[XI-1] Molina, who denies that Carrillo was disposed to be tyrannical, but on the contrary anxious for the good of his country, adding that he was 'severo y sencillo en su conducta, y que paliaba su arbitrariedad con el ejercicio de las virtudes mas relevantes en un mandatario,' confesses that on the present occasion this great man committed a grave error. Bosq. Costa R., 103; Costa R., Dec. de garan. y bases, 24 mo.; Id., Col. Ley., viii. 15-36, 41-2; Salv., Diario Ofic., May 25, 1875.

[XI-2] The former was constituted with as many members as there were departments, namely, four. The latter was composed of a president, two relatores fiscales, and four justices.

[XI-3] He insulted them, however, by providing that they should be under the surveillance of the authorities. Costa R., Col. Ley., vii. 42.

[XI-4] He was married to a niece of Carrillo. Bonilla was faithful to him in life, and to his memory after death.

[XI-5] According to Col Bernardo Rivera Cabezas. Barrundia makes the force only 300. He had at first landed at La Union, in Salvador, with 22 officers of all ranks, and marched upon San Miguel, where he recruited 200 men, and then returned to La Union. He next visited Acajutla and Sonsonate, where he ascertained the state of public affairs in Salvador and Guatemala, after holding some correspondence with the chiefs of the former state and Nicaragua. The latter answered very offensively. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iv. 47-55, 145. Entertaining a favorable idea of the invitation sent him by the Costa Ricans, he sailed for the isle of Martin Perez, in the gulf of Fonseca, where he finally organized his expedition and embarked it on the vessels Cruzador, Asuncion Granadina, Josefa, Isabel II., and Cosmopolita.

[XI-6] Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 55-6; Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 14, 1875.

[XI-7] Costa R., Col. Ley., vii. 248-50.

[XI-8] Among them were Vicente Aguilar, Francisco and Mariano Montealegre, and Rafael Barroeta.

[XI-9] It is understood that Rafael Barroeta was the sole exception.

[XI-10] Carrillo was to leave the country with a full pledge of safety to his family and property. The convention was signed by Morazan, Villaseñor, generals Saget, Saravia, and Rascon, 5 colonels, and the other assenting officers of all ranks, including 5 Texiguas.

[XI-11] Carrillo left the state from Puntarenas. Bonilla was also guaranteed security. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iii. 615-19; Niles' Reg., lxii., 275. Both Carrillo and Aguilar died out of Costa R.; the former was killed, and his murderer executed. Funeral honors were paid in Costa R. to Aguilar, Aug. 25, 1846. Costa R., Col. Ley., ix. 289-90. The remains of both ex-chiefs were brought home by Presid. Castro's decree of Nov. 5, 1848. Id., x. 365-8; El Salvador Regenerado, June 4, 1842.

[XI-12] Dated April 14, 1842. Id., vii. 250-1.

[XI-13] A general order was given to prevent any interference with the elections on the part of the troops. Copies of Morazan's decrees to undo the evils of his predecessor, and to prepare for the reorganization of the state on liberal principles, are furnished in Id., 236-342, passim; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iii. 621-31.

[XI-14] Again on the 30th of Aug. it authorized the continuation of his government till a new constitution should be framed. The same day it reaffirmed Morazan's extraordinary powers, and on the 2d of Sept. adjourned to reassemble April 1, 1843. Among the most noted acts of this convention were the following: A vote of thanks and other honors to Morazan and Villaseñor, the latter being awarded a gold medal with an honorable inscription. Morazan was given the title of Libertador de Costa Rica; and on his refusing to publish the decree, the assembly specially requested him to do so. The army that brought about the change was honored with the name of Division Libertadora de Costa Rica. The assembly also made a formal declaration on the 20th of July, in favor of a federal republic. Costa R., Col. Ley., vii. 342-51, 379-82, 403.

[XI-15] It was strictly in accordance with the military code. His brother Felipe, in relating the occurrence, says that a disappointment in love, and his removal from the comandancia of the department, preyed upon his mind, 'le sobrevino una fiebre, perdió la razon, y se hizo criminal.' But he subsequently declared his loyalty to Morazan, and while lying on a bed of sickness was arrested. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 104.

[XI-16] Molina did not hear of his son's fate till after the 15th of Sept. Greatly agitated, and shedding tears for Morazan's end, his son-in-law, Irungaray, told him not to bewail the fate of Morazan, for he had spilled the blood of Manuel Ángel. These words so shocked the aged patriot that he fell senseless to the ground.

[XI-17] He was a Portuguese who came to Costa Rica while still young. In his early years he had been in the naval service, and acquired some skill as an artilleryman. He married into a respectable family of San José, and had numerous descendants. By the cultivation of coffee he made himself wealthy, and this together with his connection with the Carrillo family enabled him to attain the position of comandante general, and to link his name with some important events. At his house the worst enemies of Morazan had always been welcomed. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iii. 647-8.

[XI-18] There were two barracks in San José; one his guard occupied; in the other were 150 men from Cartago who had no ammunition. El Siglo, Aug. 16, 1852.

[XI-19] Morazan tried to save his wife; but in traversing the street to reach the house of the Escalantes, amidst the deadly fire, she was taken by the enemy and conveyed to the house of Father Blanco, a brother of Luz Blanco, one of Morazan's mortal foes.

[XI-20] He would have met with no difficulty in obtaining security for Saravia, who was much esteemed by all. But the case was different with others, especially Villaseñor, against whom much animosity was felt.

[XI-21] Herrera was a student when he gained this unenviable notoriety. He afterward went to Guatemala to complete his studies, and was well treated and much aided by Juan José Aycinena and Manuel F. Pavon; and he became their most humble henchman. Returning to Costa Rica as a lawyer, he was appointed after a while a justice of the supreme court. On many occasions he proved himself unprincipled, treacherous, and contemptible.

[XI-22] Over 100 killed and 200 wounded.

