[III-25] The circular directed the ayuntamientos to read at a public sitting Iturbide's letter, and express their opinion upon each point embraced in his proposal. Their answers as to whether they wanted annexation at once, or to await the action of congress, were to be in Guatemala city on or before the 31st of Dec., 1821. Petén-Itzá, Manif. de la Just., 2. This circular was drawn up by Valle. The elections for members of the congress that had been called to meet in February were to be made as formerly directed. In Guatemala the votes of heads of families were taken at each house by municipal agents in the presence of a notary public, and duly registered. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 10-11; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 475-6.

[III-26] The exile of Barrundia, Molina, and others was demanded by Pedro Arroyave, síndico of the ayuntamiento. Gainza was suspected of inciting certain imperialists to prefer charges against these parties.

[III-27] A number of republicans, when acclaiming their principles near San José church, were fired upon by an armed force patrolling the town with the alcalde Mariano Larrave, and two killed outright, Mariano Bedoya and Remigio Maida. Several were wounded; some arrests were made. Salv., Gaceta, Oct. 12, 1854; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 41-2, 47; Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog., app., i. 342; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 157.

[III-28] Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i., ap. v.; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 11; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 474.

[III-29] His arguments were not founded on fact. Subsequent events proved it. Men of greater weight than Gainza, such as Mora, Pecchio, and Zavala, have since contradicted his assertions. Zavala said that Guatemala gained nothing by the union, and that it had resources of its own to exist as an independent nation. He added that the provinces viewed with dislike the course of the aristocrats at the capital. It could not be otherwise. Where was the advantage of a connection with the city of Mexico, which was almost inaccessible to them? But the rich men of Guatemala would have it, regardless of consequences. Ensayo Hist. Revol. Mex., i. 186-7.

[III-30] See Hist. Mex., iv. 710, 728-9, this series.

[III-31] The junta had on the 3d indicated to Iturbide that its duty was to annex the country to Mexico; 'como ya se le indicó en oficio de tres del corriente.' Other reasons were given by it for the action taken, the chief one being the necessity of preserving the country's entirety and repose, which had been in danger of a rupture. The names affixed to the manifesto are: Gavino Gainza, Marqués de Aycinena, Miguel de Larreinaga, José del Valle, Mariano de Beltranena, Miguel Antonio Molina, Antonio Rivera, José Mariano Calderon, José Antonio Alvarado, Angel Ma. Candina, Eusebio Castillo, José Valdés; José Domingo Dieguez and Mariano Galvez, secretaries. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 14-16; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i., ap. iv.-vi.; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iv. 18-23, 40-2; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 8-9, 11; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no. 187, 1-29; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 476; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méj., 386-7; Lastarría, in La América, 249; Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 13, 1875, 4, and March 28, 1876, 603; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 218; Squier's Trav., i. 383: Kewen's Nic. and Walker, MS., 33-6; Romero, Bosq. Hist., 103-6.

[III-32] 'Las ideas de prosperidad, objeto de la independencia, van á substituirse á los partidos ominosos ... neutralizar las tentativas del poder arbitrario y de los movimientos populares.' Gainza, Manifiesto, Gaceta Gob. Guadal., 1822, March 2, 302-4; Méx., Gaceta Imp., ii. 657-9; Kewen, Nic. and Walker, MS., 30-6.

[III-33] He now gives himself a long list of titles, viz.: knight of justice of the sacred religion of St John of Jerusalem; lieutenant-general by acclamation of the independent army of Guatemala; decorated with the banda nacional; her captain-general; inspector-general of all her arms; superior political chief, intendent-general, and president of the junta provisional consultiva. Méx., Gaceta Imp., i. 557-9; Gaceta Gob. Guadal., March 2, 1822, 304.

[III-34] Only two months earlier the diputaciones of Comayagua and Leon were told that neither the junta consultiva nor any other body then existing had any such power.

[III-35] It was rumored, and doubtless believed by the people, that a formidable force was on the way—5,000 men—which Central America in its present divided condition could not resist; hence the premature submission with an apparent good grace. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 10-11.

[III-36] Gaceta Imp., i. 162-3. According to Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., vi., no. 187, 1-29, the party in favor of absolute independence in Guatemala sustained itself till a Mexican force was sent, and it was by this means the absorption was effected. The force had not arrived, but was certainly expected. Luis G. Cuevas, a Mexican senator, tells us that the people of Cent. Am. were mostly very enthusiastic for Iturbide, and at the same time anxious to rid themselves of the liberal party, whose members he calls an unbridled set of demagogues. Moreover, they wanted to belong to a nation having so much credit abroad, and such large resources to aid them. Porvenir de Méx., 252.

[III-37] Conde de la Cadena was first in command, but he resigned it on account of sickness. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 474-8; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méj., 387-8; Filisola á la Junta Soberana, note 3.

