness in the same piece, which might be found out: but the Spaniards not having convenient places to discover these frauds, and not caring for it, they e’en let them go.

There are many sorts of silver ore, according to the different consistence of the earth. Some is blackish mixt with iron, calld nigrillo: another greenish of a copper mixture, calld cobrisso: some white with real silver veins, calld plata blanca; and sometimes the ore is black with lead particles, this is calld plomo ronco, and is commonly the best: because instead of kneading it with quicksilver, it may be melted in a fornace, and easily parted from the lead. The old Indians not having, or knowing the use of mercury, got all their silver from these sort of mines; and having but little wood, used to heat their fornaces with the leaves of plants, and the dung of their sheep: they made their fornaces upon the mountains, that the wind might pass thro’ and keep the fire strong. There is another brown ore like this last mentiond, where the silver is not seen at all; but if wetted and rubd against iron, it turns ruddy, calld rosicler, and yields the finest of all silver. There is another sort calld zaroche which shines like isinglass; and the paco soft and clayish, but neither of them valuable. Lastly, there is a very choice ore found in one of the mines of Potosi containing many threads of pure silver, wound up like lumps of burnt lace: this is calld arana, or spider, being something like a cobweb.

At Copiapo there are gold mines just behind the town, and all about the country, which have brought many purchasers and workmen thither, to the great damage of the Indians: for the Spanish magistrates take away not only their lands, but their horses, which they sell to the new proprietors, under pretence of serving the king and improving the settlement. Here is a great deal of Magnet and Lapis lazuli which the Indians know not the value of: and some leagues in the country there is plenty of saltpetre, which often lies an inch thick on the ground. About 100 mile east upon the Cordileer mountains, there is a vein of sulphur two foot wide, so fine and pure that it needs no cleaning. This part of the country is full of all sorts of mines; but in other respects is so barren, that the natives fetch all their subsistence from Coquimbo and that way, being a mere desert for 300 mile together: and the earth abounds so much with salt and sulphur that the mules often perish for want of grass and sweet water. There is but one river in 200 mile, which the Indians call Ancalulac, or hypocrite, because it runs only from sun-rise to sun-set. This is occasiond by the great quantity of snow melted from the Cordileers in the day time, which freezes again at night; where the cold is often so great, that people’s features are quite distorted. Hence Chili takes its name, Chile signifying cold in the Indian language: and we are certainly informd by the Spanish historians, that some of their countrymen and others, who first traded this way, died stiff with cold upon their mules: for which reason the road is now always lower along the coast.

The mine countries are all so cold and barren that the inhabitants get most of their provision from the coast: this is caused by the salts and sulphurs exhaled from the earth, which destroy the seed of all vegetables. The Spaniards who live thereabout find them so stifling, that they drink often of the mattea to moisten their mouths. The mules that trip it nimbly over the mountains, are forced to walk gently about the mines and stop often to fetch breath. If those vapours are so strong without, what must they be within the mine it self, where if a fresh man goes, he is suddenly benumbd with pain? and this is the case of many a one; but the distemper seldom lasts above a day; and they are not so affected the second time: But vapours have often burst out so furiously, that workmen have been killd on the spot: so that one way or other, multitudes of Indians die in their calling. To fortify themselves against the aforesaid steams, they are continually chewing coca, a herb which is their common preservative.

An observation occurs here to my memory; that upon the road to Piura, the night when we lay down to sleep, our mules went eagerly to search for a certain root not unlike a parsnip, tho’ much bigger; which affords a great deal of juice, and in such a sandy plain often serves instead of water: but when the mules are very thirsty, and they can’t easily rake up the root with their feet, they will stand over it and bray till the Indians come to their assistance.

Tho’ the gold mines are more peculiar to Chili, yet there are one or two washing places for gold in the south of Peru near Chili, which I shall now speak of, being the next thing remarkable. About the year 1709 there were two surprising large lumps of virgin gold found in one of those places; one of which weighd thirty two pound complete, and was purchased by the count de Moncloa then viceroy of Peru and presented to the king of Spain. The other was shaped somewhat like an oxe’s heart. It weighd twenty two pound and a half, and was bought by the corregidor of Arica.