[XI-23] He had wanted to go to Tárcoles, expecting to find Saget there, but was dissuaded by Villaseñor and others.

[XI-24] The Spaniard Espinach, a reactionist of some standing who acted as a commissioner of the revolutionists, fearing that Morazan's popularity in Cartago might bring on a counter-movement, and in order to avert it, asked Morazan to instruct Cabañas to lay down his arms, and to command Saget to deliver those he had in Puntarenas. He assured Morazan his life was in no peril. His next step was to meet Cabañas at Chomogo, telling him Morazan was leaving the state by the Matina road with sufficient money, and advising him to disband his men. Cabañas was deceived, and went alone to Matina, where he was taken prisoner.

[XI-25] Marure, Efem., 56. Saravia was a son of Miguel Gonzalez Saravia, the governor of Nicaragua, who attached that province to Iturbide's empire, and a grandson of General Saravia, president and captain-general of Guatemala, who had been appointed viceroy of Mexico, and was shot by Morelos in Oajaca. Young Saravia's mother, Concepcion Nájera y Batres, was of the leaders of Guatemalan society, for which reason the aristocratic party expected much from him. But after completing his education, with evidences of extraordinary talents, he often gave expression to the most liberal ideas. Before being admitted to the bar in 1834 he had served in the office of the secretary of the senate, and later as a chief of bureau in the department of foreign affairs. He afterward held a judicial appointment, being at all times noted for ability and eloquence, as well as for his writings in El Semanario, which attracted the attention of Morazan, who made him auditor de guerra of the federal army. From that time Saravia followed Morazan's fortunes, taking part in several actions of war, and thus attaining the rank of general. He was also this leader's aide-de-camp, private secretary, and minister-general, both in Salvador and Costa Rica. A portrait of the young general gives him quite a distinguished air.

[XI-26] Among them were Mariano Montealegre, Juan de los Santos Madriz, and José M. Castro.

[XI-27] The most virulent were Luz Blanco and Herrera. They even worked upon the feelings of Pinto's family, and it is said that his daughter Petronila imagined that she saw her father sent to the scaffold by Morazan, and fell in a convulsion.

[XI-28] Morazan had demanded a trial. He also desired to address a circular to the governments of the states, but it was not permitted him.

[XI-29] He declared that he had expended the whole of his own and his wife's estate, besides $18,000 due to Gen. Bermudez, in endowing Costa Rica with a government of laws. This was his sole offence, for which he had been condemned to lose his life, which was further aggravated by a broken pledge, for he had been assured by Espinach that his life would be spared. The forces he had organized were originally intended to defend Guanacaste against an expected attack from Nicaragua. Subsequently a number of volunteers were detached for the pacification of the republic. He reiterated his love for Central America, urging upon the youth of the land to imitate his example, and fight to redeem her. He finally disclaimed any enmity or rancor toward his murderers, forgiving them and wishing them every possible happiness. In that instrument, says Barrundia, 'se ve diáfana el alma, noble, tranquila, y generosa del héroe que descendia á la tumba.'

[XI-30] The remains lay in Costa Rica till, under a decree of Pres. Castro, Nov. 6, 1848, they were exhumed on the 27th, and after paying honors on the 4th of Dec., were surrendered, according to Morazan's wishes, to Salvador, by whose authorities they were received with high military and civic honors. Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 368-9. Carrera afterward treated them with indignity. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iii. 656; iv. 219-20, 250-3; v. 650-2, 665-6; Testam., in Cent. Am. Pap., No. 2. Further particulars on Morazan's rule in Costa Rica, and on his death and interment, may be found in Nic., Correo Ist., May 1, 1849; Niles' Reg., lxiii., 19, 176; Nic., Registro Ofic., No. 2, 7; Squier's Trav., ii. 444-9; Wappäus, Mex. und Cent. Am., 361; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 142; El Progreso, Oct. 3, 1850; Crowe's Gospel, 152-3; Wagner, Costa R., 203-5; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 217-22; Belly, Nic., i. 73-4; Wells' Hond., 484-93; Salv., Diario Ofic., Feb. 14, 1875; Robert Glascow Dunlop, Travels in Central America, London, 1847, 8°, 358 pp. and map, is a work purporting to be a journal of nearly three years' residence in Central America, and giving a sketch of the history of the republic, together with an account of the physical peculiarities, agriculture, commerce, and state of society. Much of the information therein is correct; but on historical and social topics the author, who was a Scotchman, displayed narrow-mindedness, and a judgment warped by British prejudices.

[XI-31] In the latter—his native state—his last will was published in the official journal in the column of varieties with offensive remarks. These notes, and indeed the whole conduct of the authorities, were disgraceful. El Redactor, Ofic. de Hond., Sept. 15, 1843.

[XI-32] The priest Juan José Aycinena, who was the minister of state, hated Morazan with a deadly hatred from the day that his brother was defeated at San Antonio. This animosity became more intensified, if possible, upon Morazan contemptuously rejecting the dictatorship that was tendered him. Morazan said in his last will that his death was an assassination, as he had not been allowed any form of trial. But the worthy padre and his accomplice in iniquity, Carrera, attributed the crime to heaven, and made Rivera Paz, chief of state, accuse providence of aiding Vicente Herrera and Luz Blanco in its perpetration.

[XI-33] Honors were paid to his memory in the city of Guatemala in 1876; a statue was erected to him by Honduras in 1883. La Regeneracion, July 10, 1876; Costa R., Mem. Relaciones, 1884, 2-3, and doc. 1, 2.

[XI-34] Every abusive epithet was applied to him in the official press; tyrant, bandit, monster, were among the mildest. The aim was to make him appear in the eyes of the ignorant as the only obstacle to peace and reorganization; and the masses believed that he was the author of all the evils under the sun. Gac. de Guat., Oct. 28, 1842.

