[XIX-35] By Cruz Ulloa and Marco Aurelio Soto. The treaty provided also for the surrender of common criminals, the concentration away from the frontier of political refugees; fostering legitimate and checking illicit trade; excluding Jesuits. In the event of misunderstandings, the parties must resort to arbitration. The treaty of Jan. 24, 1872, and the Rivas-Carazo with Nic., were repealed. Honduras and Costa Rica were to be invited to join it. Salv., Gaceta Ofic., May 11, 1876; La Regeneracion, May 16, 1876; Salv., Diario Ofic., April 1, 1879; Pan. Star and Herald, June 1, 1876.
[XIX-36] Costa R., Pap. Sueltos, no. 17. Gen. Indalecio Miranda, who had been proclaimed president in some parts, recognized Zaldívar.
[XIX-37] A native of Salv., he studied medicine in Cent. Am. and completed his professional studies in Paris. On his return home he soon had a remunerative practice, and came to be considered one of the best physicians in Cent. Am. His professional duties did not, however, keep him out of politics.
[XIX-38] He effected his escape from the capital disguised as an Indian with a load of grass on his head.
[XIX-39] In Feb. 1879 congress thanked the emperor of Germany for the honor of knighthood conferred on Zaldívar. In France he was given the title of officer of pub. instruction. The same month and year congress gave him a vote of thanks for his services. Salv., Diario Ofic., March 6, 8, 1879.
[XIX-40] He therefore saw good reason to tender congratulations to the representatives of the people on the promising condition of Salvador and the other Cent. Am. republics. Zaldívar, Mensaje, Jan. 5, 1883; Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 17, 1883; Pan. El Cronista, Jan. 20, 1883.
[XIX-41] Among the persons taken as leaders of the movement were Gen. Francisco Menendez, Dr Manuel Gallardo, Marcial Estevez, and Manuel A. Loucel. Salv., Diario Ofic., Apr. 16, 17, 1883; Pan. Star and Herald, May 5, 7, 1883.
[XIX-42] June 1st. This decree caused much satisfaction among all classes.
[XIX-43] The grounds for the convocation as stated were that the people had almost unanimously declared that some of the clauses of the constitution of 1880 were not suited to the national requirements. The Diario Oficial expressed the hope that the revision would give a more judicious application of the principles of a republican government, thus strengthening the public liberties without weakening the principle of authority.
[XIX-44] The govt was vested in three distinct powers: legislative in two chambers; executive in a president for four years; and judicial in a supreme court.
[XIX-45] He constituted his cabinet with the following ministers: Salvador Gallegos, of foreign affairs; Domingo Lopez, interior; Pedro Melendez, treasury and navy; Asun. Mora, war and public works; Luciano Hernandez, education; and Antonio J. Castro, justice. Guat., Mem. Sec. Rel. Exter., 1884, p. 6; Costa R., Mem. Sec. Rel. Exter., 1884, 5-6; Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 16, Feb. 23, 26, 1884.
[XIX-46] He visited the U. S. and France, being received with the honors due his rank as chief magistrate of a friendly nation. La Estrella de Pan., Aug. 14, Sept. 11, 1884; El Guatemalteco, Apr. 29, 1884.
[XIX-47] Proclamations and manifestoes of Pres. Zaldívar and the assembly of Salv., March 14, 15, 17, 1885. Costa R., Boletin Ofic., March 21, April 1, 1885; La Estrella de Pan., March 28, 1885.
[XIX-48] The Salv. official reports claimed victories at Coco and San Lorenzo. The attack against the latter was made at 10 p. m. of the 31st, and repulsed. Repeated the next day from 5 a. m. to 3 p. m.; the assailants were driven back by Gen. Monterosa. Costa R., Boletin Ofic., April 2, 1885.
[XIX-49] According to a Guat. account, an error was committed in not bombarding the Salv. stronghold, Casa Blanca. Barrios at 8 a. m. of the 2d led the assault on the N. E. side of the fortification with the Jiron brigade of Jalapas, which on that day behaved cowardly. Shortly after the assault, a little past 9, Barrios was mortally wounded, and forthwith removed. The Jalapas gave way, divulging to other troops the death of the president. Thus it came to pass that the first who saw Barrios fall were the first to take to flight, followed by men of several other brigades. To avert a disaster, the troops operating on the N. side were recalled. The firing ceased on both sides at 4:30, and the retreat to the Magdalena began at 6:30, the Salvadorans not pursuing. The same authority claimed that if the firing had been kept up an hour longer, the Guatemalans would have won the day, several bodies of troops having abandoned the town, and the supply of ammunition in the place being already scanty. He asserts that the Guat. loss in all the fights was in killed, besides the president, and his son Gen. Venancio Barrios, colonels A. Jiron, V. Bonilla Cruz, Urbano Sanchez, Major Gonzalez, a few other officers, and 200 rank and file. Campaña de la Union Cent. Am., in La Estrella de Pan., May 30, 1885.
[XIX-50] Further details may be seen in Zaldívar, Mensaje, May 4, 1885; Costa R., Informe Sec. Rel. Exter., 1885, 1-4; Id., Boletin Ofic., Apr. 5, 1885; La Estrella de Pan., Apr. 4, May 2, 9, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 10, 24, 27, 1885; S. F. Cronista, Apr. 4, 11, 15, 25, May 2, 1885; Mex., Diario Ofic., Apr. 4, 1885; Id., Monitor Rel., June 20, 1885; Id., La Prensa, supl. no. 162.
[XIX-51] The gov. of Salv. proclaimed peace on the 15th of April, and granted a full amnesty to all who took part in the war against Salv., and generally to all in exile for political offences.
[XIX-52] Though the gov. had made common cause with Barrios, it manifested a disposition to cut loose from the alliance after the late events.
[XIX-53] Costa R., Gaceta, May 19, June 24, 1885. Zaldívar well knew that there was a powerful opposition to him.
[XIX-54] Menendez was a man of energy and courage. He possessed good common sense and natural shrewdness. His habits were simple. Polite and unassuming, he always made a favorable impression.
