[V-64] Arzú had abandoned them to their fate. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 47-51.

[V-65] Morazan, Apuntes, MS.; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 53-4. Thus ended disastrously for the federal forces their third invasion of Salvador territory. The actions of Gualcho and San Antonio were the first in which the great Central American soldier and statesman Francisco Morazan figured as a general. Morazan will stand in history in many respects as the best, and in all as the ablest, man that Central America had. He was born in Honduras in 1799, his father being a French creole from the W. I., and his mother of Tegucigalpa, in Honduras. His education was such as he could obtain in the country at that time; but his quickness of apprehension and thirst for knowledge soon placed him far above his countrymen. He was of an impetuous temperament, and possessed at the same time great decision and perseverance. His bearing was free and manly, and his manner frank and open. These qualities could not fail to and did secure him the love and respect of his fellow-citizens, giving him an immense influence over them. In 1824 he was already occupying the position of secretary-general of Honduras, and later was senator, and for a time acting jefe of that state; but his temperament soon made him turn his attention to martial affairs. He ever after was noted as a republican of very liberal views. Squier's Travels, ii. 400; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 170-1; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 17. The writer of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 92, says that Morazan had been at one time a clerk in a notary's office at Comayagua, where he 'habia dado á conocer disposiciones muy felices, pero poco honrosas, para la imitacion de letras ó firmas.' It has been said that Morazan joined the party opposed to the existing federal government at the instigation of Pedro Molina. Gaceta de S. Salv., Oct. 3, 1851. A portrait of Morazan is given in Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 72.

[V-66] It has been asserted that he offered his services to Salvador, and was slighted, Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 97-8, which finds confirmation in Arce's own statement. Mem., 88-9. Squier has it that Arce went to Mexico, Travels, ii. 402; but this seems to be a mistake, for he was in Guatemala in 1829.

[V-67] A few days previously, on the 20th, the assembly of Guatemala decreed a renewal of all the powers of the state, with the vain purpose of removing one of the obstacles to the termination of the war. Marure, Efem., 22.

[V-68] Prado and Morazan offered peace to the Guatemalans on condition that the federal government should be fully restored. El Espíritu Púb., Feb. 14, 1829.

[V-69] He established his general headquarters in Ahuachapan, whence raids were constantly made into the enemy's territory.

[V-70] This took place on the 22d of Jan., 1829. The sedition, though soon quelled, rather hastened the action of Morazan with his allied Salvador and Honduras force.

[V-71] The repulse was so unimportant, however, that Morazan does not even mention it in his memoirs. Marure, Efem., 23; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 61.

[V-72] Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 123; Marure, Efem., 23, gives the 18th as the date. Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 14, says with reference to that defeat, 'Cerda acreditó en esta derrota su ineptitud y cobardía y el enemigo su crueldad con el asesinato de los vencidos.' After that the town was given the title of Villa de la Victoria; but later resumed its original name. This defeat was exaggerated in San Salvador, where it was reported that Morazan was besieged in La Antigua, and preparations to meet another invasion were hastily made.

[V-73] Morazan might have been besieged in La Antigua; for during his stay there he despatched a force to Quezaltenango, that should have been followed by another from Guatemala, and destroyed between the latter and the few forces that Irisarri might have brought against it in the hard roads of Istaguacan and Laja; instead of which, Irisarri retreated toward Soconusco, to be afterward undone and taken prisoner. Morazan's force occupied Los Altos, took many prisoners, levied contributions which Irisarri had failed to get from the Quezaltecs, and left the enemy powerless to recuperate. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 124; Morazan's Memoirs, quoted in Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 63.

[V-74] March 6, 1829. The disaster occurred at San Miguelito. Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 15. The place received, for that reason, the name of San Miguel Morazan. The Frenchman Raoul, now a general under Morazan, figures prominently in the military operations at this time.

[V-75] On the 15th of March. Marure, Efem., 23; Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 15; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 62-3.

[V-76] The federal force that succumbed in Las Charcas was commanded by their mayor-general, Agustin Prado, not Col Pacheco, as supposed by some. The federals had no general now. Cáscaras had lost his reputation, and was distrusted by the serviles. Arzú would not take the command, or was not trusted on account of his ill success in the third invasion of Salvador. Morazan had defeated Milla, Dominguez, Aycinena, Pacheco, and Prado. Id., 63-4.

[V-77] The representatives were, Arbeu for Vice-president Beltranena, Pavon for Guatemala, Espinosa for Salvador, and Morazan for Honduras and Nicaragua. The last propositions of Espinosa and Morazan were the following, namely: 1st. That a provisional government should be formed in Guatemala, composed of the chief of the state Mariano Aycinena, Mariano Prado, and Morazan; 2d. That the two armies should be reduced to 1,000 men, Guatemalans and Salvadorans in equal parts; 3d. That the provisional government should be installed in Pinula, and afterward enter Guatemala with that force to give it strength and preserve order in the state; 4th. A general forgetfulness of the past. Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 5, 16; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 65. It is claimed, on the other hand, that Morazan really wanted the federal vice-president and the chief of the state of Guatemala to throw up their offices, the legislative assembly and representative council to cease exercising their functions; and that of 1826, sitting at La Antigua, and which had made Zenteno chief, was also to dissolve; the supreme court of justice was to stop acting. Meantime, and until new elections took place, Morazan was to be clothed with executive, representative, and judicial powers. Under the pretext of restoring the sway of law and constitutional order, a dictatorship, emanating from a war treaty, would have been created, whose sole object was to reward the victor with an unlimited authority. The commissioners of the federal and Guatemalan governments refused to accede, and presented counter-propositions of a different nature, namely, to the effect that the existing high functionaries should resign their powers, and a provisional government be established, with one representative from each state, to govern till new elections and the restoration of the constitutional régime. There were also propositions respecting the government of the state of Guatemala. Full details in Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 125-9, 231-6, which are widely different from those in Morazan, Apuntes, MS., 16. The government of Mexico, at the request of that of Guatemala, tendered its mediation on the 20th of February, but it arrived too late, and there was nothing left for it to do but to tender the hospitalities of the Mexican soil to the victims of persecution. The full correspondence is to be found in Méx., Mem. Rel., 1830, 2-3; also in Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méj., 407-14; this authority claims that Mexican mediation might have been finally successful in restoring peace but for the opposition of the new chief of Guatemala.

