[261] Thorndike, a Cambridge man, noticed in another part of this volume, took an active part.

[262] Twell's Life of Pocock, 209.

"3rd July, 1654.—That the order of the late Council of State, dated 15th July, 1653, for freeing the paper which is to be used for printing the Bible in the original and other learned languages, from the payments of customs and excise, be confirmed, and that according Dr. Bruno Ryves be permitted and suffered to import into this Commonwealth, free from customs and excise, so many reams of paper for the use aforesaid, as with that which is already imported and discharged of duties, shall make up 7,000 pounds, being the total allowed by the said former order to be so imported."—State Papers Order Book of Council.

The handsomer copies were printed on Avergne paper, at that time considered the best.

[263] The price of one copy to a subscriber was £10; of six copies, £50. To others the cost seems to have been from £15 to £18.—Thorndike's Works, vi. 203, note. In Jacobson's edition of Sanderson's Works, vol. vi. 375, is a list of subscriptions amounting to £560. Walton's Polyglott is said to be the first book published in England by subscription.

[264] Owen's Works, iv. 450.

[265] The spirit in which Owen composed this treatise has often been misrepresented. It is probable that some who have condemned have never read it. The work on the Divine Original Authority, Self-evidencing Light and Power of the Scriptures—to which the treatise is an appendix—is also worth studying in connexion with theological controversies at the present day. The third chapter is very remarkable, and the last paragraph moves in a direction which Owen's disciples now would be very unwilling to follow. It shews how the habits of thought alter even in the same school, and should teach us all a lesson of charity.

[266] Thus, the editor of Thorndike, vol. vi. 170, speaks of Cambridge between 1613 and 1646. It applies up to the year 1654, when the regular post began. The first coach from Cambridge to London was set up in 1653. It is scarcely needful to say that the well-known carrier was Hobson, who died of the plague in 1630; but carriers afterwards would convey letters.

From Antony Wood's Diary, 1667, it appears that the Oxford coach took two days to get to London.

[267] Carey's Memorials of the Civil Wars, ii. 224.

[268] Life of Sancroft, by D'Oyley, I. 57. Cooper's History of Cambridge.

[269] Hamilton's Memoir of Barrow, prefixed to his works, vol. i. xv.

[270] Cooper's Hist. of Cambridge.

[271] Dell is sometimes called a Baptist, but he appears from his Doctrine of Baptisms to have set aside water baptism, pp. 11, 16, 19.

[272] Dell complains that men famous for preaching, on coming to Cambridge, ceased from that sense of the Gospel which they once seemed to have. "How suddenly have they been entangled and overcome with the spirit of the enemy!"

Samuel Hering made certain proposals in 1653, and amongst others that two colleges should be set apart, in each University, to such as should solely apply themselves to the attaining the spirit of Jesus, which study needs few books; the works of Behmen, however, he mentions as a furtherance thereto. Such colleges he suggested should have the power of sending forth men to preach. "All teachers," he adds, "without God's hammer are but, in the history of the letter, hammers for the belly and ears, but not for the soul."

He wished that churches should be painted black outside, to remind people of the darkness within.—Nickoll's Letters of State, 99.

[273] Dell's Trial of Spirits, noticed in Godwin's Commonwealth, iv. 97.

If we are to believe Carter, History of University, p. 232, Dell did not practically carry out his liberal principles, for Carter says: Moore, fellow of Caius, and keeper of the University Library, desired to be buried in his own College-chapel; but being refused by Mr. Dell, the master, the use of the Liturgy, which was his last request, he was laid in St. Mary's church, under the stone he used to kneel on. Moore spent seven years in making a catalogue of the library (see Book Rarities of Cambridge, by Hartshorne, p. 16.) Work of that kind Dell would not appreciate.

[274] In this notice of Webster I have followed Godwin, (Commonwealth, iv. 96-100) not having been able myself to look into Webster's writings. It may be stated that Erbery denied original sin, and was "an advocate for universal restoration, and that all men should finally be made partakers of eternal felicity in heaven."

[275] Thurloe, ii. 463.

[276] Thurloe, ii. 464.

This letter is subscribed "James Jollie, who heretofore presented thy Excellency at the Cockpit with a paper to the Parliament of England." Cambridge, July 17th, 1654.

Who this Jollie was we cannot tell; perhaps a man like Akehurst, not understood by many, and charged with being a mystic; but his letter shews an insight into spiritual perplexities, and a fidelity to his suffering friend, alike creditable to his head and his heart.

[277] Diary, i. 318-320.