To find these lavaderos or washing places, they dig in the corners of a little brook, where by certain tokens they judge the grains of gold to lye. To help carry away the mud, they let a fresh stream into it, and keep turning it up, that the current may send it along. When they are come to the golden sand, they turn off the stream another way, and dig with mattocks; and this earth they carry upon mules to certain basins joynd together by small chanels. Into these they let a smart stream of water to loosen the earth, and carry all the gross part away, the Indians standing in the basins and throwing out all the stones. The gold at bottom is still mixt with a black sand, and hardly to be seen till it is farther cleard and separated, which is easily done. But these washing places differ, for in some there are gold grains as big as bird shot: and in one belonging to the priests near Valparaiso, some were found from two or three ounces to a pound and half weight. This way of getting gold is much better than from the mines: here is no need of iron crows, mills, or quicksilver; so that both the trouble and expense are much less. The Creolians are not so curious in washing their gold as the people in Europe: but great plenty makes them careless in that and many other articles.

There are abundance of iron mines in Peru and Chili; besides lead, tin and copper, which the Spaniards intirely neglect, as not worth their while to work them. Copper serves for a little kitchen furniture; but most of their utensils are of silver, even those for vulgar uses.

About the town of Coquimbo there is plenty of gold found in the streams that come down from the mountains after the rain showers. These showers are only at certain times of the year: but if they came oftner, they would undoubtedly always have the same effect. And now I speak of Coquimbo, it would be a fault not to mention the charms of its scituation. It lies in the 30th degree south, a short mile from the sea. It stands on a green rising ground about ten yards high, which nature has regularly formd like a terras north and south in a direct line of more than half a mile, turning at each end to the eastward. The first street makes a delightful walk, having the prospect of the country round it, and the bay before it. All this is sweetly placed in a valley ever green, and waterd with a river, which having taken its rise from among the mountains, flows through the vales and meadows in a winding stream to the sea.

Baldivia, who built this town in the year 1544, to serve as a resting place between Chili and Peru, pleased with the beauty of the scituation, and the happiness of the climate, calld it la Serena; signifying tranquillity and mildness; which name it deserved more than any place in the world. The whole country puts one in mind of the poets golden age: there the sharp north winds never blow; and the heats are fand with refreshing gales; so that the revolving year is only spring and autumn joind together.

Conception lies six degrees higher in a part of the country abounding, like Serena, with all the comforts of life, as well as inestimable mines of gold. At the king’s station a little to eastward they have a washing-place, where they have got pepitas or gold grains of four pound weight: and these sort of washes are innumerable, but remain as it were undiscovered thro’ negligence and incuriosity. The Cordileer mountains abound with hardly any thing else but minerals: this is true of those which have been opend; and very likely all the rest are so. About 300 miles inwards from Conception, there’s one hill yields copper so remarkable, that Melendes who discovered it, found lumps weighing a hundred quintals a piece, each quintal being a hundred weight. Mr. Frezier says he saw one of forty quintals making into six field pieces, six pounders each. Some are part copper and part stone, which the inhabitants affirm do all in time breed and grow intirely to copper. There is another hill adjoyning which is scarce any thing but loadstone: and many of them afford sulphur and salt: About the town it self there is pit-coal a few foot under ground. In the year 1510, many mines were found near the Cordileer mountains, affording at once gold, silver, copper, iron, lead and tin: which destroys the notion, that different metals are never formd together in one mine.

About twenty mile to the eastward of Serena are the washing places of Andacol, whose gold is twenty three carats fine: and the inhabitants all affirm that after seventy or eighty years they find them recruited with gold as plentifully as at first. And the governer of Coquimbo as well as others have assured, that on the mountains the gold mines are so numerous that, forty or fifty thousand men might easily be imployd: but for want of hands, the king of Spain must content himself without the treasure.

CHAP. IV.

Some account cf the origin of Metals, with various opinions concerning their formation in the earth.

The old Creolian Spaniards, and some others imagine that this plenty of gold in Chili was occasiond by Noah’s flood, which threw down the mountains, and broke up the mines, and washd away the gold into the lower grounds where it now continues. But, besides the great probability that that deluge was only upon the land of Palestine, Moses’s history on which this fancy is founded, rather contradicts it; and tells us that the deluge made very little alteration in the surface of the earth. Besides, by all the late discoveries in America, we are convinced that the mountains yield more gold than the rivers. Common rains may send the gold to the lower parts: for in Chili the showers that fall from May to September, are daily making new gutters upon the hills, which bring down the golden grains with them.