[V-78] A long account of the alleged outrages of Morazan's forces appears in Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 132-3. Marure, Efem., 24, in referring to the capture of Guatemala, makes no mention of any such abuses.

[V-79] Morazan's answer was addressed to Gen. Aycinena, not recognizing the latter as chief of Guatemala, Juan Barrundia's term not having expired when Arce deposed him, in consequence of which act Aycinena rose to that position. The dissolved authorities of 1826 were now assembled in La Antigua, and Morazan held relations with them. Aycinena had changed his tone; he was no longer the man of the manifestoes of 1827, of the proscriptive decrees, nor of the stringent military orders of the first months of 1829. He did not now call his opponents 'un puñado de enemigos del órden, descamisados y forajidos.' Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 72-5, 79-86.

[V-80] Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 18, erroneously places the surrender on the 20th. The terms of the capitulation are given in Arce, Mem., 98-4; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 76-7. Only the life and property of the inhabitants were guaranteed; the vanquished were in all else subject to the good-will of the victor. José Milla y Vidaurre, in his biographical sketch of Manuel Francisco Pavon, who figured in these events, claims that the capitulation was contrary to Aycinena's wishes, who was ready to defend the place foot by foot. Montúfar, quoted above, denies the statement, adding that it was advanced solely to make the chief of the serviles and head man of the nobles appear as a hero, and refers to the correspondence, which will show Aycinena quite anxious to accept the guarantee of life and property.

[V-81] According to Miguel García Granados, who in later years was a liberal leader and acting president of Guatemala, Arce had remained unmolested at his house in sight of the besiegers during the three days' attack. Id., 103.

[V-82] This was done pursuant to orders from the governments of the states. So says Morazan himself, adding that the measure was in consonance with his own views, to reduce the number of prisoners to a minimum, 'y tenia tambien por objeto poner en absoluta incapacidad de obrar á los principales jefes que habian llevado la guerra á los Estados.' Apuntes, MS., 16-17.

[V-83] He took charge of the provisional government at the end of April. Mariano Zenteno, who had held the position ad int., was given a vote of thanks for his patriotism and courage. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 127.

[V-84] The federal authorities alleged that their soldiers only had 431 muskets, and not 1,500, as demanded from them. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 236-9. Morazan says that soldiers were allowed to leave the city with their arms, infringing the 4th clause of the capitulation, and he could get only evasive answers. Apuntes, MS., 17; Arce, Mem., 58-9, 98-103, from which the conclusion will be drawn that the charges against the federal party were not unfounded. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 109-17. On this subject Morazan himself said: 'No one was put to death, or had money exacted from him by me. The capitulation was faithfully carried out, even after being annulled. Duty gave way to magnanimity, and there was no cause to regret it. Not that there was no blood to avenge, grievance to punish, and reparation to demand. Among many other victims sacrificed, there were, calling for vengeance, generals Pierzon and Merino, the one shot, without even the form of a trial, the other taken out of a Chilian vessel on which he intended to return to Guayaquil, his country, to be murdered in the city of San Miguel. There were, besides, the burning and plundering of the towns of Salvador and Honduras, which demanded a just reparation.' Apuntes, MS., 10, 17.

[V-85] He called them to the palace, and some of them mistaking the object of the summons made their appearance in full uniform. When all were assembled they were taken to prison and kept in confinement till July 9th, when most of them were sent out of the country. Marure, Efem., 24.

[V-86] Marure, Efem., 24.

[V-87] Among its acts was one recognizing the services of Morazan, to whom was due its reinstallation. He was voted a gold medal, with the word 'benemérito' before his name. A full-length portrait was ordered placed in the hall of sessions. The decree, however, was never carried out. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 129; Marure, Efem., 25.

[V-88] 'Son reos de alta traicion, y como tales, acreedores á la pena capital.' Arce, Mem., 108; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 151; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 130.

[V-89] The text is given in full in Id., 131-4; Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 253-7; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 254-6.

[V-90] 'Y por lo mismo sujetos á la jurisdiccion militar de los mismos Estados.' Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 134-5.

[V-91] Crowe, Gospel Cent. Am., 131, erroneously asserts that all their property was confiscated.

[V-92] Arce addressed to Morazan a most virulent protest. He afterward boasted that he had bearded the tyrant. The very fact that he dared to send such a document, and did not lose his head, proves that Morazan was not a tyrant. Arce, Mem., 113-14. Antonio José Irisarri, Manuel and Juan Montúfar, protested before the assembly and government of Salvador, before the assemblies of all the states of the union, before Gen. Morazan, before all the republics of America, and before all the free people of the world. The document was drawn up by Irisarri, who was not a soldier, though a colonel of militia; the language was pure and elegant, but it was virulent and full of sophistry. Irisarri also in several publications boasted of his courage in having sent such a document. He must have known that it would not have any effect on Morazan. The latter was a generous man. The effect would have been different on Rafael Carrera, whom the serviles at a later period made their master, as well as of the whole country. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 135-6.