[III-38] Squier, Guat., 580-1, has it 700.

[III-39] The 3d. It was installed March 29, 1822. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 47; Id., Efemérides, 5.

[III-40] Among them were José del Valle, Juan de Dios Mayorga, and Marcial Zebadúa. Zavala, Ensayo Hist. Rev. Mex., i. 187. Suarez y Navarro says that Mayorga had a secret mission from Salvador near the Mexican government. Hist. Méj., 387.

[III-41] Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 11-12. The province was ruled by a junta gubernativa, one of whose members was Antonio José Cañas, one of the most distinguished among Cent. Americans. He soon after became the second in command of the 'batallon fijo,' organized to resist Iturbide's pretensions. Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 13 and 19, 1875.

[III-42] Gainza had meantime stationed troops in Sonsonate, a town which hitherto belonged to the province of Guatemala proper, and afterward became a part of Salvador.

[III-43] Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 12-13.

[III-44] The rest of the province had accepted that arrangement. Gov. Tinoco had made himself master of Omoa, but a revolution released it from his grasp. His authority over Trujillo ceased about the middle of January 1822. Id., 7-9.

[III-45] The inhabitants were influenced to that course by Canon Nicolás Irias and Juan Lindo. The diputacion sent Tinoco to Mexico to report the state of affairs in Honduras. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 37.

[III-46] There was, in consequence, a bitter correspondence between Saravia and Gainza. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 14.

[III-47] This man was of the lowest class; had been a common servant, and afterward an artilleryman. He was once confined in a dungeon at Trujillo, from which he escaped. When he began to figure in politics his wit made him popular with the citizens. It was said that he had some knowledge of medicine, and had written some creditable poetry. He was, however, given to cards and free-love, but abstained from the bottle. He was twice married, but left no children. Perez, Biog. Sacasa, 8; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 14; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 73-4.

[III-48] Ordoñez had Sacasa and others confined in irons in Fort San Cárlos. Public opinion accused him of being the most active instigator of hatred between the white and other races. Id., 74; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 14; Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 19, 1875.

[IV-1] His orders were to take the city of San Salvador on or before the 5th of April. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 12.

[IV-2] They claimed that their declaration of independence did not imply hostility to Guatemala, and in support of it expressed a willingness to furnish hostages. Their representations were of no effect, however; 'habia empeño en sojuzgar á San Salvador, y á este interés se sacrificaba todo.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 51.

[IV-3] Against Filisola's expressed wishes. That general was then in Chiapas, and had forbidden all military operations till his arrival. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 13; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 478; Filisola á la Junta Soberana, note 6.

[IV-4] He went in by the road sloping from the volcano to the west, from which quarter, owing to the roughness of the ground, no attack had been expected.

[IV-5] The casualties were not heavy on either side. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 12-13.

[IV-6] It was chiefly on the superiority exhibited on this occasion that Salvador subsequently based her claim to a prominent place in the councils held upon Cent. American affairs. Many of the internal wars which for a number of years ravaged the country may be traced to this pretended superiority.

[IV-7] To answer charges preferred against him. Id., 15; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 53, followed by Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 478. Cuevas, Porvenir de Mex., 253-4, makes the doubtful assertion that Gainza went of his own accord. At any rate, he afterward was made a lieut-gen. of the imperial army, and an aide-de-camp of Iturbide's.

[IV-8] His proclamation of July 8, 1822, expressed his desire to be guided only by the best interests of the country. Méx., Gaceta Imp., 1822, 657-9.

[IV-9] Duly authorized agents of Salvador were to go for that purpose to Mexico in Nov. 1822; the districts of San Miguel and Santa Ana being permitted to recognize the government at Guatemala till an understanding should be arrived at in Mexico. Other clauses referred to the surrender of arms seized by Arce in Sonsonate, to the commercial interests of the two provinces, and to rules to be observed before renewing hostilities. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 56-7.

[IV-10] Oct. 31, 1822. See Hist. Mex., v., this series.

[IV-11] Filisola á la Junta Soberana, notes 9, 10.

[IV-12] His force consisted of about 2,000 men, chiefly from Guatemala, Santa Ana, San Miguel, Sonsonate, and Honduras.

[IV-13] Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 60-1; Molina, Costa Rica, 93; Squier's Travels, ii. 383. The decree never went into effect, however.

[IV-14] The principal conditions were: establishment in Mexico of a representative government; Salvador's absolute independence from Guatemala; participation of her delegates in framing the national constitution; continuation in office of the present incumbents; and erection of an episcopal see. For less important terms demanded on that occasion, see also Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 16-17; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 62.