[XIX-55] Costa R., Gaceta, July 1, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, July 18, 1885; La Estrella de Pan., July 25, 1885.
[XIX-56] Nov. 26 and 27, 1885. Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 9, Dec. 7, 1885. This state of things still existed in March 1886. Correspondence of March 1st, to S. F. Post, April 2, 1886.
[XIX-57] The supreme court would not recognize the right of the Salv. courts to demand it. Costa R., Gaceta, Nov. 1, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, Sept. 18, 1885.
[XX-1] A general officer then filling the position of civil and military chief of the department of Chiquimula. It has been said that Carrera, shortly before his death, suggested him for the succession. The conservative element claimed that for his abilities and meritorious services Cerna had won himself popular regard. Nic., Gaceta, May 20, 1865. Events will show that his mental calibre was very ordinary, being a religious fanatic, and retrogressionist of the old oligarchic school of the Aycinenas, Pavons, and Batres. He was a warm friend and constant associate of the jesuits, to whom he went to confession, if reports did not belie him, about once a week; so he must have had a tender conscience, or else was a confirmed sinner.
[XX-2] 'Su probidad, rectas intenciones, inteligencia, y larga práctica de los negocios merecen la estimacion y confianza de todos los buenos guatemaltecos.' Guat., Boletin de Noticias, no. 3.
[XX-3] It is understood that his father, a peaceable citizen of Los Altos, for some unguarded words against the govt, was taken as a prisoner to the capital, and cruelly treated. The son then had gone off to Chiapas, whence he had made occasional raids.
[XX-4] The govt deprived Cruz of his rank as a mariscal de campo, suspended constitutional guaranties, such as they were, and declared traitors all persons implicated in the rebellion, or holding relations with the insurgents. On the 5th of Feb. troops were despatched to the disturbed districts. Pan. Mercantile Chronicle, March 3, 1867.
[XX-5] One of his plans was to destroy the rum-stills belonging to a monopoly, from which the treasury derived a large revenue. The cry of Down with the aguardiente company! raised by any popular man would bring him stanch followers. Carrera himself had used it in his early days.
[XX-6] He had signed a pledge not to return to Guat. without leave of the govt, and neither directly nor indirectly to disturb the public peace. Nic., Gaceta, Apr. 27, May 25, 1867; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 20, 1867; Pan. Mercantile Chronicle, May 22, 1867.
[XX-7] Cruz and some of his officers were executed; others were sentenced to ten years' confinement in San Felipe castle. J. Rufino Barrios escaped, and his hacienda, El Malacate, being partly in Guat. and partly in Soconusco, an active pursuit of him was not easy. Guat., Boletin de Noticias, Aug. 16, 1867; Pan. Merc. Chronicle, Sept. 4, 18, Oct. 4, 1867. Barrios made another raid from his hacienda in Apr. 1838, which also failed in effecting his purpose. Guat., Gaceta, Apr. 29, 1868; Nic., Gaceta, May 23, 1868.
[XX-8] May 8th, suspended certain clauses of the constitution. The decree alleged that Cruz had been inveigling the Indians of Los Altos 'con promesas peligrosas de distribucion de tierras.' Cruz was declared amenable to the laws for his seditious acts of 1867 as well as for the present ones. All others concerned with him were made indictable for treason, if after the public. of the decree they did not surrender. Passports had to be obtained to travel. Guat., Gaceta Ofic., Apr. 9, 1869; Pan. Star and Herald, Apr. 17, 1869; Salv., Constitutional, May 20, 1869.
[XX-9] The distillery was destroyed as a matter of course.
[XX-10] The official report added that the insurgents left 24 dead and 16 prisoners; and that it was rumored Cruz had been shot in the heart.
[XX-11] Nic., Gaceta, June 12, 19, Aug. 7, Sept. 18, Dec. 18, 1869; Pan. Star and Herald, June 17, Sept. 17, 1869; Guat., Boletin de Noticias, Nov. 24, 1869.
[XX-12] Zavala was accused by the conservatives of political inconsistency, in that he had all along claimed to be a supporter of Cerna. Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 2, 1869.
[XX-13] The vote stood 31 for Cerna, 21 for Zavala, 5 scattered. Not a bad showing for the liberals, if we consider that the electors had been chosen under the influence of the oligarchic government. Id., Feb. 23, June 17, 1869.
[XX-14] In his message to congress Nov. 25th, Cerna acknowledged that the country was in a sad plight. He called his account 'un cuadro desconsolador,' and requested a postponement of the session.
[XX-15] The govt had raised a loan in London, and for a few months was able to tide over many of its difficulties, internal debts, and arrears due the army and officials being settled, and the treasury still having a surplus.
[XX-16] The government had supposed him in a distant department fleeing from its troops, when he quietly slipped into Palencia, a town distant 8 or 9 miles from Guatemala, in the night of Saturday. Feeling certain that the govt was ignorant of his whereabouts, and confident that the people of Palencia were friendly, he failed to adopt proper precautions, and even had high mass chanted for his troops in the small hours of the morning. But it so happened that the authorities of Guatemala received late in the night information of his arrival, and of the number of his men. An overwhelming force of Santa Rosa Indians, devoted to Cerna and hostile to Cruz' Indians, was despatched under command of Brig. Solares, who surrounded Cruz and attacked him before he had begun to prepare for his own attack of the capital. He made a desperate fight of two hours, however, behind the adobe walls of a corral, but it availed naught. His only chance of escape was in flight. A rush carried him and his remaining men to the edge of a ravine, and he had gone down half of the steep descent when a ball struck him in the thigh and broke it. No quarter was asked or given. He was slain while fiercely fighting to the last. His fleeing men were relentlessly pursued for several days, and such as were not killed in the ravines were captured and executed. Peatfield's Glimpse at a Cent. Am. Rep., in Overland Monthly, xiv. 163-5; see also Guat., Boletin de Noticias, Jan. 15, 1870; Id., Gaceta, Jan. 28, 1870; Nic., Gaceta, Feb. 5, 19, 1870; Nueva Era, Paso del Norte, Apr. 3, 1885. The victorious Solares was promoted to mariscal de campo; his officers also received promotion, and the rank and file one month's extra pay; but he lived to enjoy his new honors less than a year, his death occurring in Nov. 1870. Nic., Gaceta, Dec. 3, 1870.