[XI-35] The subscribing commissioners were Manuel F. Pavon, for Guatemala; Pedro Nolasco Arriaga, for Honduras; and Joaquin Duran, for the other two states. Inasmuch as Arriaga and Duran were Aycinena's and Pavon's humble satellites, the treaties might just as well have been signed Pavon, Pavon, Pavon. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iv. 129-33; Guat., Recop. Leg., i. 395-408.

[XI-36] It is asserted that the Guatemalan government said that Costa Rica should appoint as her commissioner a resident of Guatemala. But José M. Castro, the young Costa Rican minister, thought differently.

[XI-37] They had led the revolt on the 11th and the following days. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 105.

[XI-38] So says Marure, now a confirmed 'conservador,' adding, 'y celebrados con entusiasmo en toda la república.' Efem., 56.

[XI-39] The expeditionary force of 300 to 500 under Saget, on hearing of the trouble at San José, went on board their ships at Puntarenas, thence menacing the government. Subsequently arrangements were made for the surrender of the arms and disbandment of the men, but owing to misunderstanding were not carried out, and the expedition departed for La Libertad in Salv. on the Coquimbo. Costa R. afterward claimed the armament and ship, but Salv. invariably refused to return them, on the plea that they belonged to Morazan's family, 'como ganadas en ley de guerra por aquel caudillo.' Much indignation was felt in Guatemala and Honduras, and somewhat less in Nicaragua, against Salvador, because the latter, notwithstanding the treaties of 1840 and 1842, and the protest to the contrary, had allowed Saget, Cabañas, Barrios, and their companions, to reside in the state under the protection of its laws. The first two named governments saw that for all they had manœuvred to make of the executive of Salvador a mere submissive agent of the aristocracy, he had now emancipated himself from its control. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iv. 4-5, 115-33; Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 105-6.

[XI-40] Costa R., Col. Ley., vii. 404-16.

[XI-41] Art. 3 stated that the idea was not yet entertained, which later was formed, of declaring the state to be a sovereign and independent republic. Art. 5 resolved the question of boundaries with Colombia and Nicaragua upon the principles sustained by Costa Rica. Arts. 4 and 10 established a fourth power under the name of Conservador, composed of no less than three councillors chosen by the people. Art. 9 places the legislative authority in an assembly of not less than 15 members. It does not establish two chambers. Art. 11 says that the executive office is to be exercised by a tribune, out of four to be chosen by the electors. Art. 13 was condemned by the fanatics, though it merely allows religious toleration. The Gaceta de Guat. exclaimed, 'Ya volvemos á las andadas.' Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iv. 383, 391-3, 417-18; Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 106.

[XI-42] All these acts, dated respectively June 7-8, Sept. 13, 19, 1843, appear in Costa R., Col. Ley., viii. 45-50, 63-7.

[XI-43] By the second jefe, Oreamuno, then in charge of the executive.

[XI-44] The govt was supported by the people and troops. Quiroz was promoted to gen. of brigade. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 106; El Mentor Costaricense gave an extensive account of the affair.

[XI-45] Pinto was an uncle-in-law of Castro, secretary-general, who under the circumstances surrounding the govt could not restore him to his office.

[XI-46] To give an idea of the situation: Cartago's deputies were three clergymen, Peralta, Campo, and Carazo. Heredia also sent the priest Flores. If the senators must be still more grave and circumspect, where could they be procured? Montúfar, Reseña Hist., v. 173.

[XI-47] His successor was Juan Mora.

[XI-48] Costa R., Col. L., viii. 352-3, 384-5.

[XI-49] He was a native of Cartago; a man of elegant manners, cultured without affectation, well informed on general subjects, and a highly respected citizen. Though not a member of the bar, he knew enough of law to successfully oppose the lawyers who constantly took advantage of the confusion existing in the old Spanish laws.

[XI-50] The chamber of deputies censured him, but his purpose of getting rid of the executive office was accomplished. Costa R., Col. Ley., viii. 392-3; ix. 23-4.

[XI-51] A wealthy man and head of a large family which gave him much social importance. During his short administration he improved the public roads. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 107. He also gave impulse to education, though under the old ecclesiastical system. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., v. 175.

[XI-52] Correspond. on the subject in Id., 184-6.

[XI-53] Fault was found with the clause requiring the election by the people of all public functionaries, including the ministers of state and judges. It was said the people should not be molested with so many elections.

[XI-54] The manifesto issued by the leaders comprised the abolition of the constitution, and the framing of another better suited to the needs of the country, the immediate election of a new vice-jefe, who must be a native of Costa Rica, not under 25 years of age, married, or a widower with children, and possess property to the value of no less than $10,000; one who had never been criminally punished, except by a pecuniary fine, nor attached for debts contracted in the state; he must have served in other public offices without taint, and must be in favor of independence and a separate government for the state. A new legislative chamber was to be immediately convoked, and the manner of election fixed by the chief; meantime, the present assembly was to continue its sittings. The chief was to select a good port on the north coast, and make a road from it to the capital with funds of the treasury. Costa R., Pap. Sueltos, nos. 1, 2; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 252-3.

[XI-55] His removal from the executive seat resulted from the intrigues of a few who knew that he could not be made a convenient tool.

[XI-56] It was divided into 14 sections, placed the executive in a president, and created a vice-president. The legislative authority was vested in a congress of a single chamber, presided over by the vice-president. The Roman catholic religion was the only one permitted, and it remained as that of the state and under its protection. Costa R., Constit., 1847, 1-24; Id., Constit. Polít., 1847, 1-118; Id., Col. Ley., x. 1-56; Astaburuaga, Cent. Am., 46-9.

[XI-57] Nov. 22, 1848, and promulgated by the executive on the 30th. A law regulating the election of the supreme authorities was passed Dec. 20th. Costa R., Constit. Polít. (ed. of 1850, 8°), 1-38; Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 347-408, 422-52; El Universal, June 8, 1849.