[IV-15] It seems that he again asked for instructions from the emperor, who peremptorily directed him not to lose more time in negotiations. 'V. S. no es mas que un soldado que debe atacar la ciudad, posesionarse de ella y tratar á los cabecillas como perturbadores del órden.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 17. Filisola himself confirmed the above in his address to the junta soberana of Cent. Am. of June 24, 1823, note 10.

[IV-16] Squier, in his Travels, ii. 383-4, rather emphatically comments on this 'step expressive of sympathies and sentiments which still exist.'

[IV-17] 'With a declaration that he was not waging war on the U. S., he continued his operations.'

[IV-18] Feb. 7, 1823. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 17-18.

[IV-19] Filisola issued passports to all who wished to quit the country, and even furnished them money to leave. To the poor soldiers he afforded every facility to reach their homes.

[IV-20] It must be acknowledged that to the gallantry and constancy of the sons of this little province, Central America owed to a great extent its existence as a sovereign commonwealth. Zavala, Rev. N. Esp., i. 142. See also Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 476; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 47; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méj., 387; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 11-12.

[IV-21] Col Felipe Codallos was appointed governor of the province.

[IV-22] Tinoco had gone to Mexico.

[IV-23] Hist. Mex., v., this series.

[IV-24] Filisola's course has been open to criticism. Some attributed it to a conviction that Cent. Am. could not be held as a province dependent from a republic, which was practicable as a dependence of an empire. Others have supposed that he was prompted by personal ambition. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 73, and Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 19, claim that it was the unavoidable result of the situation, which is not exactly true. With the force at his command, he might have maintained supremacy for a considerable time at least. Filisola himself said that his object had been to avert civil war. In his address of July 24, 1823, to the junta of Guatemala, he assured that body that his recognition of its sovereignty had been with the sanction of the supreme executive government of Mexico, communicated to him on the 18th of June. Filisola á la Junta Soberana de Guat., 1-8; Id., El Ciudadano, 16-17.

[IV-25] Among others, that of seizing, without any legal formality, the Spanish vessel Sinacam, whose cargo he sold to procure provisions and other supplies for his garrison. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 75; Ayon, Apuntes, 22-3.

[IV-26] It was installed at Leon on the 17th of April, 1823. Marure, Efem., 6.

[IV-27] On the 15th of April. Marure, Efem., 6.

[IV-28] Several of the conspirators were imprisoned at the capital, though only for a short time. Molina, Costa Rica, 94; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 12.

[IV-29] According to Marure, Efemérides, 6, reserving the liberty of recognizing anew Iturbide as the legitimate emperor, should he be again restored to the imperial throne.

[IV-30] Deputies from Cent. Am. to the Mexican congress complained of outrages committed by Filisola's soldiers, to which his attention was called to correct them by the executive of that republic.

[IV-31] Cuevas, Porvenir de Méx., 254-6, laments it, considering it an act injurious to Cent. America's best interests.

[IV-32] The imperialists 'se limitaron á oponerles algunas maniobras sordas, no teniendo ánimo de disputarlas á cara descubierta.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 82-3. The independents 'contrajeron sus planes á ganar las elecciones, y á hacer odiosas las tropas mejicanas, procurando á toda costa, y por todos los medios posibles, hacerlas evacuar la república.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 20.

[IV-33] The 1st of June had been the date originally fixed upon, but some preliminary work not having been completed in time, the installation was necessarily delayed. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 83.

[IV-34] Chiapas was not represented, that province having continued detached from Cent. Am.

[IV-35] It is said that Filisola installed the congress, the Mexican troops taking part with the native ones in paying honors to the national representatives. Till the organization of an executive, the first decrees were addressed to Filisola, as superior political chief, for their execution. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 20. That body, the first as well as the most numerous, was at the same time the most enlightened that the republic ever had. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 83; Id., Efem., 7; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 16-24.

[IV-36] The full text with the names of the delegates present appears in Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. xiii.-xviii.; and Rocha, Código Nic., i. 19-23. Its principal clauses were: 'That the said provinces ... are free and independent from old Spain, from Mexico, and every other power, alike of the old and the new world, y que no son ni deben ser el patrimonio de persona ni familia alguna.' Translations into other languages may be seen in Revue Américaine, i. 377-97; Democratic Rev., i. 486-7. The act was drawn up by the deputy José Francisco Córdoba, who was a member of the committee to whom the matter had been referred. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 21.

[IV-37] Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 24-32.

[IV-38] Aug. 20, 1824. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 713; Alaman, Mem. á las Cám., 9.

[IV-39] Decree of July 15, 1823. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 32-3.

[IV-40] The party was mainly composed of members of the so-called noble families, Spaniards, civil and military officers, the clergy, and the most ignorant class of the population. It was therefore the most numerous. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iv. 259.