[XX-17] It was exposed to the public gaze at the door of the hospital, where a photograph of it was taken, copies of which were sold at half a dollar each.
[XX-18] On parole not to return without permission of the govt. He and some members of his family had to sign a $10,000 bond.
[XX-19] Silas A. Hudson, the Am. minister, claimed that much had been due to his advice, and the favorable opinion had of his friendly course. U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., For. Rel., Cong. 41, Sess. 3, 444.
[XX-20] Cerna was blind himself, or tried to throw dust into the eyes of the representatives of the people when in his message of Nov. 25, 1870, he assured them that peace had been fully restored. Nic., Gaceta, Dec. 17, 1870.
[XX-21] The particulars of this revolution appear in another chapter.
[XX-22] The Boletin de Noticias said, respecting his movement, 'cometió el acto de demencia.'
[XX-23] So said the Boletin de Noticias of Guat., copied by Nic., Gaceta, June 3, 1871.
[XX-24] The preamble said that Cerna's govt had become intolerable by its arbitrary and cruel acts in violation of the constitution and other laws; that it had usurped powers, and had assailed the representatives of the people; it had ruined the public treasury, and compromised the independence of the country by contracting without authority of law a ruinous loan in Europe. Consequently, the people would no longer forbear with its tyrannical domination, and had resolved to set it aside. The following are the resolutions epitomized: 1st. To depose the tyrant and usurper Cerna; 2d. To appoint Miguel García Granados provisional president with full authority to reorganize a government on the bases proclaimed by him May 8, 1871; 3d. He was also instructed when expedient to convoke a constituent assembly for framing a new fundamental law; 4th. The officers solemnly bound themselves not to lay down their arms until these purposes were effected. Signed by Gen. of Brigade J. Rufino Barrios, Colonel Francisco del Riego, lieut-colonels Juan Viteri, Julio García Granados, etc. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 1-3 et seq.
[XX-25] He had been, he said, for 20 years energetically opposing the government's illegal proceedings in the chamber of deputies; and it had never dared to touch him until after its triumph over Cruz in Jan. 1870. García Granados, Procl., June 2, 1871.
[XX-26] A contemporary gives the following lists of bequests left by the conservative rule of thirty years. A large number of jesuits, well fed on the sweat of the people, and their acolytes and choristers; another large quantity of Capuchin friars who preyed on the inhabitants of Antigua, Guat.; about 200 friars and lay brothers in the capital, most of them lazy and stupid; nearly 200 useless nuns, of whom some 40 were in a state of insanity or idiocy, and in condition to be canonized; one archbishop, 2 bishops, 12 or 15 vicars and canons, and a high steward of church property, etc; a foreign debt of five million dollars; a nearly complete absence of public education, necessitating the establishment of at least 500 schools and colleges adequately supplied; few, if any, roads or bridges; no steam vessels; no adequate postal service; no telegraphs; no public lands, for immense tracts of unproductive lands were held by the church and by a few aristocrats. Juan Álvarez, Dos Palabras, 12-13. Prior to the revolution of 1871, which regenerated the country, the capital wore a monkish and funereal look. After the triumph of this movement, abuses were eradicated, anachronisms disappeared, and modern ideas began to prevail. Batres, A Sketch of Guat., 16-17.
[XX-27] The men had been pressed into the service, and moreover, dreading the superior arms of their opponents, in several instances fled at the first onset, throwing down their arms.
[XX-28] It has been averred that he partook of some coffee which had been drugged.
[XX-29] Cerna must either pursue, giving him a vantage-ground, or rush to the defence of the capital, making the success of the revolution equally certain, for the whole country would then rise against his detested rule.
[XX-30] An unfortunate circumstance occurred. A portion of the troops with which Julio G. Granados had forced the passage of the ravine, going toward the farm of Dieguez, encountered two companies of Solares' men, and the two forces mistaking one another for the enemy, fought some minutes; some men were wounded, and a field-officer named Juan Solórzano was slain. Guat., Boletin de Noticias, Aug. 4, 1871; Nic., Gaceta, Sept. 16, 1871.
[XX-31] They all behaved well; but special credit must be given, not only to the chief and Barrios, but to Solares and Viteri, who struck decisive blows.
[XX-32] Cerna fled to Chiquimula with a few followers. The Indians were still faithful to him, and begged he should lead them to the field in defence of his cause; but he knew any such effort must end in disaster, and refused. He then continued his flight to Honduras. Most of his ministers also escaped. Indeed, no effort was made to detain them, or other men of the fallen administration, it being considered a better policy not to be hampered with the responsibility of disposing of them. The old minister of war remained behind and was not molested. Full particulars on the campaign are given in Salv., El Republicano, July 3, 1871; Id., Diario Ofic., July 11, 12, 1879; Nic., Gaceta, July 21, 1871; Costa R., Informe Min. Rel., 1872, 14; Id., Boletin Ofic., March 22, 1885; J. J. Peatfield's Glimpse at a Cent. Am. Rep., in Overland Monthly, xiv. 166-7; Un Guatemalteco, Cartas, 6-9; Uriarte, Observ., 4-6.
[XX-33] There were not wanting men who reproached García Granados for his generosity to the vanquished.