Without doubt earthquakes have made great alterations in this part of the world; some of which, according to several historians, have changd the scituation of mountains, and turnd rivers into lakes: and some authors have supposed that these subversions have proceded from an inward fermentation, which has burst open the hills, and forced the minerals, before they were duly formd, into the water chanels where they are so often found. Tho’ this does not at all answer how metals are formd, yet great commotions have often happend in the bowels of the earth, and put many things out of their natural position; particularly shells, which in most countries have been found, sometimes in heaps, and far enough from the sea where they were first formd.

The native Indians believe that gold and silver breed in the earth without any original vein; because after certain years the mines and washing-places have afforded a perfect new supply; several instances of which I have before mentiond. And it is undeniable, that in Chili these lavaderos are common in the low grounds, where infinite treasure lies conceald for want of labourers: for the Spaniards apply chiefly where the profit is most obvious; and when any new mine is sprung, they all flock thither.

I have been informd at Lima, that several Frenchmen, whose effects were confiscated by his Spanish majesty’s order for carrying on an interloping trade between France and Chili, have thought it better to stay in the country at any rate than return home: and so made shift to purchase a Nigro or two, whom they imployd to fish for gold in some of these washing places, which turnd to so good a profit that they were inabled to settle in Chili. I spoke with two of them at Conception. They told me they had but little trouble in doing of it; that they us’d to watch for the showers, and then carry only a few sieves to refine the earth. These places were chiefly at the small cataracts and water-falls, where they told me they had often taken up considerable grains of gold with their hands: but the corregidors always take care they shall not grow too rich.

As for metals being formd by the sun; ’tis a weak notion and sufficiently exploded. About forty years ago a violent lighting fell on the Illimanni mountain, which is between Chili and Peru. Great pieces and splinters thereof were found scatterd about the country, and they were all plentifully veind with gold, tho’ the mountain is ever known to be coverd with snow. Therefore that heat which is not strong enough to thaw the snow, can never be able to generate and form gold in the mountain under it.

But as those opinions are most rational, which are grounded on real discoveries, one may find out a better way to account for this thing, than any before mentiond: and from what has been said, fairly conclude, that all metals are made and formd by subterraneous fires, which burn as it were in a kiln, conveying their heat far and near through all the passages of the earth, as well as the solid mass itself.

These fires are known to be in all the mine countries of America; and may well be supposed to dwell in other parts yet unknown. This intestine heat gives motion to the salts and sulphurs, being the chief principles of metals. And tho’ their operation is incomprehensibly different from all that we know or practise, yet may we form a notion, that these spirituous vapours are forced by fire into the pores of stone; where being condensed they insinuate themselves like veins, extend and grow upwards to the surface.

I shall now collect some authorities to confirm the opinion that there are a race of men in the world calld giants.

Don Pedro Molina governer of Chiloe and several other eye-witnesses have affirmd that in the country behind the Cordileer mountains, there is a nation of Indians calld Caucahues, of an uncommon size, being near four varas or Spanish yards high; which is ten foot English. These are the people antient travelers speak of calld Patagonians, who live on the eastern side, about 50 degrees south latitude. I know this has been taken as a fable, because many ships going down that way, have not chanced to see them; the men who appear on the Patagonian coast and in Magellan straits being generally of the common stature: and this is what deceived Froger in his account of Degennes voyage; for some ships have seen both sorts at once.

In 1704, captain Harrington’s men belonging to a ship of St. Malo, saw seven of these giants in Gregory’s bay. The crew of the St. Peter, a ship of Marseiles saw six of the same; among whom there was one distinguisht from the rest by a net-work cap that he wore made of birds entrails stuck round with feathers. Their garments were skins with the hair inwards; and they all had bows with cases of arrows: they helpd the sailors with their boat ashore, and gave them some of their darts: the men offerd them bread, brandy and wine; but they refused them all. The next day 200 of them appeard in a body. These men they believed were more sensible of the cold, tho’ larger than others: for the ordinary size people along that coast had only a single skin thrown over their shoulders, whereas the others were cloathed.

The following are Mr. Frezier’s words translated.

“What I here deliver on the testimony of creditable persons, is so agreeable to what I read in many good voyages; that ’tis my opinion there is much truth in it: and a man may believe there is a nation of people in the southermost part of America, much exceding the common proportion, without being thought fanciful: the time, place and circumstances all agreeing, seem to carry a truth sufficient to overcome the general opinion to the contrary. Perhaps the strangeness of the sight may have caused their size to be somewhat magnifyd: but if we consider the height of these men not actually measured, but only ghest at, we shall find that travelers differ very little from each other. To strengthen what I have advanced, the reader will excuse me if I collect what I find in various authors upon this article.