[IV-41] As he was then in the United States, the canon Antonio de Larrazábal was to be his substitute during his absence. Larrazábal having declined the position, it was given to Antonio Rivera Cabezas. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 164-70; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 88; Id., Efem., 8; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 22.

[IV-42] The moderados wanted José Dionisio Herrera of Honduras, in the triumvirate, to avoid the undue influence Salvador would exercise, having two of her citizens in the executive, and because they considered Herrera intellectually superior to Villacorta. No one thought of José del Valle, who was then in Mexico. Cuevas, Porvenir de Mex., 256-7, erroneously states that the supreme authority was offered Filisola and he declined it. He declined the office of jefe político of Guatemala.

[IV-43] Just in some instances, no doubt; but it became known that Guatemalans disguised as Mexicans committed hostile acts to bring the soldiers into discredit. Filisola certainly strove to maintain order and discipline. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 89-93; Filisola, El Ciudadano, 22-8.

[IV-44] José Francisco Barrundia, of whom prominent mention is made in this history, severely attacked Filisola's course in a pamphlet, which was replied to in a small book entitled El Ciudadano ... Vicente Filisola á José Francisco Barrundia, Puebla, 1824, 132 p. The author defends himself, employing strong invective against his accuser, charging him with hypocrisy and cowardice. The book gives some historical data, but owing to its bitterness, must be received with caution. Filisola after that time figured as a prominent soldier of the Mexican republic in Texas, and during the war of the U. S. and Mexico in 1846-8.

[IV-45] Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 877-8.

[IV-46] Practically, the word 'don' never fell into disuse. The manner of ending official letters was changed from the former 'Dios guarde á ... muchos años,' to 'Dios, Union, Libertad.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 94; Id., Efem., 7.

[IV-47] Decrees of the national assembly of Aug. 21 and Nov. 5, 1823. Rocha, Código Nic., i. 162; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 54-5.

[IV-48] Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 33-8, 461-3; Méx., Col. Dec. Sob. Cong., 219.

[IV-49] Even the statistics that might have served as a basis for establishing imposts were not to be found. It was said that they had all been forwarded to Mexico during the imperial rule.

[IV-50] He was offended at not being appointed commanding officer of the battalion.

[IV-51] The author of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 23-7, accused the government of allowing the conspiracy to assume serious proportions with the view of obtaining larger powers, including that of levying forced loans.

[IV-52] The 14th and 15th had been designated to commemorate the independence.

[IV-53] A number of persons were killed and others wounded in the street fight. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 102-3. On the 10th of Jan. following those who perished in defence of the assembly were declared 'beneméritos de la patria en grado heróico.' Id., Efem., 8.

[IV-54] Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 104, gives the almost incredible account that the soldiery behaved in an orderly manner.

[IV-55] His principal assistant and second in command, Manuel Estrada, was imprisoned and executed. An erroneous account of Ariza's revolt is given by Puydt and Binckum, Colonisation, 118-19, who place it in 1825, and assert it was effected by order of the government in Spain.

[IV-56] It found support among some of the deputies who had not been present at the election of the members of the executive. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 25.

[IV-57] The last named being a foreigner, congress repealed the law which admitted only natives to the executive power, passed July 8th, when Filisola had been proposed as a candidate. Foreigners who had rendered services to the republic were made eligible. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 107.

[IV-58] Villacorta at first declined the position, on the ground that to exercise, as a mere substitute, the functions he had just been discharging as proprietary in the office, affected his honor, 'era un paso que lastimaba su honor.' A unanimous resolution, however, of the congress, directing him to fill the office, induced him to accept it. Id., 107-8. It has been said of him for his final acceptance: 'Tuvo la falta de delicadeza de admitir la suplencia.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 26.

[IV-59] The Salvadoran commander alleged instructions from his government not to go back till he became convinced that the assembly could continue its labors without hindrance in the future. In Guatemala it was said that he had been prevailed on by the liberal party, somewhat displeased at the last elections for executive, not to heed the command to retire. In consequence of the events of Sept. 14th in Guatemala, the diputacion provincial at San Salvador on the 27th of Oct. assumed the powers of a junta gubernativa, and exercised them till the constituent congress of the state was installed. Marure, Efem., 8.

[IV-60] 'No sin algunos aparatos escandalosos y hostiles de parte de los salvadoreños.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 27.

[IV-61] They had been reported to the chamber by its committee on the 25th of Oct. Marure, Efem., 8.

[IV-62] The states had already constituted their governments by Sept. 1824. Chiapas was not included among the new states. Her admission was left open for such a time as she should apply for it, the belief in Cent. Am. being that the province had not voluntarily attached itself to Mexico. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 40-2, 59-62, 68, 96-7; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 27; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 120-1, 149; La Tribuna, ii., no. 2.