The volume preserved in Sion College, which records the augmentation of Oxford masterships, contains similar entries relative to Cambridge. Two hundred pounds a year was settled on St. John's and Emanuel for increasing the maintenance of the masters, a larger amount than we have noticed in connexion with Oxford. Ninety pounds was the sum fixed for Jesus College, and the trustees were directed to pay the same accordingly out of the accruing rents and revenues vested in them, to Mr. John Worthington, Master of the College, till they should receive further notice from the Committee.

[278] Whitecote's Aphorisms, by Salter.

[279] Burnet's History of his own Times, i. 187.

[280] Dr. Spurstow has been mentioned before as chaplain to Hampden's regiment. He was one of the Assembly of Divines, and, after his ejectment from Cambridge, enjoyed the vicarage of Stepney.

[281] See list of his works, and also an article on Lightfoot, in Kitto's Cyclopædia, edited by Dr. Alexander.

I am indebted to the Dean of Westminster for some friendly suggestions relative to the character of Witchcot and Lightfoot.

[282] Burnet's Hist. of his own Times, i. 188.

[283] The Greek studies at Cambridge in the first part of the seventeenth century are noticed in the Life of Thorndike, appended to his works vi. 167, 168.

[284] I have seen a petition amongst the State Papers belonging to the year 1653, to the Protector from John Worthington, Master of Jesus College, in Cambridge, complaining of some restraint upon the payment of the augmentation annexed to the mastership of that college (as also of the augmentations annexed to some other masterships.)

[285] Pages xviii., xix.

[286] See Southey's Life of Wesley, ii. 380, and Stanley's Eastern Churches, Introduction, p. vii.

[287] Calamy's Account, ii. 755. Wood (Ath. Ox., ii. 710) says that the proposition in the book condemned by Convocation was that the sovereignty of England is in three estates, King, Lords, and Commons. This decree of Convocation was itself burnt in Palace Yard, Westminster, by order of the House of Lords, March the 27th, 1710.—Calamy's Cont., 865.

[288] Calamy's Account, 761, 81, 105. Continuation, 137.

[289] Calamy gives an interesting account of Gilpin's preaching, which must have been of a very effective kind. He mentions his delivering sermons without the use of notes as something remarkable.—Account, 154.

[290] It is printed in the Cromwellian Diary, ii. 531, from which these particulars are gathered.

[291] See Surtee's History of Durham, i. 106. Also MS. collections of the Rev. T. Baker, quoted in notes to Cromwellian Diary, ii. 542.

[292] "Since the installation of Prince Charles, in 1638, and until the Restoration, the registration of the annals had been suspended; and the order is solely indebted to the care and zeal of Edward Walker, Garter King-at-arms, for the record of the exertions which were made chiefly by the instrumentality of that faithful officer, and amidst difficulties of every kind, to save the institution from absolute decay."—Beltz' Memorials of the Order, cxii.

[293] Annals of Windsor, ii. 185.

[294] Whitelocke's Memorials, 665.

[295] Scobell, 18.

[296] In the summer of 1657, "a hot and sickly season," Busby and some of the boys resided at Chiswick, where was a manor-house founded for the use of the school in times of sickness by Goodman, Dean of Westminster, 1570. The names of the Earl of Halifax, John Dryden, and other pupils of Busby might be seen on the walls at the close of the last century.—Lyson's Environs, ii. 191.

[297] Athen. Oxon., ii. 491.

In the memoir of South, prefixed to the vol. of his posthumous works, 8vo., 1717, p. 4 (it does not appear by whom this memoir was written), it is stated that South "made himself remarkable" by reading the Latin prayers in Westminster School on the day of the King's "martyrdom, and praying for his Majesty by name." But what was there remarkable in that? He, no doubt, read the ordinary prayers used in the school, and as they contained a prayer for the King, he read it as of course. Had he deviated from the prescribed form, Busby would have been down upon him, not with a witness, but with his rod.

[298] Dr. Rainbow, afterwards Bishop of Carlisle, is said to have adopted a practice similar to that of Bull.—Zouch Edit. of Walton's Lives, 461. Thorndike's Works, vi. 117. Note.

[299] Lyson's Environs, i. 148.

[300] Disputation at Winchcomb, 1653. Commonwealth Pamphlets, British Museum.

Barksdale expressed admiration of the "learned and pious Dr. Hammond," which aroused the cry, "An Arminian! an Arminian!"

[301] Walker's Sufferings, p. ii., 142.