“Leonardo Argensola in the first chapter of his history of the Molucca islands, says that the same Magellan, in the straits that bears his name, took some men who were fifteen spans, that is eleven foot high: but they soon pined away and died. In the third chapter he says that Sarmiento’s men fought with some of these people, who were above three Spanish yards high, that is above eight foot. They repulsed the Spaniards once: but being attackt the second time, they took to their heels and run at so great a rate, that according to the Spanish saying, a bullet would not overtake them.

“There is something like this in Sibald Dewert’s voyage 1559, who being at anchor in the Green-Bay in Magellan straits with five ships, saw seven Indian imbarkations full of giants; who they ghest were ten or eleven foot high. The Dutchmen fired at them and drove them ashore, but they were so terrifyd at the fire arms, that they tore up the trees to shelter themselves from the musket balls.

“Oliver North, who came there a few months after Dewert, tells us that he saw giants ten or twelve foot high: tho’ he had seen other men of the common size.

“Spilbergen, as he enterd Magellan straits in 1615, saw on Terra del fogo a man of surprizing height got upon a rising ground to see the ships go by.

“Shouten in the same year being in Port Desire, his men went ashore and found heaps of stones laid in such a form that they had a mind to see what was under them: and they found bones of a human body between ten and eleven foot long, that is nine or ten English measure; to which measure North’s account and Dewert’s must be reduced.

“Other authorities as well living as dead might be brought to justify this relation: and tho’ some people have doubted it, yet the several testimonies aforementiond, joind with the account of giants which we have in holy scripture, should incline us to receive it for truth.”

Frezier has a notion that the Almighty framed at first three different colors of men; white, black and the dark copper, which last is the hue of all the Indians in America: and tho’ the holy scripture is silent as to the origin of these, yet he doubts not that the Nigros or Blacks are children of Cush Noah’s grandson, which is an African word and signifies black. But however piously affected he and others may be to that divine history, it is impossible this way to account for the originals of people; or even conjecture how this great extended continent was first planted: and without admitting Preadamites we shall meet with endless absurdities. Grotius, who was hardly inferior to any man in wit and learning, rather than disallow mankind’s beginning with Adam, would have it that America was peopled from Norway. The Norwegians planted Iceland; from thence came the Greenlanders, who overspread the north-west islands; and so at last all America came to be peopled. But when one comes to consider, that the Americans are no more like the Norwegians than the Nigros are like the Indians; and that in all respects the natives of this new world are quite different from the other, that reasoning of Grotius is weak and insufficient: and had he lived to see the Danish account of the Greenlanders with other north discoveries, it would have confounded him; Moreover ’tis certain that the Chilians never lived in a social manner like other nations, but in single families only; nor have they any ideas of God or religion in any kind, or the being of a soul, all which they make a jest of. And tho’ it is said, that at the conquest of these countries the Spaniards found golden and other images in Peru, which the Indians used to worship; yet it’s probable they were made only to represent some of their kings, whose memory they held in great veneration. But as this subject requires a separate treatise rather than a place in this book, I shall procede in my other design. And I am persuaded that there must be some more divine influence than the example and arguments of the priesthood, to produce among the Indians so good as an effect a true belief of the Gospel.

CHAP. V.

Observations on the Chili trade.

The town of St. Malo has always been noted for good privatiers. They annoyd the English and Dutch very much in their trade during the whole reign of king William, and part of queen Anne: and tho’ some religious-headed people fancy that money got by privatiering won’t prosper, yet I may venture to say the St. Malo men are as rich and florishing as any people in France. It has thrived so well with them, that all their South Sea trade is owing to their privatiering; and in the late war they were so generous, that they made several free gifts to Lewis XIV. And tho’ our English Admiralty always kept a stout squadron cruising in the Atlantic ocean, yet we never took one of their South-Seamen; and my reason for it is this, they kept their ships extremely clean, having ports to careen at which we did not think of. For in the year 1709, when I belongd to his majesty’s ship the Loo, being one of the convoys that year to Newfoundland, we saw upon that coast a 50 gun ship, which we chased, and soon discoverd she was French built; but she crowded sail and left us in a very little time. She had just been cleand at Placentia: and we might well wonder to find such a ship in that part of the world, but were afterwards informd by French prisoners that she was a South-Seaman bound to St. Malo, with two or three million of dollars aboard; and was then so trim, that she trusted to her heels and valued no body. By their going so far to westward and northward withal, they had the advantage of westerly winds, which seldom faild of sending them into soundings at one spirt, if not quite home. But since Placentia has been yielded to Great Britain, they now make use of St. Catharine, the island Grande on the coast of Brasil, and Martinico in the West Indies.