[IV-63] Marure, Efem., 12, gives the date as April 10th.

[IV-64] Cent. Am., Informe sobre la Constituc., 1-73, and 1-30. This constitution has been called 'el bello ideal de copiantes y teoristas que soñaron un pueblo para constituirlo, y que no conocian el país en que nacieron.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 36.

[IV-65] The asamblea, foreseeing this, had designed La Antigua as the meeting place of the local congress; but the latter at its first sittings selected for future times the capital. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 179.

[IV-66] Such as to determine the military and financial budgets, superintend the education of the people, declare war and conclude peace, and regulate the financial and commercial interests of the country. Its members were to be elected at the rate of one for every 30,000 inhabitants. Id., 174-5. There were 17 representatives for Guatemala, nine for Salvador, five for Honduras, six for Nicaragua, and two for Costa Rica. Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 13. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 164, says Honduras had six representatives.

[IV-67] Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 13. Molina, Costa Rica, 19, criticises this organization as follows: 'Se estableció un senado nulo, un Ejecutivo impotente y un congreso absoluto.' Necessarily the greater number of representatives of Guatemala would outweigh those of the other states, and thus make the constitution only an imperfect copy of that which had originally served as a model.

[IV-68] Part of the constitution is given in Rocha, Código Nic., i. 37-9; on the following pages will be found such clauses of the old Spanish constitution as were retained under the new system. See also Peralta, Costa R., 5; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 13-5.

[IV-69] 'Se hacen libres los esclavos que de reinos extranjeros pasen á nuestros Estados, por recobrar su libertad.' Rocha, Código Nic., i. 212-13; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 217-9; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 133-5; Id., Efem., 10.

[IV-70] Holders of slaves thus emancipated were to be indemnified. We are assured that no one ever applied for such indemnification.

[IV-71] In 1840 Great Britain, would-be champion of the world's high morality, on one occasion claimed the return of some fugitive slaves from Belize, and supported the demand with the presence of a man-of-war. Notwithstanding her weakness, Central America refused to comply, on the ground that under her constitution there were no slaves in the country. Crowe's Gospel, 121-2; Squier's Travels, ii. 385-6; Revue Américaine, ii. 550; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 163. According to Molina, the number of slaves thus emancipated was about 1,000.

[IV-72] 'Una confederacion general que representase unida á la gran familia americana.' Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., 138.

[IV-73] Barclay, Herring, Richardson, & Co., whose agent was J. Bailey. Thompson's Guat., 266; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 143.

[IV-74] One of the conditions was that the republic should not contract for another loan within two years. It was estimated that the debt could be paid in 20 years. Asamblea Nac., Decreto, Dec. 6, 1824, in Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 144. That expectation was not realized. Details will appear in connection with the finances of the republic, elsewhere in this volume.

[IV-75] The total number of decrees passed was 137, and of orders 1186. El Indicador de Guat., 1825, no. 16.

[V-1] He is represented as an able man, who had formerly favored the union with Mexico, but afterward joined the liberal party, becoming one of its most prominent members. The author of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 39-41, 46, while acknowledging his ability, says that he was 'de poca delicadeza ... de un carácter falso, y afectando una franqueza y una moderacion que no le es propia.'

[V-2] The delegates of the different states were in the following proportion: Guatemala 17, Salvador 9, Honduras and Nicaragua 6 each, Costa Rica 2. The total number being 40, and not 34 as Squier erroneously has it. Travels, ii. 388.

[V-3] Arce had in his favor the prestige of past services, and his sufferings in the cause of independence. Valle had the support of those who objected to Salvadoran predominance. Moreover, he had been educated in Guatemala, and had property there; from which circumstances it was surmised that he would be more in sympathy with that state and the so-called serviles. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 150; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 28-9.

[V-4] The total number of votes for the whole republic was 82, but three had been rejected by congress for various reasons. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 210-11; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 40-1.

[V-5] Salvador insisted on having an episcopal see, in order to be independent of Guatemala in ecclesiastical affairs. This was the chief question at issue. Arce promised to leave its decision to the next congress. Arce, Mem., 3. Valle really had obtained more votes than Arce, and congress defrauded him of his election. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 268.

[V-6] Barrundia had been elected upon Valle's refusal to accept the office, and likewise declined it. Valle protested against Arce's election as illegal, in several writings, apparently to little purpose. El Indicador, 1825, no. 26 et seq.; El Liberal, 1825, no. 7, 8; Nulidad de la prim. elec., passim; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 212-13; Id., Efem., 13.

[V-7] Arce, Mem., 4, has it April 30th, but in view of the numerous misprints in his work, the date given in the text is probably more correct. It is the one supported by Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 213; Squier's Travels, ii. 388; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 164. Its first president was Tomás Antonio O'Horan. This court superseded the audiencia founded in 1544 at Gracias á Dios, and transferred in 1549 to Guatemala. Marure, Efem., 14.

