[366] He supplies numerous instances of this in his own Journal.

[367] Sewel's History of Friends, i. 15.

[368] George Fox's Journal, i. 104.

[369] Penn's Preface to Fox's Journal, i. xl.

[370] Penn states the doctrines of Quakerism in his preface, xiii. et seq.

[371] "They asked me if I had no sin? I answered, 'Christ my Saviour has taken away my sin, and in Him there is no sin.'" "They pleaded for imperfection, and to sin as long as they lived, but did not like to hear of Christ's teaching His people Himself, and making people as clear, whilst here upon the earth, as Adam and Eve were before they fell."—Journal, i. 124, 288.

[372] Fox had an intense aversion to all Gnosticism.—See Journal, i. 143. I do not ascribe mysticism to him in any bad sense of the word.

[373] He describes himself as passing through strange states of extasy, (Journal, i. 144) and even claims gifts of prophecy and miracle, (i. 219.) He had a habit of comparing sinners to different sorts of animals, Journal, i. 190, &c. A curious parallel to this is found in Athanasius, who describes heretics in a similar way. Comp. Athan. Orat. iii. contra Arianos. Athanasius's Treatises against Arianism, p. ii. 484, Oxf. Edit.

For authorities respecting Quakerism see a good note in Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, 846.

[374] Journal, i. 151.

[375] A Collection of many select and Christian Epistles, written by George Fox, p. i.

[376] See Fox's Epistles, p. 2.

"There is an English ship come in here from Newfoundland. The master hath been on board of us. There is not, they say, one person in the ship, officer or mariner, but are all Quakers."—Thurloe, v. 422.

There are references to the spread of Quakerism in the same collection, iv. 333, 408, 757.

[377] Sewel's History of Friends, i. 105.

[378] Journal, i. 213.

[379] Two striking cases, however, occurred in New England. See Besse's Sufferings, 235.

[380] Sewel's History, i. 112.

[381] In a Diurnal, February 16, 1654-55, mention is made of letters from several places, which speak of Quakers and Ranters, and others that disturb ministers in their sermons in public churches, and the meetings of ministers and other Christians in private, in several places of England. The Quaker meetings are said to be receptacles for Papists, and Popish priests and friars.

In another Commonwealth newspaper it is said: "Some think this Fox is a Popish priest, because of his tenets of salvation by works." Most absurd and incredible stories are told of Fox and Mr. Fell.

The monstrous things related in these newspapers defy belief. What was thought of Quakers in high quarters may be seen in the Pell correspondence.—Vaughan's Protectorate, ii. 309.

[382] The difficulty in believing these stories does not arise from what we know of the moral character of the Jesuits, but only from their reputation for cleverness, and from what we know of the shrewdness of the Quakers. The Quakers were not likely to be so deceived by the Jesuits, and the Jesuits were not likely to adopt a scheme of action which promised so little success. But the Provincial Letters of Pascal, written during the Protectorate, prove that Jesuit morality placed no bar in the way of such dishonest intrigues.

[383] Abstract of the Sufferings of the People called Quakers, i. 216, 222, 223. See also Evelyn's Diary, i. 332.

The Quakers were often very violent. There is a very intemperate and foolish pamphlet, entitled, A True Testimony against the Pope's Ways, in a Return to that Agreement of '42 of those who call themselves Ministers of Christ (but are proved to be wrongers of Men and of Christ), in the County of Worcester: by Richard Farnsworth, a Quaker, 1656. Richard Baxter is first on the list of persons attacked.—See also Sussex Arch. Collections, vol. xvi. The Quakers were assailed in their turn most furiously. For example, there is a tract entitled, The Deceived and Deceiving Quakers discovered; their Damnable Heresies, Horrid Blasphemies, &c., laid open, by Matthew Caffin, a Servant of the Lord, related to the Church of Christ, near Worsham, in Sussex, 1656. This was answered by James Nayler, with like scurrility. It is curious that Caffin denies the man of sin to be Popery, and maintains that he is a person yet to appear. Nayler sets Caffin down as Antichrist.

[384] Quakers' Sufferings, i. 70.

[385] Cromwellian Diary, ii. 112.

[386] Sewel, i. 158.

[387] Cromwellian Diary, i. 46. His trial has been already mentioned in this volume, p. 133.

[388] His dying words place him in a much better light than that in which he is commonly viewed.—See Sewel's Hist., i. 207.

[389] Cromwellian Diary, i. 216. The petitioners were called in, to the number of thirty, and Mr. Sprigg made a short speech, saying that they did not countenance the wicked, and were no partakers of their crime; but upon the common account of liberty, found it upon their spirits to become petitioners in this thing, leaving it to God to direct the House.