[XX-34] Congress had ceased to exist; the heads of important offices had fled; the treasury was empty. There was danger to be apprehended from the radical element among the liberals, composed of a large portion of the mechanics and artisans, who claimed that the change had mainly resulted from their influence, and they now wished to dictate measures which the new government could not decree. Their violent feeling was manifested specially toward the jesuits and other religious orders. Their discussions in the club de los artesanos, and elsewhere, often disclosed a marked suspicion of and conveyed warnings to the authorities. There were also misgivings about Barrios' intentions. Indeed, many believed that though not actually at the head of affairs, he had the control; even after leaving the city, he was supposed to aspire to the presidency, to which he would have himself elected as soon as the constituent assembly should meet. Meantime, it was said, he would allow García Granados to put the disrupted state in order, and enact the needed measures.
[XX-35] Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 3-4. It recognized freedom of speech and of the press, though requiring publications to bear the signatures of their authors. Champerico was made a port of entry for both export and import, which the people of Los Altos had loudly demanded. The cultivation and sale of tobacco were declared free to all; and the importation of Chiapas rum was permitted. Nic., Gaceta, Aug. 5, 1871.
[XX-36] He denied that his government had ever contemplated wounding the religious feelings of the nation.
[XX-37] The power of the church had been almost as great as that of the government. Under the constitution the church nominated a number of deputies to the assembly, and was the only one recognized or tolerated. Its influence in the assembly had been large, and its interests were well represented. Crosby's Statement, MS., 91, 110-11. This influence had always been exercised to uphold the despotic sway of the oligarchs.
[XX-38] The rebels were routed Sept. 24th at Santa Rosa by the forces under Barrios, and again the 28th at Jalapa. They lost their artillery, other arms, and much ammunition. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 13-15; Nic., Gaceta, Nov. 4, 1871; El Porvenir de Nic., Oct. 1, 1871.
[XX-39] Id., Nov. 26, 1871; Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 24-5.
[XX-40] Decree no. 59, in Boletin Ofic., no. 52. The order had been removed from Guat. by command of King Cárlos III., in 1767, its members leaving the capital on the 1st of July for the coast, and being embarked for Spain. Hist. of Mex., iii. 432-3, this series. But a law of June 7, 1851, sanctioned by the assembly Nov. 5th, authorized their permanent reëstablishment, revoking all other laws or decrees to the contrary, notably one of 1845, notwithstanding the many protests made against the measure. The most plausible pretext for the restoration of the jesuits had been the alleged scarcity of competent priests for the work of spreading the gospel; which was equivalent to saying that the 300 priests living in the republic were both insufficient and incapable. The real object of the hasty reintroduction of the order was said to be the aggrandizement of the house of Canon Juan José Aycinena, closely connected by family ties with Manuel F. Pavon and Luis Batres. Aycinena had pledged himself to bring the order in, and in exchange for this service it was to influence his appointment as archbishop of Guatemala. It was a well-understood bargain. Guat., Carta al Ilmo. Sr. Arzob. por un Catól. Apostól. romano, Guat., Aug. 20, 1851, in Cent. Am. Pamph., v. no. 12.
[XX-41] Report of the comandante of San José, in Boletin Ofic., Sept. 25, 1871; Guat., Recop. Ley., iii. 290; Id., Gob. Democ., i. 89-90; El Porvenir de Nic., Oct. 22, 1871; Costa R., Gaceta, June 9, 1885; Mex., Diario Ofic., Oct. 15, 1871.
[XX-42] The jesuits fared no better in Salvador, where the constituent assembly, being consulted as to whether they should be allowed to enter, resolved that their presence in the country would not be beneficial. Only four votes were cast in their favor. El Porvenir de Nic., Oct. 1, 1871. A few who lived in Salv. were made to depart in 1872, and forbidden to reënter. A treaty was made with Guat., under which neither government was ever after to allow jesuits to reside within their respective territories. Id., March 24, 1872; Ore. Uana, Refutacion, 1-11.
[XX-43] The decree was issued with the clause that any deficit experienced by the archdiocese in consequence should be covered out of the pub. treasury. Decree of Dec. 22, 1871, in Guat., Recop. Ley., iii. 290; Id., Gob. Democ., i. 23-6, 70-1.
[XX-44] The decree contained nine articles, and regulated the manner of disposing of the property which had belonged to these associations. The religious orders thus suppressed were those of the Franciscans, and recollects, dominicans, mercedari, clergymen of the oratory of Saint Philip de Neri, jesuits, paulists, and lastly the capuchins, otherwise called bethlehemites. These capuchins were natives of Spain, most of whom had been partisans of the pretender called Cárlos V. They occupied a convent which had belonged to the bethlehemites, when they were taken by a military guard to the coast and shipped away, with orders never to return. They had made themselves particularly obnoxious, and not being citizens of the country, the gov. was free to make them leave. Friars who were natives of Cent. Am. were permitted to remain, and given a monthly allowance for their support; but forbidden to show themselves in public with their habits on. Nic., Semanal Nic., July 4, 1872; Id., Gaceta, Aug. 3, 1872; El Porvenir de Nic., July 14, 1872; Guat., Recop. Ley., iii. 290-1; Id., Gob. Democ., i. 91, 101-2; Peatfield's Glimpse, in S. F. Overland Monthly, xiv. 159; S. F. Post, July 2, 1872.
[XX-45] With toleration of all religious sects throughout the republic. This subject was being discussed in the constituent assembly, with much opposition to the clause being inserted in the fundamental law. The govt then cut the gordian knot. Later other decrees were passed, further curtailing eccles. jurisdiction, including the secularization of cemeteries. Guat., Mem. Sec. Gob., Justicia, etc., 1880, 2-5; Id., 1882, 11-12; Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 159-61; El Porvenir de Nic., Apr. 27, 1873.
[XX-46] Placing a notice on the convent door that any one entering it without permission of the ecclesiastic authority would be excommunicated. The nuns had been kept away from intercourse with their relatives, and the civil authorities had been debarred access to them. The official journal said, March 6th, that history and indisputable facts proved they had not always been the abode either of justice, morality, or true religion. The removal of the teresas, capuchinas, and claras to the Santa Catarina was made under the personal inspection of the jefe político of the department. Their number was about 126, and most of them were natives of the other Cent. Am. republics. Pan. Star and Herald, March 24, 1873.