[V-93] Marure has it in Efem., 25; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 137-9.

[V-94] Portrait in Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 138.

[V-95] The senate, dissolved in 1826, was reinstalled July 9th. Marure, Efem., 25.

[V-96] Arce, Mem., 122-3, and Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 167-9, assert that they were not even allowed to make preparations for the journey, and many had furthermore to start on foot. The decree of expatriation was not, however, issued till August 22d, and José del Valle is said to have been its author. The persons thus exiled for life were Arce and Beltranena, and their ministers, Aycinena and his secretaries, Cáscaras, Villar, and other high military officers, Spaniards not naturalized that served the usurping governments, and many other prominent officers. Others were expatriated for various terms of years. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 144-50; Marure, Efem., 26. Arce and Aycinena left Guatemala on the 7th of Sept. They were required to reside in the U. S. of Am.; embarked at Omoa for Belize, and thence went to New Orleans.

[V-97] Dunlop, Cent. Am., 177, and Squier, Travels, ii. 408, speak of plots against the republic as the reason, but it was probably what the liberal party alleged.

[V-98] This step was subsequently approved by the federal congress. Marure, Efem., 25; Rocha, Código Nic., ii. 373. The friars sent away were the Dominicans, Franciscans, and Recollects. Those of the order of Mercy were not banished; they were but few, and had not been active against the liberal cause. The Bethlehemite hospitallers, who devoted their time to teaching and to the care of convalescents, were also allowed to remain. The author of Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 170, says that the exiled priests were on the passage vilely treated, for they were allowed only sailors' rations. Montúfar confesses that it is not likely that the 289 friars had the succulent viands that were usually prepared for them in their convents, nor the dainty dishes they were so often favored with from the nuns, beatas, and all the daughters of confession. As for the archbishop, he journeyed with every comfort. Juan B. Asturias, who made the inventory of his property, reported on 31st of Dec., 1829, that $218 had been paid for a saddled mule to take the archbishop to the coast; he was allowed $2,000 for the expenses of his journey, and $1,008.50 were given to the pages for conveying him and his effects. A person having all that cannot be said to be unprovided with edibles. Saint Peter would not have needed so much. Reseña Hist., i. 156-7.

[V-99] In June 1830 he was declared a traitor. It has been said that it was because he accepted a pension of $3,000 from the Spanish government at Habana. Archbishop Casaus was later appointed to administer the vacant see of Habana, and held the office till his death. The above-mentioned law was revoked by the constituent assembly on the 21st of June, 1839, and Casaus was restored to all his former rights, and recognized as legitimate archbishop. He was repeatedly invited to return, but never would do so. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 242-3.

[V-100] This declaration was subsequently confirmed by all the states. At a later time—Feb. 27, 1834—a further step was taken to consummate the suppression of monastic establishments, ordaining that the authorities should not retain the nuns refusing to reside in the convents where they professed. These measures continued in force till June 21, 1839, when the second constituent assembly of Guatemala repealed them, decreeing, consequently, the reëstablishment of the suppressed convents. Marure, Efem., 25.

[V-101] He had been declared elected on the 22d of Aug., 1829. Antonio Rivera Cabezas had been chosen vice-jefe. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 172-4, giving also a portrait of Molina.

[V-102] Because the number of Guatemalan representatives in the federal congress would be greatly decreased. Moreover, several of the best public buildings in the city would become national property. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 200.

[V-103] By his plan a congress representing the entire union was to wield the executive powers in foreign affairs. The scheme fell through, owing to the little interest shown by the states, and to the powerful opposition of persons holding or aspiring to federal offices, among the most prominent being Morazan. Mem. Rev. Cent. Am., 201-3, dwells extensively and comments on the subject.

[V-104] Full particulars in Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 205-17.

[V-105] This report came from Gen. Mariano Mantilla, commanding the Colombian district of the Magdalena, dated Jan. 8, 1829, and addressed to the jefe of Nicaragua. It was a long time in getting to Guatemala, and the government and Gen. Morazan at once made preparations for the defence of the coast.

[V-106] See my Hist. Mex., v. 72-6.

[V-107] Under this decree some of the Spanish property was sold; but after a while, upon the receipt of favorable news from Mexico, and when there was a quasi certainty that Spain would not again make such attempts as that against Tampico, the law was revoked. But property already sold was declared to be legally disposed of, adding that the former owners should not be indemnified therefor till Spain had recognized Central American independence. The texts of both the federal and Guatemalan decrees may be seen in Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 182-7.

Memorias para la Historia de la Revolucion de Centro América. Por un Guatemalteco. Jalapa, 1832. 16mo, 257 pp. The authorship of these memoirs was attributed by well-informed men, namely, Morazan, ex-president of Central America, and the distinguished statesman and diplomate of that country, Lorenzo Montúfar, to Manuel Montúfar, who had been chief of staff of the first president of the republic, Manuel José Arce. The work begins with the geography and political and ecclesiastical divisions of the country, accompanied with data on each of the states and territories; namely, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Poyais, Honduras, Salvador, Guatemala, and Chiapas, together with some remarks on mining and other industries, military defences, and financial condition. The political portion, as the author himself acknowledges, is loosely put together, and lacks many necessary details, which he attributes to absence from home when the first sheets went to the press. He claims, however, to have impartially and correctly narrated the events of Cent. Am. history from 1820 to 1829. This to some extent is true; nevertheless there crops out in places class-bias, particularly in describing the events from 1826 to 1829, by the ideas which prevailed in the moderado, otherwise called servile, party, in which he was affiliated and serving, and for whose acts he, like many others, was driven into exile after the defeat of that party on the field of battle.