This trade succeded so well that they all fell into it, sending every year a matter of twenty sail of ships: I my self saw eleven sail together on the coast of Chili in the year 21: among which were several of 50 guns, and one that would mount 70 calld the Flower de Lis, formerly a man of war. All this being contrary to the Assiento treaty between Spain and Great Britain, frequent memorials were presented at Madrid: and the king of Spain willing to keep up his ingagements with England, resolved to gratify the British court by destroying the French trade to the South-Sea. His Catholic majesty knew there was no way to do this, but by a squadron of men of war. He knew likewise that few of his own subjects were acquainted with the navigation of Cape Horne, or could bear the extreme rigor of the climate: therefore was obliged to make use of foreigners for this expedition; and three of the four ships that he sent were mand with and commanded by Frenchmen, according to the old saying, Set a thief to catch a thief.

The first was the Glocester of 50 guns and 400 men, formerly an English man of war: the second was the Ruby 50 guns and 350 men another English ship: the third was a fregat of 40 guns and 200 men: the fourth was the Leon Franco, a Spanish man of war of 60 guns and 450 men all Spaniards. Monsieur Martinet a French gentleman was commodore of this squadron, and commanded the Glocester: Monsieur La Jonquiere had the Ruby; the rest I forget. The French performd their navigation well enough, and got round the Cape tho’ it was in the middle of winter: but the last of the four being Spaniards, after several attempts, could not weather Cape Horne, but was forced by utter necessity to bear away back to the river of Plate, where at last the ship was unfortunately cast away.

It looks here as if an experiment was made to see if the Spaniards were hardy enough to go through that terrible navigation: but as they have little or no trade into any cold climates, and unused to hard work, ’tis no wonder they faild in that point. The Biscayners indeed are robust fellows enough, and if the Leon Franco had been mand with them, she had certainly doubled the cape with the other three ships: but the Spaniards in general, ever since their possessions in America, are grown so delicate and indolent, that it would be hard to find an intire ship’s company able to perform that navigation.

The great advantage of the trade of Chili this way is so manifest, that his Catholic majesty is obliged by treaties to shut out all nations from it as well as the English, tho’ he makes nothing of it himself: and it’s very rare that a Spanish ship has gone by Cape Horne. From hence arises the extraordinary price all European goods fetch at Chili and Peru: I have been told at Lima that they often are sold at 400 per cent. profit; and I may say the goods that are carryd from France by Cape Horne are in themselves 50 per cent. better than those that go in the Flota from Cales to Cartagena, or La vera Cruz: because the former are delivered fresh and undamaged in six months; whereas the other are generally eighteen months before they can come to Chili: so that the French, during the foresaid interloping trade, made their markets, furnishd themselves with provision, and got home again in twelve or fourteen months time.

When Martinet arrived at Chili, in the year 17, with the king of Spain’s commission to take or destroy all his countrymen that were trading there clandestinly, he soon found imployment for his three ships, the fourth being lost as aforesaid. And of fourteen sail of St. Malo men there was but one escaped him; she being landlockt in a little creek, where she lay hid till he was got to leeward: after which she weighd and came away with half her cargo unsold.