[XX-47] The property of all religious houses having been confiscated, each one of these ex-nuns was allowed a life pension of $12 per month. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., ii. 13-14, 58, 64-5, 205.
[XX-48] The work was against Guat. and Salv. Costa R. was expected to side with the latter. Nicaragua's administration was not well disposed toward them. Guat., El Centro Americano, Feb. 19, 1872; El Porvenir de Nic., May 5, 1872.
[XX-49] Martial law was established, together with stringent rules for dealing with rebels. Freedom of the press was temporarily suspended. This last measure was repealed in May. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 73-5, 80-1, 95-100; Nic., Gaceta, Feb. 24, 1872.
[XX-50] García Granados' decree of May 8, 1872. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 87-8; U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 42, Sess. 3, i. 518; Nic., Semanal Nic., May 30, 1872.
[XX-51] Salv., Diario Ofic., March 19, 1876; Nic., Semanal Nic., May 30, June 6, July 4, 1872; Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 88, 102.
[XX-52] F. Alburez, in treasury; José M. Samayoa, in fomento; Víctor Zavala, in war; Ramirez ad int., in foreign relations; M. A. Soto ad int., in government, justice, and eccles. affairs.
[XX-53] Notwithstanding that his conduct had been seditious in 1871, he had been given the rank of col, and the offices of jefe político and comandante de armas of Amatitlan. Barrios, Procl., at Quezaltenango, Jan. 23, 1873.
[XX-54] Cerna had declined to take any part in the movement. The defeat of the rebels by Solares at Las Arrayanas and Cumbres de los Ajos on March 10th, with the loss of several prominent men, reduced them to straits. Id., i. 155-6, 177-80; Nic., Semanal Nic., Feb. 20, March 6, May 8, July 24, Aug. 21, 1873; El Porvenir de Nic., Feb. 23, March 28, Apr. 6, 27, 1873; Pan. Star and Herald, March 11, 22, May 13, June 12, 1873; El Monitor Repub., Apr. 18, 1873.
[XX-55] The office had been in charge of Barrios since Feb. 11th. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 155. During this tenure Barrios called for a forced loan. On the 15th he summoned to his presence at the comandancia general a number of citizens, one of whom imprudently said that he would go armed to punish any insult. Barrios accused them of hostility to the government, and of rendering pecuniary assistance to the insurgents. He warned them of their danger, and suggested the expediency of their aiding the govt to bring the insurrection to an end. It is said that the armed one, Rafael Batres, a son of the late minister of state, two or three times laughed in a contemptuous manner, enraging Barrios, who walked up to him, tore open his coat, and pulled out of it a revolver, upbraiding him as a coward and would-be murderer; then ordered that 100 blows should be inflicted on his back with a supple stick or rod, such as was used to punish private soldiers. Batres received his punishment, and was afterward sent to jail. The other men were also confined in the common jail, and the next morning were brought with shackles on through the streets to the comandancia, and told that they would not be released till they signed bonds to pay their respective shares of the forced loan; after doing which they were set at liberty. Julian Volio, ex-minister of Costa R. and Guat., did not receive any ill treatment, but was made to leave the country. Batres was also banished. Referring to this incident in a message to congress, he said that the rebellion had been instigated with the pretext that religion was menaced. His measures he confessed had been severe, but necessary. The result realized his expectations, for as soon as these men ceased furnishing resources to the rebellion it collapsed. Barrios, Mensaje, Sept. 11, 1876, 5-6.
[XX-56] It was called Dec. 11, 1871. Id., i. 53-69, 83-4; El Porvenir de Nic., Feb. 11, May 5, 1872; Salv., Gaceta, Sept. 9, 1876.
[XX-57] All proposed amendments to the old constitution had been rejected as not adequate to the present requirements of the country. Nic., Semanal Nic., Oct. 10, 1872.
[XX-58] García Granados, who on the 2d of June had been declared a benemérito de la patria, after surrendering the presidency, made a visit to Europe, returning in March 1874, when he was cordially welcomed by all classes. His death occurred Sept. 8, 1878, and was much deplored. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 182-3; Salv., Diario Ofic., Sept. 12, 1878; Pan. Star and Herald, Oct. 6, 1880.
[XXI-1] Costa R., Boletin Ofic., March 22, 1885.
[XXI-2] He rose to prominence by military prowess, and yet knew but little of the military art. His enemies would not even concede him courage, or that he had risen by any effort of his own, but merely by circumstances. Un Guatemalteco, Cartas, 6-8.
[XXI-3] I will quote in corroboration what foreign correspondents said. Barrios' administration in 1875 was enjoying the confidence of the people, and had the support of public opinion. He had in his favor not only the testimony of the liberal portion of the Cent. Am. press, but of intelligent travellers just from the theatre of his so-called atrocities against the liberty of his people. He had more: the direct as well as tacit testimony of the property holders, both native and foreign. The guiding principle of Barrios' govt was to check evil practices, and to encourage good deeds. Again in 1880 Barrios continued as indefatigable as ever, travelling over the country, devising measures for the benefit of his fellow-citizens. The country was at peace. Foreigners, in comparing Dec. 1870 with Dec. 1880, can scarcely realize that they are living in the same country, and that only one decade has elapsed since the terrors of 1870. Since then Guat. has seen progress in every respect, and all due to the energy of this man, who has not wavered in his efforts to educate his fellow-citizens to the standard of the times. Pan. Star and Herald, Jan. 12, 14, 1875; Jan. 12, 1881.
[XXI-4] In 1876 there were primary schools in all the towns for the compulsory and gratuitous education of children of the poor. Boddam Whetham's Across Cent. Am., 39. Later there were established three high schools: the Politécnica, for the education of officers at the expense of the state; alumni were also admitted at their own charge, who were not bound to accept commissions in the army; the Normal, for the training of teachers; and the Belen, for the instruction of females. All those schools were in charge of teachers from the U. S. and Europe; the Belen being conducted on the plan pursued in the U. S.