[302] On his tomb, in Ely Cathedral, it is said:—"Exulans ab Academiâ Ecclesiam Anglicanam inter schismaticorum furias, coram ipso Cromwello concionibus disputationibus publice asseruit tantum non solus sustinuit, vindicavit."

[303] Wood's Ath. Ox., vol. ii., fasti, 132.

[304] Farindon's Works, i. Memoir, xlii.

[305] These sermons are given in Farindon's Works, iii. 361.

[306] See his Sermons, vol. iii. 399.

[307] Abridged from the Autobiography of Sir John Branston, quoted in the Ecclesiastic, October, 1853.

[308] Aubrey's Letters, iii. 363.

[309] Wood's Ath. Ox., ii. 465.

[310] Life prefixed to Sherlock's Practical Christian, p. 24, 25.

[311] Hand-Book to Western Cathedrals, p. 56.

[312] The letter, dated September 13th, 1634, (State Papers,) published in Laud's Works, vii. 88, is a very curious one, and expresses strong disapproval of Goodman's conduct.

[313] See Laud's Works, iii. 287.

[314] Church Hist., iii. 409.

[315] Nalson's Col. i. 371, 372.

There is an interesting account of Goodman in the Ecclesiastic, November, 1852, with extracts from his writings. He wrote a book on the Two Great Mysteries, The Trinity and the Incarnation, which, strange to say, he dedicated to Oliver Cromwell,—"with flattery," observes Echard "and a servile petition for hearing his cause and doing justice to him."

[316] Elrington's Life of Archbishop Ussher, 244.

[317] "The poor orthodox clergy have passed one Sunday in silence. The Bishop of Armagh hath been with Cromwell about them, it is feared to little purpose, yet some Court holy water was bestowed on the old man, besides a dinner and confirmation of Church leases to him in Ireland."—State Papers Dom., 1655-56, 10th-20th January.

[318] Elrington's Life of Ussher, 279.

[319] When visiting it in 1864, I found the exterior, and one of the apartments, in much the same state as when Hall lived there.

[320] Walker's Sufferings, p. ii. 18.

Mention is made of Morton's daily alms, his single meal, his straw bed at eighty years of age, his hospitality, and his rising at four o'clock in the morning.—Biograph. Brit.

[321] Worthies, iii. 172.

[322] "He was observed to run (with emulation without envy) in the race of virtue even with any of his order, striving to exceed them by fair industry, without offering proudly to justle their credit, much less falsely to supplant their reputation."—Fuller's Worthies, i. 456.

[323] Fuller says of Owen: "He was bred a fellow in Jesus College, in Cambridge, where he commenced Doctor of Divinity, and was chaplain to King Charles whilst he was a prince. A modest man, who would not own the worth he had in himself, and therefore others are the more engaged to give him his due esteem. In the vacancy of the bishopric of St. Asaph, King Charles, being much troubled with two competitors, advanced Doctor Owen (not thinking thereof) as an expedient to end the contest. Indeed, his Majesty was mistaken in his birth, accounting him a Welshman, but not in his worth, seeing he deserved a far better preferment."—Fuller's Worthies, ii. 506.

[324] Tanner MSS., vol. lii., 1653-8, 41. This letter is addressed to Sheldon. There is another in the same volume from Dr. Ferne, lamenting that churchmen "were wanting to see what those in power would do, as if there could possibly be any expectation of advantage either from them," or from "delay." Both letters are printed in the Ecclesiastic, October, 1853.

[325] Life of Bramhall, prefixed to his Works, i. x., xxii.

[326] Bramhall's Works, i. 276, 277.

Yet here it should be remembered that, under date May the 23rd, 1658, Evelyn says: "There was now a collection for persecuted and sequestered ministers of the Church of England, whereof divers are in prison. A sad day! the Church now in dens and caves of the earth."

Kennet in his Historical Register, 861, refers to the Lord Scudamore's charity to the distressed clergy.

[327] It was not published till after the author's death, when it appeared with a violent and foolish preface by Dr. Samuel Parker.

[328] Bramhall's Works, iii. 579.—The whole tract is worth reading as an example of the way in which Episcopalians met the charge of favouring Popery. It is an answer to Baxter, who had brought the charge against Grotius and against Bramhall also. While Baxter accused Grotius of helping the Papists, Owen accused him of Socinianism. Thorndike, in the preface to his Epilogue, defends Grotius against both.

[329] Ibid., 582.

[330] For Milletiere's epistle and Bramhall's reply, see Works, vol. i. cxxi. and 7.

[331] The careful editor of Bramhall's Works has appended a table, with extensive notes, of Acts and dates relative to the admission into their new sees of the bishops consecrated or confirmed in the second and third years of the reign of Elizabeth.—Vol. iii. 216.

