“At that time (saith he) there came unto me, two Noble men, of the Trachomites, subjects of the king; bringing with them horsemen, with arms, and money. These, when the Iewes would compell to be circumcised, if they would live amongst them; I would not suffer them to trouble them; maintaining that every man ought to serve God, of his own free will, and not be forced thereto by others. For, should we do this thing (saith he) it might make them repent, that ever they fled unto us. And so perswading the multitude, I did abundantly afford unto these men, their food, according to their diet.”

Truly, this was an action worthy of a noble, and wise man, and worthy of imitation, for defending common liberty, leaving the judgement, and determination to God alone. The Spanish Inquisitions, with all their torments, and cruelties, cannot make any Iew, that falls into their power, become a Christian. For unreasonable beasts are taught by blowes, but men are taught by reason. Nor are men perswaded to other opinions, by torments, but rather, on the contrary, they become more firm, and constant in their Tenet.

Having thus discussed the main exceptions, I will now proceed to smaller matters, though lesse pertaining to my faculty, that is to businesse of Merchandise. Some say, that if the Iewes come to dwell here, they will draw unto themselves the whole Negotiation, to the great damage of the naturall Inhabitants. I answer, that it hath been my opinion alwayes, (with submission to better judgements) that it can be no prejudice at all to the English Nation: because, principally in transporting their goods, they would gain much, by reason of the publick payments of customes, excise, &c.

Moreover, they would alwayes bring profit to the people of the land, as well in buying of commodities, which they would transport to other places, as in those they would trade in here. And if by accident, any particular person should lose by it, by bringing down the price of such a commodity, being dispersed into many hands; yet by that means the Commonwealth would gain in buying cheaper, and procuring it at a lesser rate.

Yea, great emolument would grow to the naturall Inhabitants, as well in the sale of all provision, as in all things else that concern the ornaments of the body. Yea, and the native Mechanicks also would gain by it, (there being rarely found among us, any man that useth any such art.)

2. Adde to this, that as our nation hath sailed into almost all parts of the world, so they are alwayes herein profitable to a nation, in a readinesse to give their opinions, in favour of the people amongst whom they live. Beside that, all strangers do bring in new merchandises, together with the knowledge of those forreign Countries wherein they were born.

And this is so farre from damnifying the natives, that it conduces much to their advantage; because they bring from their countryes new commodities, with new knowledge. For the great Work-Master, and Creatour of all things, to the end, to make commerce in the earth, gave not to every place all things, but hath parted his benefits amongst them; by which way, he hath made them all wanting the help of others. This may be seen in England, which being one of the most plentifull countries that are in the world, yet wanteth divers things for shipping; as also, wine, oyl, figs, almonds, raisins, and all the drougs of India, things so necessary for the life of man. And besides, they want many other commodities, which are abundant in other countries, with more knowledge of them; though it be true, that in my opinion, there is not in the world, a more understanding people, for most Navigations, and more capable of all Negotiation, then the English Nation are.

3. Farther, there may be companies made of the natives, and strangers, (where they are more acquainted) or else Factors. All which, if I be not deceived, will amount to the profit of the natives. For which, many reasons may be brought, though I cannot comprehend them, having alwayes lived a sedentary life, applying my self to my studies, which are farre remote from things of that nature.

4. Nor can it be justly objected against our Nation, that they are deceivers; because the generality cannot in any rationall way, be condemned for some particulars. I cannot excuse them all, nor do I think, but there may be some deceivers amongst them, as well as amongst all other nations and people, because poverty bringeth basenesse along with it.

5. But if we look to that which we ought by our Religion, the morall precept of the Decalogue, Thou shalt not steal, it belongs in common to all Iewes, towards all Gentiles. As may be seen in Rab. Moses of Egypt, Tract, Geneba, cap. 1. and Gazela, cap. 1. It is a sinne, (saith he) to rob any man, though he be a Gentile. Nor can that be alledged out of the sacred History, concerning the jewells and houshold stuff, of which the Israelites spoiled the Egyptians, as I have heard it sometimes alledged by some, to some men; because that was a particular dispensation, and a divine precept for that time. So it is recorded in the Talmud, in the Tract of the Sanhedrim, cap. 11. that in the time of Alexander the great, those of Alexandria accused the Iewes for being thieves, and they demanded restitution of their goods. But Guebia Ben Pesria answered them, our Fathers went down into Egypt but seventy souls, there they grew a numerous nation, above 60000. and served them in base offices, for the space of 210 yeares, according to this, pay us for our labour, and make the accounts even, and you shall see you are yet much in our debt. The reason satisfied Alexander, and he acquitted them.