Manuel José Arce, Memoria de la Conducta Pública y Administrativa de ... durante el período de su presidencia. Mex., 1830. 8vo, p. 140 and 63. This work purports to be a defence of his administration by the first president of the republic of Central America, against what he calls the slanders heaped upon his name by those who rebelled against the government and the nation, with documents bearing on the revolts, the whole having been prepared while the author was in exile. The book is a disconnected, disjointed patchwork, incomplete in its various records of events, and indicates, as does Arce's career, a weak character. A number of meaningless and inapt quotations from the old classics and from law-books help to confuse the narrative still more.

[VI-1] Most of them had been agents of Milla, and contributed to the overthrow of the state government. A number had moved to Guatemala, Salvador, and elsewhere. The most prominent in the list were the ex-provisor, Nicolás Irias, and Pedro Arriaga. The latter was sent out of the country from the port of Omoa. He had been Milla's chief agent and adviser, and brought about the destruction by fire of Comayagua, his native place. This will account for his hostility in after years to liberals, and for his active coöperation with the despots of Guatemala. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 190.

[VI-2] The pretext for the movement was to resist a moderate tax established by the legislature; the real object was to bring on a reaction.

[VI-3] The friendship existing between Barrundia and Molina, from the earliest period of their political life, previous to the independence, became weakened, threatening a disruption of the liberal party. The disagreement was increased by Molina's opposition to the federal government remaining in Guatemala.

[VI-4] The same who made the revolt of Xalpatagua, murdered Gen. Merino at San Miguel, and was defeated at Gualcho.

[VI-5] Marure, Efem., 26.

[VI-6] Forty-one of them, including the clergyman Antonio Rivas, were sentenced to military duty in the castle of San Felipe for five years. Father Rivas, after serving out his term, said that he was an innocent victim and a martyr of religion, and prayed upon the liberals all the maledictions of the 108th psalm. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 196.

[VI-7] Composed of the citizens Nicolás Espinosa, José Antonio Larrave, Manuel José de la Cerda, and Jacobo Rosa.

[VI-8] Barrundia did not want the position, and did not work for it. He wished Morazan to be elected. Morazan had in his favor the prestige of a victorious general. He was somewhat in the position of Bonaparte when he returned from Egypt. Valle was recognized to be the best informed man of Central America; none could compete with him in literary or scientific attainments. In politics he was always an opponent of the aristocracy, who execrated his memory, and even impudently pretended to deny his literary merits. But we have seen elsewhere that he was not, like Barrundia, an uncompromising opponent of all governments not based on democracy and republicanism. He compromised with the Mexican empire, was a deputy to the imperial congress, where he made a brilliant record, and became a minister of the emperor, who sent him to prison when he dissolved the congress. After the emperor's overthrow, Valle maintained that the provinces of Central America were free to act their own pleasure. He was a popular man, but Morazan's victorious sword eclipsed all else just then. Id., 268.

[VI-9] It was the same question that occurred in 1825 between Arce and Valle. The congress at that time, in order to exclude Valle, decided in favor of the former. Valle published pamphlets in favor of the latter principle, and the congress of 1830 acted upon his arguments.

[VI-10] Among the warmest were those of the legislature of Guatemala. The spokesman for the committee presenting them was Alejandro Marure.

[VI-11] This was a common course with our brethren across the Atlantic. Marure, Efem., 27; Squier's Travels, ii. 414.

[VI-12] This was on the 21st of Nov., at about 11 p. m.

[VI-13] Larrainzar, Soconusco, 80; Morazan y Carrera, MS., no. 3, 9, say troops from Mexico, which is doubtful.

[VI-14] Details on this campaign are given in Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 348-65.

[VI-15] The national armed schooner Deseada took the Ejecutivo. The Spanish flags that waved over the fort and the latter vessel were dragged through the streets of Guatemala, tied to the tails of horses, on the day of the national anniversary. Ramon Guzman was executed at Omoa on the 13th of Sept., by order of Col Agustin Guzman, who commanded, Terrelonge being bedridden by a serious illness. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 377-81; Marure, Efem., 29.

[VI-16] A man who, though amenable to exile under the law of expulsion, had been pardoned at his repeated supplications.

[VI-17] Duplessis died like a hero. His execution was a murder, similar to that of Gen. Merino. Both instances served as an example of what the liberals might expect if the serviles got the upper hand again.

[VI-18] Among them were a number of rosaries and prayers to the virgin of Guadalupe, supposed to possess the power of benumbing the enemy in the fight.

[VI-19] He is said not to have shown at the hour of his execution that courage which was manifested by his victims at the scaffold.

[VI-20] It was probably unfounded; and yet the fact stands that though often requested to make Arce reside farther in the interior, the Mexican authorities never did it. Arce recruited his men, issued proclamations, and built forts undisturbed by the Chiapanec officials, who, on the other hand, exerted themselves to hinder the action of the government forces.

[VI-21] This man was a servile at heart, and undoubtedly had secret relations with the invaders; as was shown in the proclamation of Dominguez and Father Herrera, in the praises the serviles awarded him, and in his rebellion. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 334, 382.