[XXI-5] He was a man of the people, flattered the lower classes and the soldiers, especially those of Los Altos, and won their good-will.
[XXI-6] Espionage existed. Domestic servants even were used as spies. The postal service was like an office of the old inquisition. These charges are probably true, and the system, one of long standing, may have been demanded by the political situation. It has been said that he had a young Spanish priest named Félix Pagés murdered in cold blood. The other side of the story is that Pagés shot at him Sept. 14, 1877, in San Pedro Jocopilas, missed him, a scuffle ensued for the possession of the weapon, when other persons entered the room, one of whom was Barrios' body-servant, Inés Cruz, who seeing Pagés again trying to discharge the revolver at his master, drew out his own weapon, and shot the priest dead. This version is the official one, and was communicated by U. S. Minister Williamson to his government. U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., 45th Cong., 3d Sess., i. pt 1, 73-4; Star and Herald, Oct. 20, 1877. It is that some women were gagged, confined in the common jail, and afterward banished to distant towns. Un Guatemalteco, Cartas, 24. I have no space for the innumerable accusations of anonymous and irresponsible persons. The following are given because made by a prominent Mexican general who served some time under Barrios: Innocent men of respectable position were whipped by his order, and women confined in the common jail. A judge was set to sowing grass. A distinguished lawyer was made to march in a religious procession through the streets dressed as a private soldier. An ecclesiastic, for failing to salute him, was kept for hours opposite his balcony with head uncovered and erect, and treated with contumely. He had the head of a city councilman shaved like a priest's, and then shut him up in a convent. It was Barrios' practice to have men beaten till they told what he wanted of them, and he invented a cruel torture called el apreton, which was compressing the person's temples. His assassinations were wanton and cold-blooded. This general, however, was a considerable time in Barrios' service, and had a falling out with him. His statements may be the result of spite. As a ruler who had in his hands during nearly 12 years the destinies of his country, he undoubtedly committed many errors, and as a man he had defects; but how deny, speaking with truth, the benefits his abilities, patriotism, constancy, and energy bestowed? Uraga, J. L., Réplica á J. R. Barrios, 6-7, 33-4. Another Mexican who says horrible things of Barrios, whom he called La Pantera de Guat., signed himself I. Martinez, in S. F. El Cornista, March 4, 1885; La Estrella de Pan., May 2, 1885.
[XXI-7] Decree of Nov. 4, 1873, requiring them to surrender with their arms. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., i. 203; Pan. Star and Herald, Oct. 23, Nov. 22, 1873; Barrios, Mensaje, Sept. 11, 1876, 5. For his complicity in the insurrection, the guardian of the archdiocese had to leave the country, and remained absent till he was permitted to return. El Porvenir de Nic., Aug. 17, 1873.
[XXI-8] Gonzalez was expelled in disgrace from the army, and sentenced, moreover, to confinement for ten years in the fortress of San Felipe. He was also deprived of all right to hold office. Bulnes was also deprived of this right, and condemned to three years imprisonment. And yet he had instigated Gonzalez to commit the outrage, and was morally the guiltier of the two. U. S. Govt Docs., H. Ex. Doc., For. Rel., Cong. 43, Sess. 2, Doc. 1, pt 1, 177-83.
[XXI-9] There were present on shore, upon that occasion, the commanding gen. of the Guat. forces, the British rear-admiral, Cochrane, and officers of four of his ships lying at San José, the British chargé, the Am. minister, and others, besides 200 Guat. troops, and a like number of marines and sailors from the British ships. U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 44, Sess. 1, Doc. 1, pt 1, 128-9.
[XXI-10] The victim of Gonzalez' brutality declined to receive any portion of the money. Scolfield, the British representative at Guatemala, for the manner in which he conducted the affair, was knighted.
[XXI-11] Butler had several conferences with the min. of foreign affairs, insisting on the revocation of that decree, which the min. invariably refused. El Progreso, Aug. 29, 1875. However, it seems that Guat. gave way, and declared her recognition of Cuban independ. to be null. The Mexican Financier, Apr. 18, 1885.
[XXI-12] In 1876 the Sp. gov. recognized that the captain-gen. had exceeded his powers, and must be censured. But in March 1880 it asked Guat. as a favor to forego that clause, which the latter acceded to on being reassured that in future the usages of international etiquette should be observed in the relations between the two governments. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., ii. 129; Id., Mem. Min. Rel. Est., 1881, 13-14.
[XXI-13] Circular of Nic. foreign min., Sept. 5, 1876, in Salv., Gaceta Ofic., Oct. 26, 1876.
[XXI-14] Both places within Guat. territory, but near the boundaries of the other two states.
[XXI-15] Barrios reviewed in Guat. 11,000 men, and ostensibly disbanded them. He really had about 18,000 under arms, and it would have been easy for him to make the number 20,000 in eight or ten days. Salv. went slow in the work of disarming. She had 2,300 men in Santa Ana, 3,000 in San Salvador, and 2,000 in other places; and the government had decreed a forced loan of half a million dollars, of which one half had been collected. Having taken the laboring men from their peaceful vocations, the govt feared a revolution if it desisted from war with Guat. Pan. Star and Herald, Feb. 14, 16, 1876.
[XXI-16] Neither cajolery, argument, nor movement of troops produced the desired effect, for the delegates could only see in his propositions the destruction of their several nationalities.
[XXI-17] The war cost Guat. about 2,000 lives, and one and a half million dollars, however. The events connected with Salvador and Honduras appear in the history of those states for this period.
[XXI-18] Nicaragua in 1877 joined the three in treaties to act in concert, and harmonize 'las tendencias de la familia Centro-Americana.' Salv., Gaceta Ofic., Oct. 3, 1877.
[XXI-19] Gregorio Solares, to whom the successes were chiefly due, entered the city quietly, receiving no share of the popular plaudits, which were all bestowed on Barrios as the victor.
[XXI-20] Sept. 9, 1876. It was revoked March 22, 1885, when Barrios undertook to establish the Cent. Am. republic by force. Costa R., Boletin Ofic., March 23, 1885.