[332] Bramhall's Works, i. xcv.

[333] 25th of May, 1651.—Vol. i. 278.—A son of Cosin became a Roman Catholic. A letter of his, in self-defence, to John Evelyn is given in the Diary and Correspondence of Evelyn, iii. 58. The father was greatly annoyed at his son's conduct, though he had himself, no doubt, to thank for it. "His indignation," says the editor, "is very much what Dr. Pusey may be supposed to have felt at Mr. Newman's departure for Rome." In Evelyn's Diary, i. 282, is an account of the origin of those "offices, which among the Puritans were wont to be called Cosin's cozening devotions."

Dr. Cosin, both in his letters and more solemnly in his last will, laments over his lost and only son John. In a letter, January 22nd, 1661, he says: "Let him go, he is not worth the owning, nor any further seeking after him. In the meanwhile they that have thus lured him and conveyed him away are most unworthy persons."—Surtees, i. cxii.

[334] Evelyn's Diary, i. 285.

[335] D'Oyley's Life of Sancroft, i. 89.

"At Paris our countrymen live peaceably and enjoy our religion without disturbance. There is a place allowed them, with necessary accommodations for the exercise of religion. Dr. Stewart did often preach to them; and for their form of worship, it is the same that was formerly in England, with the Book of Common Prayer, and the rites therein used; and also they continue the innovations that were practised by many of our clergy—as bowing at the name of Jesus towards the altar, &c.—which I know giveth offence to the good French Protestants, who, to me, did often condemn those innovations for Roman superstitions. As for the French Papists, truly they are more civil to them than was expected."—By Samuel Brett, there present, 1655.—State Papers.

[336] There were, besides Morley, the Bishop of Galloway, Stewart, Dean of St. Paul's, Drs. Earle, Clare, Wolley, Lloyd, Duncan, and Messrs. Crowder and Hamilton.

We may add that Honywood, who, after the Restoration, became Dean of Lincoln, remained abroad from 1643 to 1660. His pleasant portrait is engraved in Dibdin's Decameron, and for his library, his learning, and his love of books, he is worthy of a place there.—Vol. iii. 261.

[337] Ecclesiastic, April, 1852. Grainger's Biog. Hist., iii. 236; Burnet's Hist. of his own Times, i. 177.

Baxter tells us "he was the chief speaker of all the Bishops, and the greatest interrupter of us, vehemently going on with what he thought serviceable to his end, and bearing down answers by the said fervour and interruptions."—Life and Times, part ii. p. 363. Of course I do not forget that in this quotation from Baxter we have the report of an antagonist; but the readiness and candour with which he allows moderation and other virtues where they existed on the part of any of the Episcopalians, give weight to his estimates of character.

[338] Anderson's Colonial Church, ii. 132.

The following letter from Isaac Basire to Charles II., dated Alba Julia, (synonyme for Weissenberg, in Transylvania, the same as is now called Karlsburg,) Easter Tuesday, 1656, is in the State Paper Office.

He says:—"When the whole nation was represented, and met here at their diet, and it was noised that by reason of a public act, some months since performed by one in this university, before the Prince, and with his approbation, against both Independency and Presbytery (flown over hither out of England), and for Episcopacy—that crew grew so incensed against me, that they did then threaten to cite me before the National Assembly, as now; and having missed that first plot, they pretend to renew their persecution against me at their next general synod, now at hand; where yet, by the better though not the bigger part, I am chosen to preside, and undoubtedly do expect the shock, trusting with the whole success God Almighty, who is thus pleased still to place me on the militant side. (His holy will be done)."

[339] Life of Jeremy Taylor, by Willmott, 129-154, 190.

Dr. Peterson, Dean of Exeter, met with an adventure which ought to be recorded as an illustration of that generosity to an enemy which often cheeringly flashes up in such times, relieving the shadows of persecution. Cromwell one day saw the doctor in the streets of London, looking like a distressed cavalier. "There," he exclaimed, "goes a Church of England man, who I will warrant you has courage enough to die for his religion." That very day a stranger traced the Dean to his lodgings, invited him to dinner, and presented to him a purse of money. Help afterwards came again and again through the same channel, the bounty of the magnanimous usurper being the source.—Walker, part ii. 24.