[VI-22] It is understood they were jealous in Salvador of Guatemala's influence in the federal policy. Cornejo claimed that what he wanted was reforms in the national constitution. Reforms were certainly necessary, and if they had been adopted in good faith by the states, the union might have been saved. The executive had no participation in the framing of laws, either directly or indirectly; he had not the sanction of them, nor could he veto or suspend. It was the senate, as the council of the government, that sanctioned the laws. That body, elected very like the chamber of deputies, was the judge of ministers and other functionaries. It nominated the officials, and at the same time had legislative, administrative, and judicial powers. The president of the republic had no independent place of abode, and was ever at the mercy of the state where the federal government had its seat; at best, he was the object of that state's benevolent hospitality. On the other hand, he was the target of all the assaults promoted by the spirit of localism for or against that state. It was therefore evident that a federal district was a necessity; one which the states would look upon as common property, and would foster and advance.

[VI-23] Galvez' record is not clean in the eyes of many liberals. He had belonged to the imperial party, and had been leagued with the aristocracy. He was a patriot, it is true, but his patria was Guatemala; his patriotism did not embrace all Central America. Such is the opinion given of him, with his portrait, by Montúfar, in Reseña Hist., i. 296.

[VI-24] Besides, Cornejo had officially said that Morazan had neither supporters nor prestige in Salvador.

[VI-25] Galvez had wanted arrangements made to repel invaders, but leaving Cornejo, though he disliked his indiscreet acts, in his position. Morazan was, on the contrary, impressed with the idea that Cornejo's deposal was a necessity.

[VI-26] The act outlawed all persons who having been expelled from Nicaraguan territory should uphold the authorities of Salvador. Correspondence with the enemies of the country, or any expression, verbal or written, favoring them, were made punishable by death. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 338.

[VI-27] Cornejo had consented to negotiate, believing the force on the frontier to be controlled by Guatemala; but on ascertaining that it was under Morazan's orders, and that Galvez had merely intended a mediation without being recreant to his federal obligations, his commissioners broke off the conferences under various pretexts.

[VI-28] It was a great mistake, perhaps, not to have given the state time to reflect, when it might have gone back quietly to the union. As it was, liberals were for the first time arrayed against liberals, and the shedding of blood begat animosities that never could be healed. The serviles, of course, gladly fanned the flame.

[VI-29] In fact, they hardly made any resistance. The president's casualties were trifling. Marure, Efem., 30; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 340.

[VI-30] The following facts are taken from Bosq. Hist. Cent. Am., lib. iii., chap. 14. Filisola in 1823 needed 2,000 bayonets to take San Salvador. In 1827-8, Arce, Arzú, and Montúfar failed to do it with an equal, if not a larger force. In 1832 Morazan with only 800 men made himself master of the place in less than two hours. The object of these remarks was to show that no credit should be given to Morazan's detractors in their attempts to lessen his military reputation. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 343.

[VI-31] There were 38 of them, including Cornejo and Antonio J. Cañas.

[VI-32] The new rulers, raised to power under the auspices of the victor, declared those of 1831 and the beginning of 1832 to have been illegitimate, and organized courts for the trial of treason. The decrees of June 7 and 26, and July 28, 1832, were severe; fortunately, they were not executed with the same animosity displayed in enacting them. Marure, Efem., 30.

[VI-33] Nicaragua seceded Dec. 3, 1832; Guatemala, Jan. 27, 1833; Salvador repeated her declaration on Feb. 13, 1833; Honduras and Costa Rica separated themselves, respectively, on the 19th of May and 18th of Sept., 1833. Marure, Efem., 32; Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 42-3; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 20; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 184; Crowe's Gospel, 134; Squier's Travels, ii. 417.

[VI-34] 'Todos los habitantes de la república son libres para adorar á Dios segun su conciencia, y que el gobierno nacional les proteje en el ejercicio de esta libertad.' Marure, Efem., 31. José F. Barrundia is said to have effectively fathered this resolution. Salv., Gaceta, Oct. 12, 1854.

[VI-35] July 8, 1833. Barrundia's speech in closing the congress is given in El Centro Americano, July 11, 1833, 57-69.

[VI-36] This jealousy had developed during the states' rights agitation.

[VI-37] Guatemala rejected this convocation by an act of June 2, 1833. Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 240-1. A project appeared in the Centro Americano of June 11, 1833, 28-30, to terminate the question of equal numerical representation in congress for the five states. It was proposed to divide the territory into three states of about the same population each, the executive authority to be alternately held by the presidents of the three states. The plan was impracticable.

[VI-38] The adoption of such a plan by the federal congress could not be secured until July 18, 1838. The decree of convocation issued on that date was generally accepted, and yet the diet never met till March 17, 1842. Marure, Efem., 33.

[VI-39] The correspondence between the state governments for the strict vigilance on the coast of that state appears in El Centro Americano, Oct. 18, 1833; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 41-2.

[VI-40] Pursuant to a resolution of the national congress of June 25, 1833. As early as 1826 the government of Salvador had tried to have the federal authorities reside at least 40 leagues from Guatemala. Similar requests had been subsequently made by other states; and even in the legislature of Guatemala reiterated motions had been presented to the same effect. But the federalist party, as long as it was in the majority in congress, strenuously opposed the removal, believing that it would bring about, as it actually did, the downfall of the federal system, and the dissolution of the federal authorities. Marure, Efem., 34. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 58-9, remarks that Marure when he wrote the first two volumes of his Bosquejo Histórico was a liberal; in his Efemérides, written later, he speaks like a conservative. The change of tone is attributed to the iron influence of the government from whom he had a salary as a professor. Lastarría, in La América, 250, erroneously attributes the transfer to Morazan's action to break up the influence of the oligarchical party in Guatemala.