[V-8] It was for a defensive and offensive alliance and equal privileges of trade. It was ratified by the Cent. Am. govt Sept. 12, 1825. The full text is given in Rocha, Código Nic., i. 95-9; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. xxxviii.-xlvii. See also Ayon, Consid. Lím., 28-9; Gaceta de Salv., Oct. 12, 1854.

[V-9] It was therein stipulated that the citizens of both republics should enjoy all the rights granted by one or the other to the most favored nation. The same rights for political purposes were also agreed upon, that of free exercise of religion being included. All clauses of a commercial character were to be in force 12 years; the others perpetually. Privileges and rights enjoyed by the citizens of either republic were to be also allowed to those immigrating from the other. This treaty was ratified by the younger republic on the 28th of June, 1826. The text in both English and Spanish may be seen in U. S. Govt Doc., U. S. Acts, Cong. 19, Sess. 2, Sen. Doc. 1, i. 149-70; Am. St. Pap., For. Rel., v. 774-82; Gordon's Digest of Laws, 328-35; Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. xlvii.-lxv.

[V-10] Arce's Mess., March 1, 1826, in Repertorio Am., i. 274-9; Santangelo, Congreso Panamá, 73-5.

[V-11] Their newspapers, El Liberal and Don Meliton, charged him with partiality and incapacity. The latter, for its satire and ridicule, was the more formidable foe, as Arce himself acknowledges. Mem., 5.

[V-12] The departmental chief of Guatemala claimed that he was not under Arce's authority, but under that of the state, then residing at La Antigua. Congress empowered the executive to compel the local authorities to attend the celebration, and it was done. Arce, Mem., 8.

[V-13] The total number of decrees enacted was 92, and that of orders submitted to the executive 308. For more details, see El Centro Americano, 1826, 38.

[V-14] One half of the representatives of every state had to retire, according to the constitution.

[V-15] He had at first declined the connection, but afterward accepted it 'para dar rienda suelta á sus resentimientos y pasiones contra el presidente Arce.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 48.

[V-16] Text in Repertorio Am., i. 273-89.

[V-17] He brought letters of recommendation from Pedro Molina, who was representing Cent. Am. at Bogotá, and had a high opinion of him, as he had served under Napoleon. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 230.

[V-18] After he completed that work he was ordered to remain on the coast till further orders from the government. The congress tried in vain to prevent it.

[V-19] The reasons adduced by him in his Mem., 22-4, and comments on the same in Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 236-7.

[V-20] 'Este asunto se renovaba cada vez que á los diputados ministeriales convenia paralizar algun golpe contra el ejecutivo.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 51.

[V-21] The deputies of Salvador defended their course in a long argument, June 8, 1826, calling it an inevitable result of the unlawful conduct of the majority of congress. Doc., in Arce, Mem., 10-17.

[V-22] Restricting the archbishop's powers, and placing him to some extent under civil authority; suppressing the subventions of curates, and abolishing certain privileges the clergy had till then enjoyed; tithes were reduced, and persons under 25 years of age were not allowed to take monastic vows. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 244-5.

[V-23] The full text of the resignation is given in Arce, Mem., 25-7.

[V-24] 'Pondrá sobre las armas toda la fuerza que crea necesaria.... En caso de resistencia repelerá la fuerza con la fuerza.' Id., 32.

[V-25] On the ground that only Guatemala had paid such contingent, and even more, and the other states had arbitrarily eluded payments. Arce was accused, not without foundation, it seems, of allowing such discrimination.

[V-26] On September 3, 1826; the document merely stipulates a temporary suspension of hostilities, without further entering into the question. Arce, Mem., 39. It has been asserted that Espínola held a favorable position, and adds: 'A pesar de esto, capituló vergonzosamente'—a charge without much foundation, in view of the numerical superiority of the Guatemalan forces. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 52-3.

[V-27] Arce, Mem., 39-41, gives a lengthy account of his deliberations, and doubts whether it would or not be just, and consistent with his duties, to imprison Barrundia, all of which is at least doubtful.

[V-28] Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 53. Crowe's Gospel, 127, and Squier's Travels, ii. 395, confound the jefe with his brother José Francisco. The orders were, 'Que en el caso de resistencia obre fuertemente hasta concluir el arresto y ocupacion de las armas.' Arce, Mem., 41-2.

[V-29] This non-resistance is attributed to treachery on the part of Vera, a Mexican commanding the state forces, who subsequently entered the federal service. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 254-5.

[V-30] Doc., in Arce, Mem., 26.

[V-31] It is a long doc., giving details, and dwelling specially on the part Raoul had played. Id., 27-31.