Tho’ all this was to execute the orders of his Catholic majesty, and doing a sensible pleasure to the British South-Sea company: yet the Creole Spaniards, especially the trading part of them, found themselves almost ruind by it; because it hinderd the circulation of money, and spoild business, so that they could not bear the sight of the French men of War, tho’ they liked the French merchantmen well enough. On the other hand, the French imagining they had done the Spaniards effectual service, expected, no doubt, civil treatment while they stayd among them. But as soon as Martinet brought his prizes into Callao, and the Frenchmen had received their proper shares, they forgetting the old antipathy of the Spanish to the French nation, gave themselves extravagant airs ashore by frisking and drinking that still incensed the Creolians more against them, who calld them Gavachos and Renegados for falling foul on their own countrymen. From one thing or other their mutual quarels grew so high that the Frenchmen were forced to go in parties about Lima and Callao, the better to oppose public outrages and affronts. At last a young gentleman, who was ensign aboard the Ruby and nephew to captain Jonquiere, was shot from a window in one of these frays; and the malefactor took sanctuary in the great church at Callao. Martinet, Jonquiere and the other captain join in a petition to the viceroy, that the murderer may be deliverd to justice: but the viceroy being an archbishop would by no means violate mother church to humour any body. Upon which they orderd all their men aboard by public beat of drum, and brought their three ships with their broadsides to bear on the town of Callao; threatning to demolish the houses and fortification, unless the rogue was deliverd up or executed. All this blustering could not prevail with the viceroy to give them any satisfaction, tho’ they had several other men killd beside the gentleman. At last Jonquiere unwilling to use extremities, and no longer able to bear the place where his nephew was murderd; obtaind of his commodore Martinet, that he might make the best of his way home.

About this time many fathers and other rich passengers were got together at the town of Conception, intending when this squadron came by, to take their passage to Europe: for they knew that all ships bound by Cape Horne must touch at Conception, or thereabouts, for provision. Herein Jonquiere got the whip hand of his commodore having now the advantage of so many good passengers in his ship; for as the king of Spain has no officers at Conception to register the money shipt there, so it’s unknown what great sums these passengers and missionaries put on board the Ruby. The reason why there are no such officers, is because ’tis not worth while, all the money going the north way to come home in the Flota.

By this opportunity the padres and others gaind two great advantages; first they were spared the trouble of a voyage to Panama or Acapulco; and thence traversing the continent to Portobello or La vera cruz, where they must expect to have had their coffers visited to see if the Indulto to his Majesty was fairly accounted for. And then they saved every shilling of the said indulto or duty, because the Ruby touchd first in France, where no cognisance at all was to be taken of the affair. So that as they saved one moiety of the duty payable in America, they likewise got clear of the other payable in Spain, because the ship arrived in France where they put all their money ashore.

There was on board the Ruby beside these passengers money, a considerable sum arising to his Catholic majesty from the confiscation of the thirteen interlopers taken by this squadron. All which together I was well informd amounted to four million of dollars aboard that ship. What a fine booty then have we missd, thro’ Shelvocke’s obstinate conduct? For when this same ship Ruby found us in the harbour of St. Catherine; Jonquiere’s company, as I said in my first section, were so infirm, that he had not more than sixty well men in 400 souls: so that he really was afraid of us; and would not even send his boat ashore to the watering place, where we kept guard, and our coopers and sailmakers were at work, till he had first askd our captain leave. Nor is this at all strange, for understanding we had a consort, he was really in pain all the time he was there, lest the Success should come in: and if Shelvocke had not wilfully lost company with Clipperton, and perversly determined never to joyn him, which he might have done at Canarie, there is probability enough that we should have met with Jonquiere at sea, if not at St. Catherine: then our business had been done for this time without going any farther: and we were certainly able as it was, to carry the Ruby our selves, had we known her condition.

After captain Martinet had cleard the coasts of Peru and Chili of his countrymen; he sent express with the news to Madrid his brother in law monsieur de Grange, who came by way of Portobello, Jamaica and London. Upon delivering his message the king askd him, what he should do for him. De Grange humbly beggd, that his majesty would please to give him the command of a ship to go round cape Horne again. He accordingly had the Zelerin of fifty guns. He came first to Cales where the ship was getting ready, but was surprizd to find a very cold reception from the French merchants and other gentlemen of his acquaintance residing there, for as there were merchants of several nations interested in the ships taken and confiscated as aforesaid, they unanimously lookd upon him and all the French aboard that squadron to be false brethren for serving a foreign power to the prejudice of their own countrymen: and while he expected a valuable cargo consignd to himself, being what he aimd at, he found himself quite disappointed; for no man would ship the value of a dollar with him.

Captain Fitzgerald who was then at Cales seeing this, made him a considerable proposal for the privilege of going his next officer, and to take aboard what goods he could procure in his own name. De Grange being a little imbarrast accepted the offer, and obtaind from court a commission for him as second captain. Accordingly they mand the Zelerin chiefly with French, and some English seamen; and away they went, getting very well round the cape. When our two privatiers Success and Speedwel were known to be in the South-Sea, this same ship Zelerin was one of those commissiond by the viceroy of Peru to cruise for us. Fitzgerald sold his goods at Lima to great advantage, where he continued, while De Grange served as captain under the admiral Don Pedro Midranda who took me and the rest of us prisoners.