6. By consequence, the Iewes are bound not to defraud, nor abuse in their accounts, negotiation, or reckonings, any man whatsoever, as it may be seen expresly in R. Moses of Egypt, and R. Moseh de Kosi in Samag.

7. Yea, they farther say, that by restitutions, there is a result to the praise of God, and the sacred Law, whence that holy, and wise man, R. Simeon Ben Satah, having bought an asse of a Gentile, the head stall whereof was a jewell of great value, which the owner knew not of, afterwards he found it, and freely, and for nothing, he restored it to the seller, that knew not of it, saying, I bought the asse, but not the jewell. Whence there did accrue honour to God, and his Law, and to the nation of the Iewes, as Midras Raba reports in Parasot Hekel.

8. After the same manner they command, that the oath which they shall make to any other nation, must be with truth, and justice, and must be kept in every particular. And for proof thereof, they quote the history of Zedekias, whom God punished, and deprived of his kingdome, because he kept not his word, and oath, made to Nebuchadnezzar, in the name of God, though he were a Gentile, as it is said, 2 of Chronicles, cap. 36.13. And he also rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar, who made him swear by God.

9. These are the laws and obligations which the Iewes hold. So that the Law that forbids the Iewes to kill any Gentiles, forbids them also to steal from them. Yet every one must look to it, for the world is full of fraud in all Nations. I remember a pretty story of what passed in Morocco, in the Court of the king of Mauritania. There was a Iew that had a sort of false stones, &c.—He making a truck with a Portugal Christian, for some Verdigrease that he had, which was much sofisticated, (as they are wont to do there) being all falsified with Earth; one of the Portugals friends laughed at him, saying, the Iew fitted thee well; he answered, If the Iew hath stoned me, I have buried him. And so they ordinarily mock one another.

This I can affirm, that many of the Iewes, because they would not break with other mens goods, were very poor at Amsterdam, lived very poorly, and those that did break with other mens goods by necessity, became so much the more miserable, that they were forced to live on almes.

And whereas in the time of K. Edward I. the Iewes were accused of clipping the Kings coin; it appears that this accusation drew its originall mainly from the suspicion and hatred the Christians bare against the Iewes, as appeares in the story, as it is set forth by Mr. Prynne, In his second part of a Short Demurrer to the Iewes &c. p. 82. where quoting Claus. 7. E. I. n. 7. De fine recipiendo à Iudæis, brings in the King, writing to his Judges in Latine, in these words. Rex dilectis, & fidelibus suis Stephano de Pentecester, Waltero de Helyn. & Th. de Cobham Iusticiariis ad placita transgressionis monetæ audienda, salutem. Quia omnes Judæi nuper rectati, & per certam suspicionem indictati de retonsura monetæ nostræ, & inde convicti cum ultimo supplicio puniuntur; & quidam eorum eadem occasione, omnia bona, & catalla sua satisfecerunt, & in prisona nostra liberabantur, in eadem ad voluntatem nostram detinendi. Et cum accepimus, quod plures Christiani ob ODIVM Judæorum, propter discrepantiam fidei Christianæ, & ritus Judæorum, & diversa gratia minus per ipsos Judæos Christianis hactenus illata, postquam Judæos nondum rectatos in indictatos de transgressione monetæ, per levas, & voluntarias accusationes accusare, & indictare de die in diem nituntur, & proponunt, imponendas eis ad terrorem ipsorum, quod de ejusmodi transgressione culpabiles existunt super ipsos Judæos faciendæ, & sic per minas hujusmodi accusationis, ipsis Judæos metu incutiant, & pecuniam extorqueant ab eisdem; Ita quod ipsi Judæi super hoc, ad legem suam sæpe ponuntur in vitæ suæ periculum manifestum. Volumus quod omnes Judæi qui ante primum diem Maii proximo præterit, indictati, vel per certam suspicionem rectati non fuerunt de transgressione monetæ predictæ, & qui facere voluerint finem juxta discretionem Vestram, ad opus nostrum facere pro sic, quod non occasiorentur, &c. hujusmodi transgressionibus factis ante primum diem Maii propter novas accusationes Christianorum post eundem diem inde factas non molestentur, sed pacem inde habeant in futurum. Proviso, quod Judæi indictati, vel per certam suspicionem, rectati de hujusmodi transgressione ante prædictum diem Maii, Indicium subeant coram vobis, juxta formam prius inde ordinatam & provisam. Et ideo vobis maneamus, quod fines hujusmodi capiatis, & præmissa fieri, & observari faciatis in forma prædicto. Teste Rege apud Cantuar. 8. die Maii.