[VI-41] The affray lasted five hours; the federal force being under Gen. Salazar, and that of Salvador under Col. José D. Castillo. Marure, Efem., 36.

[VI-42] Decree of vice-president of Sept. 1, 1834.

[VI-43] The legislature of the state had made a cession of the territory for the purpose on the 28th of Jan., 1835. On the 9th of March, 1836, the district was enlarged by the addition of Zacatecoluca. The national government had its capital in San Salvador till the 3d of May, 1839, when the assembly of San Salvador resumed possession of the whole territory that had been ceded. Id., 37; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 165-7. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 187, says that the district occupied San Salvador and ten leagues of territory surrounding it. Squier's Travels, ii. 419; Crowe's Gospel, 136.

[VI-44] The opposition came not only from the serviles, but from not a few liberals. It contained many liberal and equable modifications. Marure, Efem., 37, says it did not contain 'las alteraciones sustanciales que reiteradas veces se habian propuesto por las legislaturas de los estados,' for which reason it was not accepted by the states, except Costa Rica, which expressed assent May 7, 1835. Squier, Travels, ii. 422, also says that only Costa Rica expressed an acceptance of the proposed constitution, adding that the opposing states wanted different, and in most cases irreconcilable, reforms. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 169-73, giving details, asserts that both Nicaragua and Costa Rica accepted the reforms.

[VI-45] The assembly of Guatemala decreed, after hearing several eulogistic motions, that all the state officials residing in the capital should wear the badge of mourning three days; that the bells of the churches should be tolled morning, noon, and eve of each day; that a portrait of Valle, contributed by the members of the legislature, should be placed in its hall of sessions; and that the other states should be requested to make manifestations of sorrow for the loss of their distinguished statesman and savant. Salvador, on the 9th of Apr., 1834, decreed similar honors. Marure, in his Efemérides, 35, bestows the highest praise on Valle. 'Perdió Centro América, con el fallecimiento del licenciado José del Valle, uno de sus mas distinguidos hijos.' This remark is followed by a sketch of Valle's career, which has been given by me elsewhere. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 95-9, also eulogizes Valle and gives his portrait.

[VI-46] It was so formally declared by the federal congress, Feb. 2, 1835, with the clause that he should be placed in possession of the office on the 14th. Id., 155-7.

[VI-47] Feb. 15, 1835. El Correo Atlántico, May 9, 1835.

[VI-48] The first colonists, 63 in all, arrived from London on the schooner Mary Ann Arabella, under a Mr Fletcher. Their settlement took the name of Abbotsville. Marure, Efem., 38.

[VI-49] Many of the immigrants died, while others returned to England or went to the West Indies, but few remaining. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 191, makes appropriate remarks on the 'infatuation in Europeans to attempt colonizing on pestiferous shores, under a burning sun, where no native of a temperate region, not even those of the interior of the same country, can enjoy tolerable health.' See also Astaburuaga's comments on the undertaking. Cent. Am., 25. A glowing and favorable account of the enterprise was issued as late as 1839. See Cent. Am., Brief Statement, 1 et seq.

[VI-50] On the 6th of March, 1837. Marure, Efem., 39; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 353.

[VI-51] B. Lambur, commissioned by Galvez, jefe of Guatemala, to report on the origin and progress of the disease, wrote from Aceituno April 3d: 'There can be no doubt that cholera came by way of Omoa to Gualan, thence went to Zacapa and to Esquipulas, this last-named town being the focus whence it has irradiated with such velocity to the towns at present infested.' Esquipulas is a species of Mecca which people from all parts of Central America and Mexico visit in January of each year, to worship an image of Christ, to which countless miracles have been attributed. In the Boletin de Noticias del Cólera of Apr. 4, 1837, appear the following words, 'En San Sur han muerto muchos romeristas de Esquipulas.' Id., 351-3. The fact is, that the disease had been doing havoc in the towns near the northern coast since Feb., and gradually spread throughout the rest of the state and republic till toward the end of the year, when it abated. The first case in the city of Guatemala occurred on the 19th of April. The mortality in that city during the invasion was 819, or a little over the 44th part of the population, which was much smaller than in other less populated cities. Marure, Efem., 40. See also Dunlop's Cent. Am., 193-4; Salv. Diario Ofic., Feb. 14, 1875; Rocha, Código Nic., i. 215-16; ii. 163-4.

[VI-52] Squier's Travels, ii. 427-8. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 370-2, gives copies of the documents that were circulated.

[VI-53] Such as making them swallow the contents of their medicine-chests, or pouring water down their throats till they died, a circumstance that was always looked upon as an evidence of guilt. Crowe's Gospel, 141. Montgomery, Guat., speaks of an Englishman who was nearly killed by the water torture inflicted by an enraged Indian mob.

[VI-54] On the plains of Ambelis, near Santa Rosa, accompanied with imprecations against the ley de jurados and the so-called 'envenenadores.' It was the beginning of a struggle which, in less than two years, wrought a complete change in public affairs. Marure, Efem., 41, copied by Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 353; Squier's Travels, ii. 428.