[XI-58] El Arco Iris, Oct. 14, 1847. Alfaro was not pleased at being lowered to the second place, even though he had ex-officio the presidency of congress. He resigned on the 1st of Oct. of the same year, and Juan Rafael Mora became his successor. Costa R., Informe Relaciones, ap.; Id., Col. Ley., x. 86-7, 160-1, 187-8.

[XI-59] Castro had enemies in San José. He was accused of bringing about Gallegos' dismissal. This assertion was repeated from mouth to mouth, and came to be believed by many. Moreover, some men that he looked on as his friends suggested to him unwise measures, with the view of damaging his administration. Unfortunately, congress began to show aristocratic tendencies, restoring the abolished compellations without opposition on Castro's part. The title of Excellency was voted to itself, the president, and the supreme court.

[XI-60] Castro and Mora differed on many points. The president's circle considered Mora a dangerous competitor. Congress treated Mora with marked indifference, though he had restored peace in Alajuela with only 200 men. He resigned the vice-presidency. An election being ordered, at the second attempt Manuel José Carazo, a friend of Castro, was chosen. Carazo was an able and well-informed man. He resigned the office on the 24th of Aug., but was reëlected Sept. 22d. Id., 190, 306-7, 310-12, 327-9.

[XI-61] Costa R., Inf. Relaciones, 10-12, 23-5. In Nov. of the same year all political offenders were pardoned, and a war tax which had been levied on Alajuela was ordered refunded. Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 269-90, 374-6, 410; Id., Pap. Sueltos, nos. 3-5; Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 107-8.

[XI-62] Congress took into consideration a number of petitions from influential sources highly commendatory of Castro's acts. Castro on the 16th of Nov. had been made a general of division. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., v. 525-6, 530-8, 543-51.

[XI-63] The flag had five horizontal stripes, of which the centre one occupied one third the width of the flag, and the others one sixth each. The centre stripe was red, the one above and the one underneath it were white, and the other two blue. Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 354-6.

[XI-64] France sent in April 1847 the corvette Le Génie to make demands on behalf of her subject Thierriat, which Costa Rica settled by paying $10,000.

[XI-65] Full particulars on the foreign relations are given in Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 9-10, 61-2, 112-19; Id., Coup d'œil Costa R., 3; Costa R., Col. Ley., x. 339-47; xii. 5-18, 94, 202-7; xv. 225; xvi. 195-6; xviii. 95-6, 171-88; xix. 107-9; xx. 24-8; xxiii. 184-200; xxiv. 171-97; Id., de 1869, 216-22; Id., de 1879, 61-3; Id., Gac. de Gob., Jan. 12, 26, Feb. 23, March 9, 1850; Id., Bol. Ofic., Dec. 8, 22, 26-7, 29, 1853; Jan. 5, Apr. 20, 1854; Id., Informes y Mem., Relaciones, 1850-80; Salv., Diario, Nov. 5, 1875; Cong. Globe, 1860-1; Smithsonian Rept, 1863, 54; Colombia, Diario Ofic., Feb. 14, 1874; U. S. Govt Doc., 36th cong. 2d sess., sen. i., 19 vol. i.; Id., 39th cong. 2d sess., For. Aff. (Mess. and Doc., Dept of St., pt ii.), 430-45; Id., 40th cong. 2d sess., For. Aff. (Mess. and Doc., Dept of St., pt ii.), 277-80; Id., 42d cong. 2d sess., H. Ex. Doc., 1 For. Rel., p. 7 (249-52); Id., 42d cong. 3d sess., For. Rel., p. xxxv. (158-61); Pan. Gac., Apr. 16, 1876, and numerous other works in various languages.

[XI-66] Nic. argued that the constitution of Costa R. of 1825 declared her boundary to be at El Salto, not at La Flor; to which Costa R. replied that the instrument alluded to was anterior to the federal decree, and therefore could not embrace Nicoya in Costa Rican territory; but after this decree the fundamental laws of Costa R. did take it in.

[XI-67] Nic. had demanded the restoration in 1843, which led to the making of a voluminous protocol, without any definitive result. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 229-31; iv. 382-3; Costa R., Col. Ley., viii. 3-4.

[XI-68] The treaty was made at San José, Costa R., on the 15th of Apr., 1858, and signed by José M. Cañas and Máximo Jerez, plenipotentiaries respectively of Costa R. and Nic., and by Pedro Rómulo Negrete, mediator on the part of Salv. The signatures of the secretaries of the three legations also appear to the instrument. The ratifications were made in due form, and exchanged by the two govts on the 26th of April, the same year. The treaty was approved by the Nicaraguan constituent congress May 28th, and published by President Tomás Martinez and his secretary of state, June 4th. Under its 2d article the dividing line was to be as follows: Starting from the Atlantic Ocean, the line to begin at the extreme end of Punta de Castilla, at the mouth of the River San Juan, and continue on the right bank of that stream to a point in waters below the Castillo Viejo, at three English miles from the outer fortifications. Thence a curve was to commence, whose centre should be those works, and distant therefrom in all its course three English miles, and terminating at a point distant two miles from the bank of the river in waters above the fort. Thence the line should continue in the direction of Sapoá River, which empties into Lake Nicaragua, following a course invariably two miles distant from the right margin of the San Juan River, with its curves to its source in the lake, and from the right margin of the same lake to the said Sapoá River, where this line, parallel to said margins, ends. From the point where it may coincide with the Sapoá River, which must of course be two miles from the lake, an astronomical line should be drawn to the central point of the bay of Salinas on the Pacific Ocean, where the delimitation of the two contracting powers will terminate. The 6th art. gives Nic. the exclusive control over the waters of the San Juan River from its source in Lake Nicaragua to the point where it empties into the Atlantic Ocean; Costa R. retaining the right of navigation in said waters for trading purposes from the mouth of the river to a distance of three English miles from the Castillo Viejo. Rocha, Cód. Nic., i. 137-41; Costa R., Col. Ley., xv. 75-6, 182-8; Id., Informe Gob., 1858, 12-13; Id., Inf. Rel., 1860, 6; Salv., Gaceta Ofic., June 7, 1877, 513-14; El Nacional, June 26, 1858, 10; Peralta, Rio S. Juan, 24-5; Belly, Le Nic., i. 359-62.