[XXI-21] The sword was delivered him Sept. 15, 1877. Salv., Gaceta Ofic., Sept. 26, 1876; Feb. 25, March 21, Sept. 28, 1877; Pan. Star and Herald, Nov. 1, 1877.
[XXI-22] He would not go to the palace, but made the ministers come to his residence, and adopted measures without consultation with them. He was in fear of being poisoned. Uraga, J. L., Réplica, 18-20.
[XXI-23] It had been originally convoked Oct. 21, 1875, the date of meeting being left for future consideration. Its first meeting was Aug. 31st, when its officers were chosen. This was the seventh constituent assembly in 55 years of national existence. Guat., Recop. Ley., Gob. Democ., ii. 159-68; Salv., Gaceta Ofic., Sept. 9, 24, 1876.
[XXI-24] In the temporary absence of the president, the council of ministers was to take charge of the executive office. In case of his death or other inability, the council of state was to convoke an assembly. The president was called upon to appoint a council of state composed of competent and upright men, which he did. Id., Nov. 3, 9, Dec. 8, 1876.
[XXI-25] Samayoa gave way to J. M. Barrundia, and went to Europe; Alburez, min. of the treasury, was succeeded by J. A. Salazar; Lainfiesta in fomento by M. M. Herrera; Barberena was min. of the interior, and Macal of foreign affairs, who later was replaced by Lorenzo Montúfar.
[XXI-26] With the evidence obtained during the day and night of the 1st, several persons said to be implicated were arrested, and the judicial investigation was initiated. The plan of the sedition was ascertained from the acknowledgments and confessions of its promoters and others. The priest, Gabriel Aguilar, José Lara Pavon, Enrique Guzman, and others, as appeared in the testimony, had organized themselves as a society, recognizing one another by means of signs, to promote a revolt. The execution of their plan was left to A. Kopeski, commander of the artillery, and his second, Capt. Leon de Rodas, at whose quarters assembled in the night of the 1st a number of men who were then armed, to be ready for relieving the guards at the palace and comandancia general, after they had been narcotized with wine and morphine furnished by Aguilar. This part of the plot once accomplished, the commanders of other bodies of troops were to receive forged orders to bring their men, without arms, into the city, when others in the conspiracy stationed outside would seize the arms. One of these orders, ostensibly signed by Barrios, was sent Oct. 31st to the comandante at Palencia, who, not doubting its genuineness, was on the point of obeying it; but despatched an officer to inquire where he was to station his men, and the object of the call. The president at once telegraphed to other commanders, and was advised that they had similar orders. One man was arrested, and then another, until the plot was unravelled. A large portion of the criminal element, as well as of the lower classes, were mixed up in the affair. The president, his family, ministers, and friends were to be assassinated. Rich men would have to ransom their lives with sums ranging from $50,000 down to $10,000. Daggers, gags, and morphine were discovered. Barrios decreed, Nov. 5th, that the parties should be tried by court-martial. This decree was countersigned by all his ministers; namely, J. Barberena, José Ant. Salazar, Lorenzo Montúfar, and under sec. of war A. Ubico, then in charge of the portfolio. Foreigners as well as natives realized their narrow escape from a fearful catastrophe, and commended Barrios and his ministers for their action. The justice of the sentences was fully acknowledged. Barrios, in his message to the constituent assembly, in March 1879, alluding to the affair, said: 'La sociedad guatemalteca se vió por un momento al borde de un abismo de sangre y devastacion.' The reactionists, he added, unable to demand the abolition of the reforms which had so greatly improved the condition of the people, 'pedian al puñal y al veneno, á ese recurso traidor y alevoso, una hecatombe suprema, una montaña de cadáveres.' Barrios, Mensaje, March 15, 1879; Salv., Gaceta Ofic., Nov. 13, 18, 1877; Pan. Star and Herald, Dec. 1, 1877; La Voz de Méx., S. F., Feb. 23, 1878.
[XXI-27] In the preamble he alludes to the declaration of the last assembly on Oct. 23, 1876, adding that he accepted the dictatorship as a necessity, because of the unsettled condition of the country, though well aware that unrestricted powers are incompatible with republican principles. The election of deputies was to begin Jan. 10th, and all citizens were made eligible, excepting only such as held certain offices, as jefes políticos, revenue officials, judges, and military commandants, who could not be candidates in their official departments or districts. U. S. Gov. Doc., Cong. 46, Sess. 2, i. pt 1, 140; Salv., Diario Ofic., Nov. 22, 1878; Jan. 22, 1879; La Voz de Méx., May 6, 1879.
[XXI-28] He had endeavored, he said, to maintain friendly relations with the other Cent. Am. governments, and as for those with Salv., Hond., and Nic., 'jamás se han cultivado con el verdadero espíritu de fraternidad con que hoy se mantienen y fomentan.'
[XXI-29] The same course was pursued by Guat. toward Mexican citizens residing in her territory, who were causing in 1879 and 1880 disturbances in Soconusco and Chiapas. The correspondence and proceedings of the governments in both affairs appear in Mex., Correspond. Dipl., ii. 221-91; El Guatemalteco, Sept. 7, 1879; Mex., Diario Ofic., Nov. 8, Dec. 2, 1879.
[XXI-30] Every principle won with the loss of so much blood was secured. The legislative authority was vested in a chamber of representatives, and the executive in a president, whose term of office was six years. Guat., Mem., Sec. Gobern., 1880, 7. Objections were made by foreign representatives, including the minister of Mexico, to art. 5th of the constitution respecting Guatemalan nationality. On this point a constituent assembly in 1885 authorized the government to settle it by treaties, which was equivalent to nullifying the clause. There were exceptions also to the 14th, intended to set down as a principle that neither citizens nor foreigners were entitled to indemnity for damages accruing to them during civil wars from the acts of revolutionary factions. The right of Guat. to insert in her fundamental law every principle or rule she might deem proper for her internal administration was fully recognized; but as regarded those dependent for their sanction on the consent of nations, in their intercourse with one another, the representatives reserved their respective country's rights. Mex., Correspond. Dipl., ii. 293-8; Guat., Mem. Sec. Rel. Est., 1880, 6.