[VI-55] Tempsky, Mitla, 337, says that Carrera was born in Santa Rosa, misled probably by the circumstance that the first Indian outbreak under his lead occurred there. He was born about 1815 or 1816, and was the illegitimate offspring of Antonio Aycinena, a member of one of the chief families of Guatemala, and of Manuela Carrillo, a servant in the paternal mansion. Through the influence of the Aycinenas he was immediately after his birth adopted by one Juana Rosa Turcios, whose husband's name of Carrera the boy subsequently was given. Such is the version of the author of a manuscript written in July 1844, and entitled Orígen de Carrera, in Morazan y Carrera, no. 4, 1 et seq., the authenticity of which is made doubtful by some inaccuracies in other statements, the object evidently being to give Carrera's descent a little respectability. Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 225, says that in 1829 he was a drummer-boy, leaving the army after the capture of Guatemala by Morazan, and retiring to Mataquescuintla, where he became a pig-driver, or, as Montgomery, Guat., 143-4, has it, a dealer in hogs, having risen in the federal army as high as corporal. Dunlop, Cent. Am., 195, followed by Crowe's Gospel, 141, and Squier's Trav., ii. 429, essentially confirms Stephens' statements. Belly, Nic., i. 75, adds that Carrera was for a time employed in the plantation of a Frenchman named Laumonier, near La Antigua. Montúfar says of him: 'Un joven como de 25 años, sin ninguna educacion, ni conocimientos de ningun género, pues no conocia siquiera el abecedario. Los primeros años de su vida los empleó, ya de sirviente doméstico, ya de apacentador de cerdos, ya de peon en los trabajos de campo.' The same authority refers to Milla's eulogies of Carrera, where the words occur, 'Carrera á pesar de su falta de educacion, y de los hábitos de la vida del campo,' which might have secured for Milla lodgings in the dungeons of the castle of Guatemala. The same writer repeats the assertion often made against the jesuit Paul, later bishop of Panamá, and raised to the position of archbishop of Bogotá, that he said at Carrera's death, in his funeral oration, that the man whose corpse was descending into the tomb was on the right side of God the father. All repentant villains are given some such post-mortem place by sympathizing ministers of the gospel.

[VI-56] In the early days they assured the Indians that he was their protecting angel Rafael, and resorted to tricks to favor the delusion. Squier's Travels, ii. 429-30.

[VII-1] On the 15th of June. Marure, Efem., 41. Gen. Carrascosa's report of his victory, with details, in Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 356-9.

[VII-2] Among the sufferers was Carrera's wife, which circumstance, it is said, awakened in him an implacable hatred. Stephens' Cent. Am., i. 226; Crowe's Gospel, 142. Montgomery, Guat., 144, states that Carrera was then commanding a few men of the military cordon established because of the epidemic, which he induced to rebel.

[VII-3] The hostilities now carried on partook more of the character of highway robbery than of orthodox war, both parties being plundered; but the liberals were the greater sufferers.

[VII-4] The provisional government constituted at La Antigua placed itself under the protection of the federal authorities. Marure, Efem., 42.

[VII-5] The division was created by José Francisco Barrundia. It is said that he joined the discontented because the jefe Galvez refused him a high office for one of his relatives. Stephens' Cent. Am., i. 227. But looking over the correspondence that passed between them in June 1837, the conclusion is that the cause of the disagreement was not a personal one. Barrundia opposed the convocation of the assembly to an extra session, and all the decrees enacted by it. The correspondence produced much sensation. Galvez ended accusing Barrundia of having adopted, when he was president of the republic, some measures similar to those he had now censured. The most serious charge against Barrundia was his persecution of Padre Rojas, to which the former answered that the priest had been at the head of the insurgents who proclaimed the Spanish domination on the Atlantic coast, and though outlawed for that offence, was not executed. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 377-407.

[VII-6] The battalion La Concordia mutinied on the 26th of January.

[VII-7] Stephens, loc. cit., places these events in February, but he is evidently mistaken. Marure, Efem., 43, gives the 29th of Jan. as the date.

[VII-8] At 4 p. m. of Jan. 28, 1838. Id., ii. 543.

[VII-9] Galvez well knew of the relations existing between Carrera and the revolutionists of La Antigua. The convention of Guarda Viejo would have saved the situation. Had the forces of the city, consisting of 411 men, been placed under Morazan, they with those of Sacatepequez would have been too strong for Carrera, and he would not have entertained the idea that a powerful party looked to him for aid.

[VII-10] Full details appear in Gen. Carrascosa's correspondence given in Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 589-97.

[VII-11] Among them were Miguel García Granados, the brothers Arrivillaga, and their relations the Zepedas, together with the Barrundias.

[VII-12] He was in all this affair guided by the priests. Barrundia was accused throughout Central America of having brought about Carrera's invasion of the capital. The serviles, who were responsible for all Carrera's iniquities, have endeavored to place some of the odium on that patriot, who had nothing to do with it. Indeed, had Barrundia gone to Carrera's headquarters, he would probably have been shot. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 573; Squier's Travels, ii. 432.

[VII-13] The chiefs of Sacatepequez had become convinced of their inability to take the city, or even to properly besiege it.

[VII-14] Dunlop, Cent. Am., 198, and Crowe, Gospel, 143, erroneously say it was on the 30th of January.

[VII-15] Marure, Efem., 43, places this event on the 2d of Feb., 1838.

[VII-16] Carrera himself is described as having on a pair of coarse frieze trousers, and a fine coat with gold embroidery belonging to Gen. Prem, which had been taken by Monreal. For a chapeau the new general wore a woman's hat with a green veil, the property of Prem's wife, who was known as La Colombiana. In lieu of decorations Carrera had on his breast a number of 'escapularios del Cármen,' symbolizing the religion he had come to protect. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 574.