See the beautiful apology for Nayler in Lamb's Elia, Quakers' Meeting.

[390] p. 16.

[391] Baxter says Sir H. Vane spoke against him in the House of Commons; and he adds, "I confess my writing was a means to lessen his reputation."—Life and Times, p. i. 76.

[392] Baxter's Life and Times, p. i. 77.

[393] The Life of one Jacob Bœhmen, wherein is contained a perfect Catalogue of his Workes. London, 1644.

[394] "I have seen myself," says Baxter, "letters written from Abingdon, where among both soldiers and people, this contagion did then prevail, full of horrid oaths and curses, and blasphemy, not fit to be repeated by the tongue or pen of man; and this all uttered as the effect of knowledge and a part of their religion, in a fanatic strain, and fathered on the Spirit of God."—Baxter's Life and Times, p. i. 77.

It must be remembered Baxter would make the most of all this.

[395] Such things may be found by those who search after them. Historically they are of little worth; in other respects worse than worthless.

[396] The following are titles of books by Muggleton: The Answer to William Penn, Quaker, his book, entitled The New Witnesses proved Old Heretics, wherein he is proved to be an ignorant spatter-brained Quaker, &c. Looking-Glass for George Fox, and other Quakers, wherein they may see themselves to be right Devils, &c. The Neck of the Quakers Broken, &c.

[397] Ministers in Edinburgh had a basin and ewer placed in a frame of iron fastened to the pulpit, and there performed the ceremony.—See Travels by Sir W. Brereton, p. 110, published by Cheetham Society. Bishop Wren, in his injunctions, orders that "the fonts at baptism be filled with clean water, and no dishes, pails, nor basins, be used in it, or instead of it."—Cardwell, ii. 204.

[398] Gillingwater's History of Lowestoft.

[399] Hanbury's Memorials, ii. 568, i. 536.

[400] Martindale's Autobiography, quoted in Hunter's Life of Heywood, 42.

[401] Hall's Works, 555.

[402] Dedication to his Commentary on Ezekiel.

[403] As it is our object to afford glimpses of domestic life, it is worth while to insert the following letters, trivial though they be, preserved in the State Paper Office. They are from parents to their son at school, and present an odd and amusing jumble of advice:—

"London, 16th Nov., 1641.

"Son John, the Lord bless thee, and these are to let you know that, thanks be to God, we are all now indifferent well. I have had a great desire, this long time, to come into the country to see you; but I have been very ill of a pleurisy, which hindered me, and now the ways are deep and the days are short, and your mother and sisters long to see you. Therefore I have desired your master in the enclosed to let you come up to London upon Friday next, at the return of this carrier. You may come up in the waggon, which if you do, your mother would have you keep on your coat to keep you warm. I would have you the rather come upon Friday next, because the next week we have a great feast at the Hall, and your mother would have you there. When you come up, bring with you both your coats and your two best suits of apparel, and your mother would have you bring up your writing book, and the book wherein you take the heads of your master's sermons in; and this is all I have to say till I see you, which I expect will be on Friday night next.

"Your loving Father,

"George Willingham.

(Addressed) "To his loving son John Willingham, at Mr. Herring's house, in Duddinghurst, these."

The following letter is written to the boy by his mother:—

"John, think it not strange that you have not received your clothes before. The reason you may well know, which was the vexation you put me and your father to at your departing, which lets us understand that your heart is not reformed, notwithstanding all your good education. I have sent you your clothes—a pair of stockings, a pair of gloves. I would have you wear your fres jump (freize jacket) every day and your waistcoat a'nights, and have a care of your clothes, that you keep them in your trunk, and above all look to your heart in all the duties that you perform, and improve the day of grace, which God yet affords you, and improve your time, that you spend it not in play, and neglect your learning, and labour to be a comfort to your parents and not a grief. I have sent you some plums, of your brother's christening. Had I sent them as you did your father's nuts they would come short to you. You sent your father a pint of nuts which cost him eightpence. Had you regarded your father, you would have tied and sealed them up. Your brother Samuel and sister is well and remember them to you, and remember me to your master Herring, and Mrs. Herring, and your old Mistress and Mr. Chadley. Thus I rest praying to God, for I rest your careful mother,

"Anna Willingham.

"Your brother's name is Ebenezer.

(Addressed) "To John Willingham, living at Mr. Herring's, at Duddinghurst, deliver these."

There are also letters, &c., endorsed, "Intercepted, 1641, to Willingham." Probably it was suspected they were letters of political significance.