[XI-69] The treaty, after being completed and published in the official journal of Nic., was communicated by both govts to the foreign diplomatic corps accredited near them, as well as to their own representatives abroad. All friendly nations came to look on it as an accomplished fact.

[XI-70] Ayon did not pretend to deny that the treaty had been concluded by his govt, and duly ratified by the legislative authority of the two republics. He alleged that the fundamental law of Nic. established the limits of the state, embracing within them the territory of Guanacaste; and that the treaty in question ignored the Nicaraguan constitution, which prescribed that an amendment of it by one legislature must be submitted to the next for ratification; and this not having been done, there was a radical nullity. Costa R. replied that the legislative ratification in Nic. had been, not by an ordinary legislature, but by a constituent assembly fully empowered to amend the constitution or frame a new one. It had been called to make a new fundamental law, and therefore had a right to establish new boundaries. Moreover, that even if that assembly had not possessed constituent authority, but had been a merely ordinary congress, the fact still remained that a number of Nicaraguan legislatures had held the treaty to be valid and unobjectionable. Some attempts have been made in administration circles of Costa R., much against public opinion, to annul the treaty, in order to have for a boundary line the whole right bank of the San Juan, from Greytown or San Juan del Norte to San Cárlos, and Lake Nicaragua to La Flor. Were this supported, and the treaty set aside, the questions between Costa R. and Nic. would assume a serious aspect. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 231-4; Ayon, Cuestion de Límites, 1-26; Id., Consid. sobre Límites, 1-26.

[XI-71] Details may be found in Nic., Mem. Relaciones, 1871, 10-16, 29-39; Id., Gaceta, Oct. 3, 1868, May 4, 11, 1872, June 7, 1873; Id., Seman. Nic., June 6, 1872; Id., Correspond., 1872, 1-24; Id., Continuacion de la Correspond., 1872, 1-16; U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., 43d cong. 1st sess., pt 2, 732, 735, 739, 743; 44th cong. 1st sess., pt 1, 157, 168; Costa R., Informe Rel., 1873, 1-6; Id., Pap. Sueltos, Doc. no. 15; Salv., Gaceta Ofic., May 22, 1876; Peralta, Rio S. Juan.

[XI-72] Antonio Zambrana for Costa R., and Francisco Álvarez for Nic. Pan. Star and Herald, March 5, 1883; Costa R., Gaceta, Feb. 3, 1885; U. S. Govt Doc., 48th cong. 1st sess., H. Ex. Doc., pt 1, 59-61.

[XI-73] An extract of that treaty is given in Montúfar, Reseña Hist., i. 289-90.

[XI-74] The royal commission of Diego de Artieda Cherino, governor, captain-general of Costa R., issued in 1573, fixed the boundaries of the province from the 'embocadura del Desaguadero ó rio San Juan de Nicaragua hasta la frontera de Veraguas en el Mar Atlántico, y desde los linderos de Nicoya hasta los valles de Chiriquí en el Pacífico.' Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 14; Id., Costa R. y Nueva Granada, 9-10, 16-35. Felipe Molina being in the service of Costa R., and intrusted with the defence of her interests, his assertions might be by some deemed biassed; but the testimony of Juarros, the historian of Guatemala, who wrote with the official docs before him, is not open to the same objection. He says, speaking of Costa R., 'sus términos por el mar del norte, son desde la boca del rio San Juan hasta el Escudo de Veraguas; y por el sur, desde el rio de Alvarado, raya divisoria de la provincia de Nicaragua, hasta el rio de Boruca, término del reino de Tierra Firme.' Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 230.

[XI-75] The territorial division recognized by him was that made in 1810, at which time no New Granadan authority had a footing in Cent. Am. territory. A representation of the ayuntamiento of Cartago to the Sp. córtes in 1813 says: 'Costa Rica tiene por límites de su territorio el rio de Chiriquí que la separa de la provincia de Panamá.' Córtes, Diario, 1813, xix. 404.

[XI-76] Contract of Col Galindo, as agent of the govt. Molina, Bosq. Costa R., 100-1.

[XI-77] Copy of correspond. between the gov. of Veraguas and that of Costa R. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., ii. 272-3; Mosq. Correspond., 22-5; Pan., Docs. Ofic., in Pan. Col. Docs., no. 31, pp. 62, 66-70; Id., Star and Herald, Oct. 15, 16, 1880.

[XI-78] During the Walker war, a treaty was made at San José between P. A. Herran for Colombia, and Joaquin B. Calvo for Costa Rica, which does not follow the line on Molina's map. Modifications were made to it at Bogotá, and ratifications were never exchanged. Later on José M. Castro went to Bogotá and negotiated another treaty, which did not stipulate Molina's line. This treaty was not ratified by either govt. The next attempt was made by B. Correoso, on behalf of Colombia. His negotiations were mostly verbal, disregarding arguments for the straight line between Punta de Burica and the Escudo de Veraguas; and alleging that on the N., N. E., W., and N. W. of that line were Colombian settlements, which, under the constitution of his country could not be ceded. A treaty was entered into, however, which did not obtain the ratification of either government. In Costa R. it was considered a ruinous one. Correoso was charged in Colombia with having made a damaging arrangement. Pan., Gaceta Istmo, Oct. 20, 1841; Id., Crón. Ofic., Feb. 6, 1853; Id., Boletin Ofic., Dec. 25, 1870; Pan., Gaceta, June 15, 1871, June 19, 1872, Aug. 22, 29, Oct. 31, 1874, May 21, 1876, July 25, Aug. 4, 22, Sept. 26, Oct. 13, Nov. 10, 21, 1878, July 11, Sept. 12, Oct. 17, 28, 31, 1880; Pan., Mem. Sec. Gob., 1879, 13-14, 35-42; Colombia, Diario Ofic., Feb. 26, 1876; Costa R., Mem. Rel., 1851, 5; Id., Col. Ley., xiv. 54-5, 160-1; Id., Informe Gobn., 1880, 2-4; U. S. Govt Docs., H. Ex. Doc. 41, p. 64-5, vi. 35th cong. 2d sess.