[VII-17] It seems that a large portion of the men and women had never seen a city before.

[VII-18] The physician Quirino Flores, who belonged to the opposition party, and was an intimate friend of Carrascosa and Carballo, believing that his house would be a place of safety, induced the vice-president and his family to use it. It so happened that a small force of Galvez entered the house, fired upon the invaders from the windows and retired. The men fired upon were not of the force from La Antigua, but some of Carrera's savage horde, called from that time 'cachurecos,' who rushed into the house, fired upon the family, wounding one of the women and a child, and killing José Gregorio Salazar, the vice-president. Salazar was born in San Salvador in 1793, and had two brothers, Cárlos, the general, and Francisco, who as a captain was killed in action on the 23d of June, 1834. José Gregorio Salazar was one of the leaders in whom Morazan reposed the highest trust. As senator, president of the senate, jefe of Salvador, vice-president of the republic, and acting executive at such times as Morazan assumed personal command of the troops, Salazar unswervingly supported progressive principles. His portrait shows a fine and intelligent face. The murder of the vice-president, instead of calling for execration on the part of the priests, Duran, Lobo, Nicolás Arellano, Antonio Gonzalez, and others, only brought out their diatribes against the victim. Id., 576-9.

[VII-19] It was found at first difficult to elicit a satisfactory answer from him. The pillaging, though not officially decreed, had been carried on mostly in the houses of foreigners. Charles Savage, U. S. consul at Guatemala, has been highly praised for his intrepidity in protecting from the infuriated Indians the foreign residents and their property. Montgomery's Guat., 146; Stephens' Cent. Am., i. 233-4.

[VII-20] There being no money in the treasury, it was borrowed from private persons. Stephens' Cent. Am., i. 227 et seq., copied by Larenaudière, Mexique et Guat., 298-9. The facts appear in the records of the asamblea.

[VII-21] Had he resisted, the reënforced troops of La Antigua would in all probability have defeated his undisciplined rabble. This would not have suited Father Duran and the other priests, who expected their own triumph through Carrera's success. Those same priests aided Barrundia and Valenzuela to rid the city of himself and his men. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 584.

[VII-22] The priest who seemed to exercise the greatest influence on Carrera was named Lobo, a man of dissolute character, who always accompanied him as a sort of counsellor.

[VII-23] Los Altos, Manif. Document., 1-28. The federal congress ratified the separation on the 5th of June, 1838; the departments were, however, reincorporated a year after. Marure, Efem., 43; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 198; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 28. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iii. 9-23, furnishes a detailed account of the events preceding and following the separation. The provisional government then established was a triumvirate formed by Marcelo Molina, José M. Galvez, and José A. Aguilar.

[VII-24] Stephens, Cent. Am., i. 239-42, details some of the military movements, which are not of sufficient interest to reproduce here. Marure, Efem., 43-4, says that Morazan attacked the rebels on the hill of Mataquescuintla; 'pero despues de tres meses de combates, marchas, contramarchas, y todo género de maniobras, el ejército de operaciones tiene que replegarse á la capital ... sin haberse adelantado nada en la pacificacion de aquellos pueblos.'

[VII-25] On the 18th of June, 1838, the vice-jefe Valenzuela, and the deputies Pedro Molina, José Gándara, José F. Barrundia, Bernardo Escobar, Pedro Amaya, Felipe Molina, and Mariano Padilla, laid a paper before the federal congress on the war and its consequences. In this document they say, among other things, that it had been moved in the asamblea of Guatemala to authorize the restoration of the archbishop and of the religious orders, to abolish divorce, and to declare void the decrees of 1829, 'decretos que sostuvieron entónces la revolucion en favor de las instituciones y de la libertad.' They accuse the serviles of perversely attempting to render the representatives of liberalism and progress hateful in the eyes of the ignorant populace. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iii. 47.

[VII-26] Arguments, cajolery, entertainments, and every other possible means were employed to induce him to swerve from the principles he had always upheld. Barrundia looked aghast on their proceedings, and describing them, says it is impossible to realize 'el envilecimiento, la miseria ruin de este partido noble aristocrático.' The haughty patricians, represented by Pavon, Batres, Aycinena, and their confreres, fawned at his feet, covered him with flowers, disgusted him with their flattery, feasted him to satiety, and patiently bore his contemptuous rebuffs as long as they hoped to win him over. After their failure, sarcasm, ridicule, and abuse were heaped upon him and his name. Had Morazan's morals been equal to those of the serviles, he might have accepted the dictatorship, assumed the full powers, and then crushed them; but he was an honest man, who always acted in good faith. Id., 175-9.

[VII-27] On the 30th of May it passed an act declaring the states free to constitute themselves as they might deem best, preserving, however, the popular representative form of government. This amendment to the 12th art. of the constitution of 1824 was accepted by all the states, excluding the restrictions contained in the federal decree of June 9, 1838, which was rejected by a majority of the legislatures. Marure, Efem., 44-5. The federal congress passed, on the 7th of July, 1838, an act as follows: 'The federated states of Cent. Am. are, and by right should be, sovereign, free, and independent political bodies.' Guat., Recop. Leyes, i. 69.

[VII-28] It was the spontaneous act of the citizens of the capital, who, in view of the progress made by the rebels of Mita, deemed it necessary to provide for their own safety. Valenzuela resigned, on the 23d, the executive office into the hands of the asamblea. Marure, Efem., 45; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iii. 181-5. Crowe, Gospel, 144, attributes to Morazan the authorship of the act adopted by the citizens.