[404] As to Lancashire, Dr. Hibbert observes, in his History of the Collegiate Church of Manchester, i. 272:—"The greatest discontent was excited at the mode of solemnizing marriages, which was no longer before the altar, or accompanied with the pledge of the ring, which had been hitherto considered essential to the contract. This meanness of ceremony was so ill relished, that many clandestine marriages were celebrated by unauthorized persons, or ejected clergymen." The author mentions the case of a woman who refused to submit to Presbyterian rites, but asserted herself a "wife before God."

[405] Many Independents, it should be remembered, treated marriage as a civil contract, and had no religious service.

[406] These particulars are gleaned from Brand's Popular Antiquities.

[407] Hunter's Life of Heywood, 33.

[408] Autobiography of Joseph Lister.

[409] According to Archbishop Islep's Constitutions (1362), the observance of the Lord's Day was to begin at Saturday vespers, like the feasts that have vigils.—Johnson's English Canons, ii. 426.

Eustace, abbot of Flay (1201), went beyond the Puritans in his Sabbatarianism, and sought to terrify people into a cessation of labour from three o'clock on Saturday afternoon until Monday sunrise, by relating all sorts of miracles. A woman, for weaving on Saturday afternoon, was struck dead with palsy; another woman, who kept her paste wrapped up in a cloth until Monday morning, found it then ready baked.—Johnson, ii. 95.

[410] Baxter's Works, xiii. 457.

[411] Professor Kingsley, in his Lectures on the Roman and the Teuton, ascribes the spread of witch-mania to the influence of the Romish clergy (p. 293).

[412] In an instructive article respecting Witchcraft, in Charles Knight's Cyclopædia, it is remarked "that a large portion of the witchcraft superstition was propagated by means of books, or through the tuition of men of letters."

[413] Enquiries about sorcerers, incantations, and witchcraft occur in the Visitation Articles of Laud.—Works, v. 417, 432.

[414] There are numerous stories of Lancashire witches in the State Papers. See, for example, Calendar Dom., 1634-1635, p. 78.

[415] Gaule's Select Cases of Conscience touching Witches, 1646. See also Hale's Tracts, containing Trial of the Witches at Bury St. Edmunds.

[416] Widdrington, in a letter to Whitelocke (Memorials, 424), says: "I met at Berwick with a discovery of witches by a Scotchman, who professeth himself an artist that way. I know not whence he derives his skill. His salary was twenty shillings for every witch. He got thirty pounds after that rate." Of the burning or imprisonment of witches, cases are mentioned by Whitelocke, in pp. 412, 423, 450, 570.

[417] In the Assembly Books of the Corporation of Yarmouth is this entry:—"August 15th, 1637. That the gentleman, Mr. Hopkins, employed in the country for discovering and finding out witches be sent for to town, to search for those wicked persons, if any may be, and have his fee and allowance for his pains, as he hath in other places."

[418] There is amongst the Baxter MSS. in Dr. Williams's Library, a long letter respecting something of this kind, which I remember noticing many years ago.

[419] "During the few years of the Commonwealth, there is reason to believe that more alleged witches perished in England than in the whole period before and after."—Lecky's Rise and Influence of Rationalism, 116; Hutchinson's Historical Account of Witchcraft, p. 68.

[420] This is stated on the authority of the article on Witchcraft in Knight's Cyclopædia.

Hutchinson says, of the thousands of executions for witchcraft in 250 years, he had ascertained only about 140 cases in England. Other writers placed the numbers higher. Some estimates appear absurdly extravagant; for example, that in Barrington's Observations on the More Ancient Statutes.

[421] I do not profess to be learned in these matters, but I would just add that caps fitting close to the head were not necessarily badges of Puritanism; for, to mention no other instances, they may be seen in the portraits of Andrewes and Taylor. Bands are said to have been introduced in 1652, but I do not know on what authority the statement rests. In the portrait of William Jenkyn, already noticed, an indescribable piece of ornamentation appears in the front of his dress. Caryl's portrait shews no gown at all, only a plain, tight dress. I mention these trifles simply to indicate that there was a variety of costume amongst the Puritans. They were firm in resisting the use of Popish vestments; but they do not seem to have maintained anything like uniformity amongst themselves. I may add that the authors of the Seventy-fourth Canon could have had no such childish ideas about clerical costume as many express in the present day, for they distinctly declare: "In all which particulars concerning the apparel here prescribed, our meaning is not to attribute any holiness or special worthiness to the said garments, but for decency, gravity, and order, as is before specified."

[422] Weever, writing in 1631, complains of pews as a novelty. "They are made high and easy, for parishioners to sit or sleep in, a fashion of no long continuance, and worthy of reformation."