[XI-79] Ratified by the executive, and sanctioned by the gran consejo nacional, of Costa R., Dec. 27, 30, 1880. Pan., Gaceta, Jan. 16, 1881.

[XI-80] Carazo, the vice-president, had done the same Oct. 26th. Costa R., Col. Ley., xi. 216.

[XI-81] At the same time he was declared a benemérito, and the founder of the rep. of Costa R. Id., 157-8, 224-5; El Costaricense, Nov. 17, 1849. The opposition, however, made severe comments on his policy as reviewed by himself. Anot. á la renuncia, in Cent. Am. Miscel. Doc., no. 20.

[XI-82] Mora was a Costa Rican of rare intellectual powers, quite conversant with her affairs; a wealthy merchant, who had travelled abroad, and by his frankness and liberality won a well-deserved popularity. El Costaricense, Nov. 18, Dec. 1, 1849; Costa R., Col Ley., xi. 225-6, 234-5. Francisco M. Oreamuno was elected vice-pres. Jan. 30, 1850. Id., 241-2; Costa R., Gaceta, Feb. 2, 1850.

[XI-83] Nic., Cor. Ist., May 2, 1850. In an address Mora depicts the situation, and the attempts of Quiroz and others to disturb the peace in San José and Heredia, together with his measures to balk them. El presid. de la rep. á la Nacion, June 8, 1850.

[XI-84] The decree was issued at the Hacienda de Frankfort en las Pavas, and countersigned by Joaquin Bernardo Calvo, minister of govt. He based his action on the fact that congress having declined to accept his resignation, he was made responsible before God and the people of evils that might result from the existing order of things. Costa R., Gaceta, no. 165; El Siglo, March 10, 1852; Costa R., Col. Ley., xii. 96-7.

[XI-85] José M. Castro, Bernardo Rivera, and Nazario Toledo. El Siglo (S. Salv.), March 4, 1852.

[XI-86] June 6, 1853, the president's salary was raised to $5,000 a year. Costa R., Col. Ley., xii. 236-7, 247-8; Id., Gaceta, July 23, 1853; Hond., Gaceta Ofic., June 20, 1853; Wagner, Costa R., 171-2, 506-8, 296-7.

[XI-87] Min. Calvo's rept to cong. May 16, 1854. The chamber on the 5th of June sanctioned all the acts of the govt, and passed a vote of thanks and congratulation to the president, 'por el acierto y prudencia con que la ha regido.' Costa R., Mem. Rel., 15.

[XII-1] The following persons held the office ad int. before him: namely, Patricio Rivas, June 1839; Joaquin Cosío, July 1839; Hilario Ulloa, senator in charge, Oct. 1839; Tomás Valladares, senator, Nov. 1839; Patricio Rivas, Sept. 1840. Marure, Efem., 64; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iv. 136; Wells' Hond., 494.

[XII-2] There was much dissimilarity of views on political matters between the two men, though Castellon had contributed to Buitrago's election. Many bitter publications appeared subsequently from the pens of the two adversaries. Perez, Mem. Hist. Rev. Nic., 48, 146.

[XII-3] They were not even allowed to enter the state, because of the treaty of Oct. 1842, signed by Pavon, Arriaga, and Duran.

[XII-4] The Gaceta eulogized him, and Pavon said that he was 'un hombre de órden que solo aspiraba á la justicia y al decoro.' Buitrago's position was becoming a difficult one. Morazan ruled in Costa Rica, had not a few friends in Nicaragua, and public opinion in the latter state favored a convention of states. On the other hand, he was anxious not to forfeit the good opinion of the nobles and nuns. Upon the news of Morazan's execution reaching Leon, he had it published with marks of satisfaction. He also objected, though not strenuously, to the landing of Saget and his companions, ycleped Coquimbos, in Salvador.

[XII-5] One of his first acts was to make Francisco Castellon his ministro general.

[XII-6] The new official journal, Eco de la Ley, in its first number declared that an Octavian peace reigned. And indeed, had Nicaragua been away from obnoxious influences, peace might have been maintained under republican institutions. But she was, unhappily, surrounded by states where for a time brutal force held sway.

[XII-7] The claimants were Bridge, Glenton, and Manning. Full details on the claims of the last two are in Nic., Registro Ofic., 109-10, 121-3, 132-5; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 55-6.

[XII-8] They embarked at San Juan del Norte on the 11th of March, 1844. Both have since figured prominently in political circles.

[XII-9] Selva had held the office by virtue of his position as senior senator to that date, when his senatorial term expired.

[XII-10] 223 votes were cast for him, the next highest receiving only 190. The other candidates were Juan José Ruiz, José Guerrero, Pablo Buitrago, Laureano Pineda, José Rosa Perez, G. Carcache, Patricio Rivas, and Rafael Machado. Nic., Registro Ofic., 47-8; Sandoval, Revistas Polít., 19; Dunlop's Cent. Am., 250.

[XII-11] To raise two loans of $10,000 and $30,000, respectively, and to regulate the financial system. Trial by jury was suspended. An amnesty was issued with many exceptions against the defenders of Leon. Nic., Registro Ofic., 69-70. Two portfolios were created; namely, that of war, intrusted to Lino César, and that of treasury, placed in charge of Jesus de la Rocha. José Montenegro was ministro general and of foreign relations. The administrative course of Fruto Chamorro, as supremo delegado of the late confederacy, was approved the 9th of May, long after Chamorro had vacated his office.