THE SEVENTH SECTION.

And now by this time, I presume (most noble Sir) I may have given abundant satisfaction, (so farre as the nature of an epistle will permit) to all your objections, without giving just ground of offence, or scandall to any. And forasmuch as you are further desirous to know somewhat, concerning the state of this my expedition, and negotiation at present, I shall now onely say, and that briefly, that the communication and correspondence I have held, for some yeares since, with some eminent persons of England, was the first originall of my undertaking this design. For I alwayes found by them, a great probability of obtaining what I now request; whilst they affirmed, that at this time the minds of men stood very well affected towards us; and that our entrance into this Island, would be very acceptable, and well-pleasing unto them. And from this beginning sprang up in me a semblable affection, and desire of obtaining this purpose. For, for seven yeares on this behalf, I have endeavoured, and sollicited it, by letters, and other means, without any intervall. For I conceived, that our universall dispersion was a necessary circumstance, to be fulfilled, before all that shall be accomplished which the Lord hath promised to the people of the Iewes, concerning their restauration, and their returning again into their own land, according to those words Dan. 12.7. When he shall have accomplished to scatter the power of the holy people, all these things shall be finished. As also, that this our scattering, by little, and little, should be amongst all people, from the one end of the earth even unto the other; as it is written Deut. 28.64. I conceived that by the end of the earth might be understood this Island. And I knew not, but that the Lord who often works by naturall meanes, might have design’d, and made choice of me, for the bringing about this work. With these proposalls therefore, I applyed my self, in all zealous affection to the English Nation, congratulating their glorious liberty which at this day they enjoy, together with their prosperous peace. And I entituled my book named The hope of Israel, to the first Parliament, and the Council of State. And withall declared my intentions. In order to which they sent me a very favourable passe-port. Afterwards I directed my self to the second, and they also sent me another. But at that juncture of time my coming was not presently performed, for that my kindred and friends, considering the checquered, and interwoven vicissitudes, and turns of things here below, embracing me, with pressing importunity, earnestly requested me not to part from them, and would not give over, till their love constrained me to promise, that I would yet a while stay with them. But notwithstanding all this, I could not be at quiet in my mind, (I know not but that it might be through some particular divine providence) till I had anew made my humble addresses to his Highnesse the Lord Protector (whom God preserve.) And finding that my coming over would not be altogether unwelcome to him, with those great hopes which I conceived, I joyfully took my leave of my house, my friends, my kindred, all my advantages there, and the country wherein I have lived all my life time, under the benign protection, and favour of the Lords, the States Generall, and Magistrates of Amsterdam; in fine (I say) I parted with them all, and took my voyage for England. Where, after my arrivall, being very courteously received, and treated with much respect, I presented to his most Serene Highnesse, a petition, and some desires, which for the most part, were written to me by my brethren the Iewes, from severall parts of Europe, as your worship may better understand by former relations. Whereupon it pleased his Highnesse to convene an Assembly at Whitehall, of Divines, Lawyers, and Merchants, of different perswasions, and opinions. Whereby mens judgements, and sentences were different. Insomuch, that as yet, we have had no finall determination from his most Serene Highnesse. Wherefore those few Iewes that were here, despairing of our expected successe, departed hence. And others who desired to come hither, have quitted their hopes, and betaken themselves some to Italy, some to Geneva, where that Commonwealth hath at this time, most freely granted them many, and great priviledges.