In the Visitation Books of the Archdeacon of Norfolk there are many presentments in the reigns of James I. and Charles I. against high-backed pews as nuisances. In 1638, some of the parishioners of Great St. Andrew's Church, Cambridge, were presented for not kneeling at the Sacrament, and excused themselves by saying their seats were so straight that, being filled, they could not kneel.—Hist. of Yarmouth, by C. J. Palmer, 127.

[423] The purchasing of hour-glasses is an item occurring in the Windsor Churchwardens' accounts. In the same records are the following curious entries for 1652-3:—

"Paid for fastening the paraphrase of Erasmus to the desk, viii. d.; for nine pounds of candles, for the use of morning prayer, vs. id." The charges for sack after preaching are numerous.—See Annals of Windsor, ii. 266, et. seq. "For one pint of sack, given to a merchant of Bristol who preached in the parish church, by William Myelles, Mayor, his appointment, 8d."

The church plate at Windsor was for safe custody deposited in the Guildhall. It consisted of two silver flagons, two chalices, one silver cover, and one bread-plate.—Annals, ii. 271.

[424] It has been stated, but I do not know on what authority, that Baxter read his sermons. Altogether, the advice given in the Directory, under the head "Of the Preaching of the Word," is so admirable that it deserves to be studied by every Christian minister.

[425] Oxoniana, i. 64; Peck's Desiderata Curiosa, lib. xx.; Stanford's Life of Joseph Alleine, 113. In some parts of Switzerland, the practice of wearing hats at sermon time is still maintained.

[426] Perfect Occurrences, June 22nd, 1644.

[427] Baillie, ii. 149.

[428] Hanbury's Memorials, ii. 105, 111.

[429] The omission of singing in public worship was continued in the Baptist church at Maze Pond, Southwark, until the year 1733.—Ivimey's Hist. of Baptists, Sup., 432.

[430] Sternhold's version was first published in 1548 or 1549, and was dedicated to King Edward VI. Hopkins' additions appear in 1551.

The following may be mentioned as of a Puritan character:—

Dod's Psalms of David; with a Public Thanksgiving on the Fifth of November, composed into Easie Meter, a Song meete for Young and Old. 1620.

Psalms of David, by George Wither, 1632, printed in the Netherlands; dedicated to the Princess Elizabeth of Bohemia.

The Psalms, in prose and metre, by H. A., Amsterdam, 1612. H. A. means Henry Ainsworth, the Nonconformist.

For a list of versions, see Lownde's Bibliographers' Manual (Bohn's edit.)

[431] Humble Advice; or, the Heads of those Things which were offered to many honourable Members of Parliament, by Richard Baxter, at the End of his Sermon, December 24th, at the Abbey in Westminster. 1655.

Baxter recommends the version "first approved of by the late Assembly of Divines, and, after, very much corrected and bettered in Scotland." This was Rouse's. Mr. Lathbury, to whom I am indebted for the reference, incorrectly supposes it to be Barton's.—Hist. of Convocation, 510.

[432] Weekly Account, 1643, October the 4th.

Substitutes for theatrical entertainments were ingeniously contrived under the Protectorate, of which a curious example is afforded in a description of a public amusement upon Friday, May the 23rd, 1656, which I find amongst the State Papers.

[433] The following extract is worth notice:—

May the 1st, 1654, Moderate Intelligencer.

"This day was more observed by people's going a-maying than for divers years past, and indeed much sin committed by wicked meetings, with fighting, drunkenness, ribaldry, and the like. Great resort came to Hyde Park; many hundred of rich coaches, and gallants in rich attire, but most shameful powdered hair men, and painted and spotted women.

[434] Macaulay says: "If the Puritans suppressed bull-baiting it was not because it gave pain to the bull, but because it gave pleasure to spectators." Is this a fair statement? I do not discover in Scobell any act or ordinance against bull-baiting at all. There is one against cock-fighting, and the reason alleged for suppressing the practice is, that it disturbed the public peace, and was connected with dissolute practices to the dishonour of God. The prohibition of races, and the grounds of the prohibition, have been already noticed.

[435] Scobell.

[436] The following is extracted from the biography of John Bruen.—Nonconformity in Cheshire, 56:—

"Master Done being young and youthly, yet very tractable, could not well away with the strict observation of the Lord's Day, whereupon we did all conspire to do him good, ten of my family speaking one after another, and myself last, for the sanctifying of the Lord's Day. After which he did very cheerfully yield himself; blessed be God." ... "I [John Bruen] coming once into his chamber and finding over the mantel-piece a pair of new cards, nobody being there I opened them, and took out the four knaves and burnt them, and so laid them together again; and so for want of such knaves his gaming was marred, and never did he play in my house, for aught I ever heard, any more." Puritans played at billiards, bowls, and shuffle-board.—See Newcome's Diary.