[XII-12] Under the decree of June 23d, the prisoners were confined respectively in Granada, Matagalpa, Acoyapa, San Fernando, and Nandayme, and subjected to prosecution by the courts. Many persons, specially the partisans of Cabañas, were given by Corral the advice—which was tantamount to an order—to quit Managua and not return. Nic., Registro Ofic., 90, 96-8, 101, 104.

[XII-13] The cause was the indignation at the sympathy of the government's agents for Malespin and Guardiola.

[XII-14] The treaty with Salvador bore date of May 6, 1845, and was ratified by the Salvadoran chambers June 3d.

[XII-15] The municipal authorities and citizens of the place, by an acta on the 29th of July, authorized Valle to take such action as he deemed best to upset the existing government and restore constitutional order. Montúfar, Reseña Hist., v. 139-40; Nic., Registro Ofic., 138-9.

[XII-16] Salvador was for a time suspected of connivance with Valle, but she proved the contrary.

[XII-17] Director Sandoval called them assassins and robbers.

[XII-18] The western department and Managua were mulcted in $12,000 as punishment.

[XII-19] His official reports of July 8th and 17th are textually given in Montúfar, Reseña Hist., v. 162-4; Nic., Registro Ofic., 128-9, 133-4.

[XII-20] It is inexplicable how these two men could serve in the same cabinet, unless under some one of very superior mind and character, which Sandoval certainly did not possess. Jerez was a democrat, a friend of Central American union, and an admirer of Morazan. Buitrago was the opposite—a conservative, separatist, and opponent of Morazan.

[XII-21] Leaders surrendering were to be dealt with by the civil courts; otherwise, if captured, would be tried under military laws.

[XII-22] Every one refusing to return was heavily fined. Chief-of-bureau E. Castillo's instructions to the sub-prefect, in Montúfar, Reseña Hist., v. 293.

[XII-23] Decree of Oct. 30, 1842. Nic., Registro Ofic., 126, 128, 138, 143.

[XII-24] Official reports of Dec. 6th and 8th to the min. of war of Nic., Id., 157-8; El Tiempo, March 12, 1846.

[XII-25] 'En cuanto al pasaporte, el Gobierno Supremo ama y desea mucho la felicidad del Estado, y no podría privarlo de su mas fuerte apoyo.' Montúfar, Reseña Hist., v. 284-5; Nic., Registro Ofic., 290.

[XII-26] He followed the example of Carrera in Guat.

[XII-27] Sandoval surrendered his office June 25th to the legislature in order that it might freely adjudicate upon his official acts. Once approved, he resumed the executive duties Sept. 2d.

[XII-28] Dec. 12th it voted an amnesty law with a number of limitations; namely, against persons entering the state with arms to disturb the peace; and against the guilty of murder or other atrocious crime. The govt issued, Jan. 9, 1847, a supplementary decree of amnesty. Sandoval, Revista Polít., 57-9. Nic., Registro Ofic., 390, 401, 407-8; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., v. 298-9.

[XII-29] Sandoval returned to Granada and was received with great honor.

[XII-30] July 16, 1847. This measure awakened much acrimony outside of the benefited department.

[XII-31] El Razonador, Dec. 29, 1847.

[XII-32] See Hist. Cent. Am., ii. 599-607, this series. In Nov. 1803, the whole north coast, including the island of San Andrés, and the Mosquito Coast extending from Cape Gracias á Dios to the Chagre River, was placed under the viceroy of Nueva Granada; but five years later the transfer was annulled, and the coast of Mosquitia restored to Nicaragua, to which it had been annexed by royal order of March 31, 1803.

[XII-33] He based his pretension on the following incident: The Caribs on the Trujillo line rebelled in 1807 betaking themselves to Mosq. territory, where they were captured by Sp. troops and brought back, together with some Mosquitians, as prisoners. King Stephen, successor to George, the man crowned by the British, threatened to burn Trujillo and to wage a border warfare if his subjects were not forthwith returned. The president of Guatemala, for prudential reasons, had the prisoners sent back. Am. Cent., Reclam. de Interven., 8.

[XII-34] Altogether about 76,000 square miles. Strangeways' Mosq., 4-5. Lord Palmerston, in his instructions to Brit. represent. in Nueva Granada and Cent. Am., spoke of a coast line of about 720 statute miles as belonging to Mosq. Squier, Cent. Am., 629, has it that from 200 to 500 miles in length, and undefined breadth, have been claimed.

[XII-35] Capt. Geo. Henderson took some in 1807. The chiefs expected higher marks of regard, but had to be contented with what they got. Henderson's Brit. Hond., 168, 204.

[XII-36] That was done, it is presumed, after the death of Stephen, George's successor, who was ruling in 1807. The govt, at the time of their going to Belize, was in charge of a sort of regency formed of the three principal chiefs, who divided the country into three separate departments. The first, extending from Roman River, near Cape Honduras, to Patook, was intrusted to Gen. Robinson. The second, from Caratasca, or Croata, to Sandy Bay and Duckwarra, including all the Mosquitians proper, was in charge of a brother of the late king, who bore the title of admiral. The third, from Brancmans to Rio Grande, including various tribes, was under Don Cárlos, called the governor. The three head chiefs had sub-governors. But the small colonies of Zambos, at Pearl Cay lagoon and Blewfields, could choose their own governors. Roberts' Narr. of Voy., 146-7; Stout's Nic., 168-71.

[XII-37] A regalia consisting of a silver-gilt crown, a sword, and sceptre of moderate value had been provided for the farce. The emblems of royalty were confided to the custody of Jack, an old negro, 'who, with wise precaution, kept them carefully concealed.' Squier's Cent. Am., 640-1.