[V-32] Comments and details on the subject in Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 255-8; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 53-4.

[V-33] 'Este desenlace hizo ridículo todo lo que antes habia parecido un golpe maestro.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 54.

[V-34] To save appearances, Arce pretended to induce his supporters to assume their positions in the chamber, but there is little doubt of its being mere sham. It has been intimated that even some liberals declined to sit, from apprehension that an investigation of Arce's conduct might lead to civil war.

[V-35] Still declaring its allegiance to the federation. Gaz. de Méx., Jan. 25. 1827; Arce, Mem., 51.

[V-36] The impossibility of obtaining a quorum of members chosen to the 2d congress, and impending civil war, were among the reasons assigned for his action. The elections were to be made on the basis of two deputies for every 30,000 inhabitants, and Cojutepeque in Salvador was appointed as the place of meeting. This measure was at first well received by the states, but afterward rejected in consequence of a decree of the Salvador government on the 6th of Dec., inviting the federal deputies to meet at the villa of Ahuachapan. Marure, Efem., 17; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 56.

[V-37] Oct. 11, 1826. Marure, Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 273; Corres. Fed. Mex., Nov. 27, 1826.

[V-38] He sought refuge in the parish church, but was pursued by the crowd. His only safety lay in the pulpit, the remonstrances of the religious, and the presence of the host. The religious succeeded at times in calming the rabble, promising that Flores should be sent into exile. But Antonio Corzo, who was in the court-yard with a few poorly armed militiamen, fired a volley upon the mob, which became still more excited. The women dragged Flores from the pulpit, took him out of the temple, 'y le inmolaron en un claustro bárbara y horrorosamente.' Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 57-8. Squier's Travels, ii. 396, has it that the Indians had been infuriated by the harangues of a friar from the pulpit, and that the rabble slaughtered Flores at the very foot of the altar, literally rending his body in pieces; the apparent cause of this vindictiveness of the priests being that in the general levy of taxes for the state the property of the convents had not been spared. 'And thus was the movement started by the aristocrats, seconded by their allies, the priests.' Ex-president Morazan, referring to that catastrophe, uses these words: 'Puesto en manos de un feroz populacho, instigado por las funestas ideas que le inculcaron sus sacerdotes, pereció al pié de las imágenes de los santos, á la vista de sus inicuos jueces, y en presencia de la eucaristía, que estos cubrieran.' Apuntes, MS., 4. Flores had been noted for his charity to the poor, specially to the Indians, to whom he constantly gave medical aid, medicines, and other necessaries. The state assembly, after being restored in 1829, decreed honors to his memory, and ordered placed in its hall of sessions an inscription in letters of gold, as follows: 'Al inmortal Vice-jefe Ciudadano Cirilo Flores, mártir de la Libertad, sacrificado en Quezaltenango, en las aras de la ley.' In May 1831 the name of Ciudad Flores was given in his honor to the head town of the district of Peten. Marure, Efem., 17, 28.

[V-39] The liberals looked upon it as the result of an arrangement of Arce and his partisans; the latter declared it to have resulted from an accident, or rather from violent acts on the part of liberals in Quezaltenango, such as forcibly taking horses in the night from private houses and the Franciscan convent. Marure states that he thoroughly examined every document bearing on the subject, and found no evidence against Arce or his party. Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., i. 275-85. The author of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 58, acquits Arce, attributing the act to a sudden popular excitement. See also Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 15; Crowe's Gospel, 127-8; Pineda, in Guat., Recop. Leyes, iii. 348; Corres. Fed. Mex., Nov. 9, 1826; Doc., in Arce, Mem., 32-3.

[V-40] There was an effort toward reconciliation, the liberals offering to make concessions, and Arce favoring their proposals; but the serviles haughtily refused.

[V-41] Owing, it was said, to the publication of a pontifical bull, which, under Arce's exequatur, had been restricted to Guatemala by the archbishop, a step that Delgado supposed to have been by Arce's instigation, or at least a lack of interest on his part for San Salvador. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 60. Arce himself attributed the estrangement to party intrigues. Mem., 60. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 165, assigns disputes about the erection of the bishopric as the cause of the rupture.

[V-42] Arce, Mem., 61, finds fault with Prado's act, when his own had been just as illegal.

[V-43] Colonel Milla invaded the state with a federal force, captured Comayagua on the 9th of May, 1827, and arrested the jefe of the state, Herrera. The whole was a wanton proceeding. Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 6-9.

[V-44] The commander of the Salvadorans was unable to explain his illegal proceeding. Doc., in Arce, Mem., 45-6.

[V-45] Detailed accounts, with copies of the official exaggerated reports, are given in Gaz. de Méx., Apr. 26 till May 1 and May 22, 1827; Marure, Efem., 19; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 62-4. Decree of government of Guatemala on the subject, March 28, 1827. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 250.