[340] In a paper dated November 2nd, 1652 (printed in Jacobson's Edition of Sanderson's Works), he describes fully his mode of procedure; and the sort of verbal alterations he made in the forms of Common Prayer may be seen in his "Confession," given by Walton (Lives, 394). Thorndike observes: "I cannot approve it upon this score that (besides his prayer before sermon, which custom and former practice if not the canon itself, allowed as lawful) he hath several parts of service of his own making; and, though mostly formed out of the Common Prayer Book, yet certainly varied from thence, and so directly against the negative command which prescribes this and no other."—Letter in the Bodleian Library, printed in Thorndike's Works, vi. 117.

See page 340, in this vol.

[341] Fell's Life of Hammond, 263, 173.

[342] Walton's Lives, 396.

[343] Walton's Lives 405-408.

[344] Fell's Life of Hammond, 241, 262, 203, 279.

[345] Quoted in Thorndike's Works, vi. 212.

[346] Harl. MSS., 6942, 77, British Museum.

[347] Harl. MSS., 6942, 18. April 30, 1654. This I find, since I copied it from the original, is printed in the Ecclesiastic, April, 1853.

[348] Harl. MSS., 6942, 120.

[349] Amongst the State Papers, is a Letter from Thorndike to Mr. Joseph Wilkinson, April 21st, 1656, respecting Walton's Polyglott. "You know," he says, "the government of the work is in Dr. Walton, who set it on foot. Correctors of the press he hath, for the Hebrew and Chaldee, Mr. Clarke; for the Syriac and Arabic, Mr. Castle; with a third for the Greek and Latin. The purpose is to give what England affords for the verifying of the several copies."

[350] Thorndike's Works, vi. 125.

He is to be ranked amongst the most able defenders of the great catholic doctrines of the Divinity and Incarnation of our Lord Jesus.

[351] Sanderson is said to have before found fault with Thorndike's manner of conducting worship at Claybrook.—Works, vi. 181.

[352] Works, vi. 118.

[353] Thorndike's Works, vi. 125.

See also Letter concerning the Present State of Religion. Vol. v. 5.

[354] The following is another instance:—

"During the usurpation the Latin prayers were discontinued; but some of the members, John Fell, John Dolben Allestree, and others, afterwards men of eminence in the Church, performed the Common Prayer in the lodgings of the celebrated Dr. Willis, in Canterbury Quadrangle, and afterwards in his house, opposite Merton College Chapel, and the practice continued until the Restoration. Dr. Willis's house afterwards became an Independent meeting. In the museum of the Dolby family, in Northamptonshire, is a fine painting, by Sir Peter Lely, grounded on the above circumstance. A copy of this picture was presented to the society, and placed in the hall."—Chalmer's Oxford, vol. ii. 311.

[355] Evelyn's Diary, 1649, March 18th and 25th. 1652, December 25th.

[356] January 30th, 1653. January 28th, 1655. It appears from Patrick's Autobiography that all through the troubles he received the communion kneeling, p. 37.

April 15th, 1655. "Dr. Wild preached at St. Gregory's, the ruling powers conniving at the use of the Liturgy in that church alone."—Evelyn's Diary.

[357] Kennet says: "The prejudice Cromwell had against the Episcopal party was more for their being Royalists than for being of the good old Church," and the Bishop relates that the Protector said: "To disturb them is contrary to that liberty of conscience which he and his friends always acknowledged and defended."—Kennet, iii, 206.

[358] Quoted in Keble's Life of Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man, 407.

[359] I am indebted to Mr. Clarence Hopper, to whom the valuable manuscript volume belongs, for permission to make extracts from its pages.

[360] I do not see that a second lesson is any where mentioned. Perhaps the service is not complete.

[361] These particulars occur in petitions to Charles II. after the Restoration. They are all specified in Mrs. Green's Calendar of State Papers, Dom., 1660, 1661.

[362] Hallam observes: "It is somewhat bold in Anglican writers to complain, as they now and then do, of the persecution they suffered at this period, when we consider what had been the conduct of the Bishops before, and what it was afterwards. I do not know that any member of the Church of England was imprisoned under the Commonwealth, except for some political reason; certain it is the jails were not filled with them."—Const. Hist., ii. 14.

Distinction must be made between the sufferings of the Episcopalians during the Civil Wars and under the Protectorate. I am persuaded, after a long and careful enquiry into the subject, that the suffering during the latter of these periods has been immensely over-estimated.

[363] Justice Bennet, of Derby, "was the first that called us Quakers, because I bid them tremble at the word of the Lord. This was in the year 1650."—Fox's Journal, i. 132.

[364] See the very interesting Memoirs of Stephen Grellet, by B. Seebohn.

[365] See Journal, and Sewel's History of Friends.