[XII-38] Col Arthur, the superintendent, gave him much good advice to guide him in his government. Arthur's Letter, in Mosq. Doc., 122-3; Disputes with Am., in Brit. Quart. Rev., xcix. 242-3. But the good advice was lost upon his swarthy majesty. It is understood that every new king had been to Jamaica to receive a commission from the Brit. govt, his subjects refusing him recognition as their sovereign till he had done so. Bonnycastle's Sp. Am., i. 171-2.

[XII-39] He became a confirmed drunkard. Roberts' Narr. of Voy., 148-9.

[XII-40] Some parties accused of the crime are said to have suffered death.

[XII-41] George Henderson's British Honduras, London, 1811, 8°, 236 p., is a diary of the author's trip to and from the Mosquito shore, which also furnishes an interesting account of Belize and her resources, climate, etc., together with a map of Honduras, and ends with sketches on the manners and customs of the Mosquito Indians. Thomas Strangeways' Sketch of the Mosquito Shore, Edinburgh, 1822, 8vo, 355 p. The author, who calls himself a K. G. C., captain of the first native Poyer regiment, and aide-de-camp to his Highness, the cacique of Payais, gives with a portrait of that cacique, Sir Gregor MacGregor, a historical preface, and a map of Mosquitia, and the Poyais territory. The book also contains a descriptive sketch of that country, its productions, mode of cultivation, and other facts, all compiled for the special use of settlers. Peter F. Stout's Nicaragua, Past, Present, and Future, Phila., 1859, 12°, 372 p. With the exception of a cursory glance at affairs in Mosquito, on interoceanic communication, and ancient history of Mexico, this work is confined to the resources, history, and general features of Nicaragua, the chief object being to furnish a general description of the country rather than its history. The author was U. S. vice-consul, and his opinion on questions between his country and Great Britain might be deemed by a subject of the latter not wholly impartial. Orlando W. Roberts' Narrative of Voyages and Excursions on the east coast, and in the interior of Central America, Edinburgh, 1827, 16°, 302 p., preceded by a map of a part of Cent. Am. showing the route from the Atlantic to the Pacific, via the river San Juan and lakes Nicaragua and Leon, with an index and a preface by Edward Irving, is a little book descriptive of the author's journey up the San Juan River to Leon through Lake Nicaragua, and of trading voyages in which he was many years engaged among the Indians of Hond., Nic., and Costa R. His opportunities for observation seem to have been good, and his manner of setting forth the information thus obtained is clear and apparently reliable. On Mosquitia and her govt and people he gives much that is really interesting and useful. R. H. Bonnycastle's Spanish America, or a descriptive, historical, and geographical account of the dominions of Spain, London, 1878, 8o, 2 vol., pp. xxix. 336, v. 359, map and engraving, is mostly a compilation, poor in style, divided into two parts. The first treats of the Spanish dominions in North America; the second of those in South America. Everything is treated in a cursory manner, and the part relating to Cent. Am. and the isthmus of Panamá is meagre and trifling.

[XII-42] More details in Squier's Cent. Am., 641-3; Mosquitoland, 31-3, 38-40, 47-50, 225-9; Nic. Nueva Discusion, 6; Crowe's Gospel, 208-10; S. Juan, Ocup., 33-5, 45-9; Niles' Reg., lxiv. 130; Frisch, Staaten von Mex., 94; Reichardt, Cent. Am., 134, 140-1, 208-11.

[XII-43] At the court of Gracias á Dios, Apr. 19, 1820. The grantee called himself 'his Highness the cacique of Poyais,' and claimed absolute dominion over the Poyer district on the extreme west of Mosquitia, including the Rio Tinto.

[XII-44] The plan comprised well-equipped regiments of infantry and cavalry, a theatre and theatrical company, a band, and paper currency. Crowe's Gospel, 207-8; Mosq.-Küste und Texas, 28; Mosquitoland, 34-8; Quart. Rev., xxviii. 160-1; Eco, Hisp.-Am., July 31, 1860.

[XII-45] This settlement was called Fort Wellington, and was brought to ruin by a succession of calamities, including shipwrecks. Mosq.-Küste und Texas, 29-33; Young's Mosq. Shore, 53-9, 65-71.

[XII-46] It has an abundance of mahogany, rosewood, caoutchouc, and other valuable trees, and is capable of producing cotton, sugar, rice, indigo, and most of the tropical staples.

[XII-47] Slavery was abolished in 1841. Nic., Gaceta, Feb. 10, 1866.

[XII-48] There was neither church nor pastor in the place. S. Juan, Ocup., 13-15; Squier's Cent. Am., 661-2.

[XII-49] Macdonald answered Aug. 13th that the object of his visit to the coast had been to convey a message of H. B. M. to her ally the sovereign of the Mosquito nation, and to ascertain by his own observation the true boundaries of the Mosquito dominions, upon which point he wished to be enlightened by Quijano. He made further demands for a recognition of his demand, but the Nicaraguan official invariably returned a refusal. Mosquitoland, 29, 223-5; Niles' Reg., lxi. 98; lxii. 64, 275; lxiii. 19, 194; U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc. 75, vol. x., 31st cong. 1st sess.; Young's Mosq. Shore, 33-4.

[XII-50] An English writer says: 'This farce hardly seemed consistent with the dignity of a British officer, gov. of a settlement.' Dunlop's Trav., 215-16. Crowe, also an Englishman, declares it to have been an infamous act. Gospel, 212. It was not disavowed by the Brit. govt. Squier's Travels, ii. 449; Nouv. Annales Voy., xciv. 251-2.

[XII-51] He was left on a desert island on the coast. Marure, Efem., 54; Montúfar, Reseña Hist., iii. 612. Macdonald himself on the 15th made his acts known to the govt of Nic., alleging that he had been specially requested by many persons of San Juan to remove Quijano. The latter was undoubtedly a bad man, but no foreign authority had any right to interfere with him.