The St. Malo merchants, tho’ great sufferers by so many confiscations, were not much discouraged; for in the year 20, we found the Solomon of St. Malo carrying 40 guns and 150 men at Hilo on the coast of Chili with several small Spanish barks at her stern. She sold her cargo in six weeks time, got a fresh supply of provision and left the coast without interruption; for by this time Martinet’s squadron was all come away. The Solomon’s good success gave them such incouragement that they immediately fitted out fourteen sail together; all which arrived in the South-Sea beginning the year 1721: three of whose commanders having the best acquaintance among the Creolians, quickly sold their cargos and returnd home.

About this time the people of Lima judged the English privatiers were gone off the coast, at least that no more hostilities would be committed, because of the truce made between the two crowns. Whereupon the three Spanish men of war fitted out chiefly to cruise on us, were orderd against these fresh interlopers. I was on board the Advice boat calld the Flying Fish in company with the said three men of war, when they came up with the eleven sail of St. Malo men altogether on the coast of Chili; and instead of firing upon them, the Spaniards joynd them like friends. The French expecting to be attackt, kept all together in a line and dared the men of war to begin. This to me seemd new, that three such ships purposely fitted for this cruise, should on their own coast decline doing their duty: for had they proved too weak they had ports of their own under their lee. In short, the men of war contented themselves to watch the others motion, keeping them always in sight: and when any of the French ships steerd to the shore, the Spaniards sent their pinnace or long boat with the Spanish flag hoisted; the sight of which effectually deterrd the Creoles from treating or trading with the French. Thus they made shift to hinder all these ships disposing of their goods: except they were met by chance at sea and sold some clandestinely. At length, being tired out, the Frenchmen got leave to take in provision, and went home with at least half their goods unsold. Notwithstanding all this and the severe edicts against it in France, I know they still continue the trade, tho’ privately: nor is it probable they will ever leave off so sweet a commerce, except some other power prevent it.

With these remarks I shall bring this book to a conclusion; having indeavourd through the whole, to make all the subjects agreeable: even the controversial part of it, as it was unavoidable, I hope is inoffensive. After all my difficulties and sufferings, my personal pain and anxiety of mind, I have one pleasure remaining; which is gratefully to thank those gentlemen who used me and my ship-mates with great kindness and generosity while it was our fate to be confined in so remote a part of the world.

Don Pedro Midranda the admiral who took us, used us with great humanity, and permitted me to eat with him while aboard.

Monsieur de Grange his second captain who gave me a whole sute of apparel as soon as we were taken, having been stript by the soldiers that first boarded us.

Don Jeronimo Baldevieso and Don Antonio Chierose, who handsomly entertaind three of us at Piura at the admiral’s request, before we were sent to Lima.

Captain Nicholas Fitzgerald who passd his word for me at Lima; entertaind me in his house; gave me money and all necessaries during the eleven months I was there, and afterwards gave me and twenty more our passage to Cales, and wages to those who workd.

Don Juan Baptista Palacio a worthy Spaniard of Biscay, knight of the order of St. James, who came weekly to the prison at Lima, and gave money to all our men as well as Clipperton’s, according to their degree.

To captain John Evers of the Britannia, who gave me his table and my passage to London.

And to the following persons of honour and worth who presented me ten guineas each upon my appearance in London, as a token of their concern for my hardships.

The right honorable Henry earl of Lincoln.

Thus have I led my reader through the voyage.—When I first thought of this work, I intended only to clear my self from the infamous reflexions of captain Shelvocke; but being authorised by men of worth and distinction, I determined not only to justify my self and fellow-sufferers, but to give this full account of the whole expedition: for Shelvocke’s is no account of the voyage at all, but a libel invented to give a gloss to all his evil actions, and blind those who knew nothing of the story. And tho’ the undertaking proved abortive, ’tis fit mankind should know the true reason of it, and not be deceived with base accounts to palliate base actions. Neither do I think it should be any discouragement to a future subscription of this kind; for the mistakes in this voyage may be of great use to others, tho’ they have ruind some of us, and been injurious to all.

An ACCOUNT of the Jesuits settlement in the province of Paraguay in south America. (translated from the French.)