[XXI-31] The new constitution was to have effect from March 1, 1880. Thus Barrios had the glory of endowing his country with a political constitution of its own, and with a republican and democratic form of government. It will be borne in mind that after the disruption of the Cent. Am. confederation, since 1840, Guat. had been under a dictatorship, or under institutions which greatly curtailed the political rights of the ruled.
[XXI-32] A treaty of peace, amity, commerce, and extradition was concluded July 17, 1880, between Guat. and Hond., giving to Guatemalans in Hond., and Hondurans in Guat., the same civil and political rights enjoyed by the natives of the respective country, though exempting them from military service and forced loans. Refugees could be allowed asylum, but were not to use the privilege to promote hostile acts against their own or other governments. Merchandise, excepting such articles as were subject to estanco, or monopoly, were to be allowed free entry. Guat., Mem. Min. Rel. Exter., 1881, 28-34.
[XXI-33] Star and Herald, Jan. 23, 1883; Guat., Mem. Min. Rel. Exter., 1881-5; Id., Gobern. y Just., 1881-5; Id., Hac. y Créd. Púb., 1881-5; Id., Guerra, 1881-5; Id., Formento, 1881-5; Id., Instruc. Púb., 1881-5. The following persons acted as ministers of state during some portion of Barrios' present term: Lorenzo Montúfar, Fernando Cruz, Cayetano Diaz Mérida, Delfino Sanchez, J. M. Orantes, J. Martin Barrundia, M. M. Herrera, Ángel Peña, R. A. Salazar, Ramon Murga, and F. Lainfiesta.
[XXI-34] The Guat. govt manifested its high appreciation of those courtesies on the part of the authorities and people of the U. S., in a note to the Am. minister, H. C. Hall. U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 47, Sess. 2, i. no. 1, pt 1, 46-7.
[XXI-35] This question is fully treated of in Hist. Mex., vi. chap. xix., this series; U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 47, Sess. 2, i., For Rel. no. 1, pt 1, 326-33.
[XXI-36] He did not resume his office till the 6th of January, Gen. Orantes continuing at the head of the government.
[XXI-37] He added that he wished to stand aloof, and observe the working of the free institutions he had contributed to establish on a firm basis as he hoped; without neglecting, however, the duty he owed at all times to his country, and to those who, like himself, shed their blood in their efforts to the same end. He would be ever found ready to support the liberal government, and hoped that no credence would be given to the slander that he desired to leave the country, and thus shirk responsibility. This charge was made when he left for the U. S. to settle the boundary question with Mexico. Barrios, Mensaje, Dec. 29, 1882. Even more had been said, to wit, that he had the plan of annexing Guat. to the U. S., which was an absurd charge.
[XXI-38] It was beyond question that he had a strong hold on the affections of those who did not belong to the reactionary party, and 'even among the latter he would be preferred to any one who would be likely to succeed him.' U. S. Min. Hall's desp. to sec. of state, Jan. 8, 1883, in U. S. Gov. Doc., H. Ex. Doc., Cong. 48, Sess. 1, no. 1, pt 1, 32-3.
[XXI-39] A measure might be adopted in the next ordinary session, when, perhaps, 'events may have occurred in regard to the Cent. Am. union.'
[XXI-40] He urged them to labor for the development of the country, whose progress and prosperity were certain, if all would coöperate to that end.
[XXI-41] Barrios addressed, Feb. 24, 1883, an extensive circular to the liberal party of Cent. Am., to assure them that his motives in working for the consolidation had been to promote the general weal, and not his personal aggrandizement. He repeated that he did not wish, nor would he accept, the presidency of Cent. Am., disclaiming that he had ever tried to impose his will on the other states, and pledging his word never to attempt it in the future. Pan., El Cronista, March 10, et seq., 1884; U. S. Gov. Doc., Cong. 48, Sess. 1, no. 1, pt 1, 49-53.
[XXI-42] As appears in a telegram of March 28th from Nic. govt to Guat. foreign min., who replied next day, that if Costa R. refused to join the diet, the meeting of delegates from only four states could have no practical effect. Guat., Mem. Sec. Rel. Exter., 1844, 3-5, annexes A to D; Costa R., Mem. Min. Rel., 1883, 3, ann. 1 and 13; Id., Gaceta, Feb. 3, 1885; Pan. Star and Herald, March 5, 20, 23, 1883; Pan. Canal, Feb. 16, March 21, 22, 1883.
[XXI-43] 'Tantas ambiciones pequeñas, tantos menguados intereses de localidad, y tantas miras estrechas.' Barrios, Mensaje, March 1, 1884; El Guatemalteco, March 4, 1884.
[XXI-44] It was to be perpetual as to peace and friendship; and as regarded the other clauses, its duration was to be of ten years. Guat., Mem. Sec. Rel. Exter., 1884, annex 3.
[XXI-45] Barrios published an address to the inhabitants expressing gratitude for their sympathy. He made special mention of the cordial manifestation of the diplomatic corps, and the foreign residents. El Guatemalteco, Apr. 18, 22, 1884; Salv., Diario Ofic., Apr. 17, 1884; Hond., Gaceta, Apr. 21, 1884; Méx., Clamor Púb., June 2, 1884.
[XXI-46] Four to death, two to the chain-gang with hard labor for life, one to simple imprisonment for 10 years, and two others were acquitted. One of the chief implicated made a full confession, the plot being to cause a change in the govt by killing Barrios. El Guatemalteco, May 16, July 5, 12, 1884. The chief person implicated has, since the death of Barrios, made a representation to the assembly declaring the accusation false, and that the real authors of the bomb plot were in the process made to appear as the victims. Rodriguez, G., Expos. y Docs., pp. i.-iii., 1-120, 3-17.