Now, O most high God, to thee I make my prayer, even to thee, the God of our Fathers. Thou who hast been pleased to stile thy self the keeper of Israel; Thou who hast graciously promised, by thy holy Prophet Ieremiah, (cap. 31.) that thou wilt not cast off all the seed of Israel, for all the evill that they have done; thou who by so many stupendious miracles, didst bring thy people out of Egypt, the land of bondage, and didst lead them into the holy land; graciously cause thy holy influence to descend down into the mind of the Prince, (who for no private interest, or respect at all, but onely out of commiseration to our affliction, hath inclined himself to protect, and shelter us, for which extraordinary humanity, neither I my self, nor my nation, can ever expect to be able to render him answerable, and sufficient thanks,) and also into the minds of his most illustrious and prudent Council, that they may determine that, which according to thine infinite wisdome, may be best, and most expedient for us. For men (O Lord) see that which is present, but thou in thy omnisciencie seest that which is afarre off.

And to the highly honoured nation of England, I make my most humble request, that they would read over my arguments impartially, without prejudice, and devoid of all passion, effectually recommending me to their grace and favour, and earnestly beseeching God that he would be pleased to hasten the time promised by Zephaniah, wherein we shall all serve him with one consent, after the same manner, and shall be all of the same judgement, that as his name is one, so his fear may be also one, and that we may all see the goodnesse of the Lord, blessed for ever, and the consolations of Zion. Amen, and Amen.

From my study, in London, April the 10, in the year from the creation 5416, and in the year, according to the vulgar account, 1656.

As to give satisfaction to your worship, being desirous to know what books have been written, and printed by me, or else are almost ready for the presse, may you please to take the names of them in this Catalogue.

A Catalogue of such books as have been published by Menasseh Ben Israel, in Hebrew.

Nismachaim, four Books, concerning the Immortality of the soul, wherein many notable, and pleasant Questions are discussed, and handled, as may be seen by the Arguments of the particular Chapters, prefixed to the book, in Latine, dedicated to the then Emperour Ferdinand the third.

Pene Rabba, upon Rabot, of the Ancient Rabbins, in Latine and Spanish.

Conciliatoris pars prima in Pentateuchum.

De Resurrectione mortuorum libri tres.

Problemata de creatione.

De termino vitæ.

De fragilitate humana, ex lapsu Adami, deque divino in bono opere auxilio.

Spes Israelis. This is also in English.

Orationes panegyricæ, quarum una ad Illustrissimum principem, Aurantium, altera ad serenissimam reginam Sueciorum, in Spanish onely.

Humas, or the Pentateuch, with the severall precepts in the margin.

Thesoro de los dirim five books of the rites and ceremonies of the Iewes, in two Volumes.

Humas the Pentateuch, with a commentarie.

Piedra pretiosa, of Nebuchadnezzar’s image, or the fifth Monarchy.

Laus orationes del anno, the Iewes prayers for the whole year, translated out of the originall.

De cultu Imaginum contra Pontificios Latine.

Sermois, Sermons in the Portugal tongue.

Loci communes Omnium Midrasim, which contains the divinity of the ancient Rabbins, in Hebrew.

Bibliotheca Rabbinica, together with the arguments of their books, and my judgement upon their severall editions.

Phocylides in Spanish verse cum Notis.

Hippocratis Aphorismi in Hebrew.

Flavius Iosephus adversus Apionem, in Hebrew, ejusdem Monarchia rationis in Hebrew.

Refutatio libri cui titulus Præadamitæ.

Historia sive continuatio Flavii Josephi ad hæc usque tempora.

De divinitate legis Mosaicæ.

De scientia Talmudistarum, in singulis facultatibus.

Philosophia Rabbinica.

De disciplinis Rabbinorum.

Nomenclator Hebraius & Arabicus.

I have also published, and printed, with my own presse, above 60 other books, amongst which are many bibles in Hebrew, and Spanish, with all our Hebrew prayers corrected, and disposed in good order.