[V-46] Beltranena and several of Arce's officers disapproved the retaliatory plan. Aycinena, on the contrary, favored it, though willing to abide by Arce's decision.

[V-47] Both districts had seceded from the state government of Salvador, attaching themselves to the federal cause.

[V-48] He committed the error of entertaining peace proposals, which were made only to gain time. He endeavored to explain it away on the plea of Cent. Am. brotherhood: 'Puedo yo dejar de tener un corazon Centro Americano? No es posible.' Arce, Mem., 69. On the same and following pages is a detailed account of the action, carefully worded and extolling the bravery of his Guatemalan soldiers. The official reports are in El Sol, Mex., July 3, 1827; Marure, Efem., 19.

[V-49] The government of Salvador had in May made peace proposals, but the federal authorities rejected them. Docs., in Arce, Mem., 47-57.

[V-50] It was decided in secret session of the state assembly on the 16th of Oct. that the state had a right to intervene, and if it was ignored, and treaties displeasing to the state were concluded, the latter should detach itself from the federation, and its troops continue occupying the towns they then held. Arce's letter of Oct. 17, 1827, to Brig. Cáscaras, in Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 22.

[V-51] It may have been of his own seeking, for he must have seen ere this the great difficulty of conquering San Salvador with his small force, and that to continue longer in the field would only bring him into further disrepute.

[V-52] Ex-marqués de Aycinena, brother of the jefe of Guatemala, called the decree impolitic, illegal, and arbitrary. The serviles could see that it would restore the old congress, so hostile to them; and with a majority against them in both houses, they might have to resort to the dangerous expedient of driving away the senators and deputies at the point of the bayonet. It was ridiculous in them to rail against arbitrariness, when they had arbitrarily deposed Barrundia in Guatemala and Herrera in Honduras. It was arbitrary to keep the nation without a congress, which was their work. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 9, 23.

[V-53] Three brothers Merino, and a Frenchman named Soumaestra. Rafael Merino was made commander-in-chief. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 75; Arce, Mem., 77.

[V-54] Near the hill of La Trinidad the federal forces which had control of Honduras were defeated by Nicaraguans and Salvadorans under Lieut-col Remigio Diaz. Marure, Efem., 20.

[V-55] It is difficult to see how the Guatemalans could place faith on pledges so often violated; evidently given to gain time.

[V-56] This ended the second campaign between Salvadorans and Guatemalans.

[V-57] This army was to be used, first in subduing Salvador, and next Guatemala, where Arce encountered more and more opposition to his plans. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 81-2.

[V-58] The commissioners, as agreed upon, were to meet at Jutiapa. Those of the general government went there and waited several days; no Salvadorans appeared.

[V-59] The mutiny took place at Xalpatagua on the 9th of Feb. Marure, Efem., 20; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 83-5. Aycinena wrote his cousin Antonio, who was in the theatre of war, that in order to hinder all peace arrangements, measures would be resorted to that were unknown even to Machiavelli. The mutiny against Perks was evidently one of these measures.

[V-60] He alleged as a reason the unwillingness of Salvador to enter into negotiations as long as he remained at the head of affairs. Arce, Mem., 84-7. The real cause, however, was a resolution of the assembly of Guatemala demanding his resignation, and he was unable to disregard it. This course of the assembly was altogether illegal, but the time for the expiation of Arce's political sins had arrived. According to his own statement, he retired to his plantations at Santa Ana.

[V-61] This was the most bloody fight of the war of 1826-9, and opened the third campaign between Guatemala and Salvador. Marure, Efem., 21.

[V-62] Their supply of ammunition had been destroyed by fire, and their commander had received a serious contusion. This fight has been since known as the 'ataque del viérnes santo,' having taken place on good-friday, March 12, 1828. Id., 21.

[V-63] April 13th, action of Quelepa, in which the Salvadorans were defeated. With that victory, and another at Guascoran on the 25th of the same month, the whole department of San Miguel was brought under subjection to the federal government. June 12th, peace stipulations were signed at the house of Esquibel, Manuel F. Pavon acting for the federal government and Matías Delgado for Salvador, by which the former was to be recognized by the latter, a general diet was to meet at Santa Ana, and a federal force occupy San Salvador; but the Salvador government refused to sanction the arrangement, and the war continued with more fury than ever. Details on those preliminaries are given in Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 100-1. July 6th, battle of Gualcho, on the banks of the Lempa, in the department of San Miguel, between Hondurans and Guatemalans. The latter, under Col. Dominguez, hitherto victorious, were utterly defeated. Marure, Efem., 21-2; El Espíritu Púb., Jan. 18, 1829.