[437] A curious description of the prevalent fashions of the day is found in Fox's Journal, i. 274:—

People "must be in the fashion of the world, else they are not in esteem; else they shall not be respected, if they have not gold or silver upon their backs, or if the hair be not powdered. But if he have store of ribands hanging about his waist, and at his knees, and in his hat, of divers colours, red, white, black, or yellow, and his hair be powdered, then he is a brave man; then he is accepted, he is no Quaker, because he hath ribands on his back, and belly, and knees, and his hair powdered. This is the array of the world. But is not this from the lust of the eye, the lust of the flesh, or the pride of life? Likewise the women having their gold, their patches on their faces, noses, cheeks, foreheads; having their rings on their fingers, wearing gold, having their cuffs double, under and above, like unto a butcher with his white sleeves; having their ribands tied about their hands, and three or four gold laces about their clothes, this is no Quaker, say they. This attire pleaseth the world; and if they cannot get these things, they are discontented."

[438] Bastwick, quoted in Hanbury's Memorials, iii. 81.

[439] Whitelocke's Memorials, 628.

[440] Oldmixon's History of England, 426.

"I knew them both," he says, "and heard this story told when Mrs. White was present, who did not contradict it, but owned there was something in it."

[441] Rogers' Life of Howe, 69, 72.

[442] Mr. John Nelson, father of "the pious Robert Nelson," dying in 1657, having "a distaste" "for the intruding ministry of the time," requested to be "privately buried by an orthodox minister in the evening."—Nelson's Life, by Secretan, p. 2.

[443] Harl. MSS., 5176, 15, quoted in Lyson's Environs, i. 42.

[444] Brook, iii. 290.

[445] Baxter's Poetical Fragments.

[446] Fell, p. 230.

[447] Essays, by Henry Rogers, 17.

[448] Taylor's Works, vi. 564-566.

[449] Life of Quarles, in Sacred Poets, by Willmott.

[450] Dixon's Life of the Earl of Manchester.

[451] Memorials of John Hampden, by Lord Nugent, 336.

[452] Evelyn's Diary, i. 342.

[453] Howe's Works, vi. 233. Fairclough was Rector of the parish of Wells, in the county of Somerset. He was one of the ejected ministers; he died July 4th, 1682, and is buried in Bunhill Fields. Howe gives an account of his indefatigable diligence in the discharge of his ministry.

[454] Clark's Lives, 103.

[455] Samuel Fairclough. He held the living of Banardiston in Suffolk, and afterwards became Rector of Keddington, in the same county. There is a remarkable memoir of him in Clark's Lives.

[456] Clark's Lives, 114.

[457] Works, vi. 476.

[458] Memorable Women of the Puritan Times, i. 105-116.

[459] These notices are taken from Dr. Gibbons Memoirs of Eminently Pious Women. We have purposely retained some forms of phraseology which are employed in the original narrative. It would be easy to add to these illustrations. Some interesting ones are given in Pattison's Rise and Progress of Religious Life in England, chap. xii. See also Tomkin's Piety Promoted. Even amongst the Fifth Monarchy men there were instances of genuine piety; nor do we doubt that the persecuted Roman Catholics furnished examples of devotion and beneficence.

[460] Morley stated at the Savoy Conference "that some places had no ministers at all through all those times of usurpation," and instanced Aylesbury. Baxter told him: "I never knew any such; and therefore I knew there were not many such in England." With regard to Aylesbury, he says the story was false, as he ascertained there were usually in that town two at a time.—Life and Times, part ii., 340. Some poor parishes might, during a part of the period, be without ministers.

[461] Life and Times, part i., 96.

[462] Even what was said by the scoffers is worth noting:—

"Here's now no good action for a man to spend his time in; taverns grow dead; ordinaries are blown up; plays are at a stand; houses of hospitality at fall; not a feather waving, nor a spur jingling anywhere. I'll away instantly."—Eastward Ho! 228.

This testifies to an extensive outward reformation.

[463] Works, ii. 251.

[464] Communion with God: two Sermons preached at St. Paul's, by Saml. Annesley, LL.D., 1654-1655, minister of the Gospel at St. John the Evangelist's, London.

[465] Owen's Works, vol. vii. ccccxxxiv.

[466] The one called Germany worse than Sodom, and the other declared the waters of the Elbe would not suffice for tears to weep over those dissensions.—Hase's History of the Church, 439.

[467] For extract from Becon, see Strype's Cranmer, i. 417.