b.c. 46 to a.d. 1000.
No new school of astronomy arose under the Roman Empire, nor do we even know of one Roman who devoted his life to the science. The genius of this people lay in other directions, and Dante truly says:—
‘“Nature ordained in the world a place and a people for universal command ... to wit, Rome and her citizens or people. The which our poet too has touched upon right subtly in the sixth [Virgil, in the sixth book of the Æneid], introducing Anchises admonishing Æneas, the father of the Romans, thus:—
“Others shall beat out the breathing bronze more softly, I do well believe it! And shall draw the living features from the marble; shall plead causes better, and trace with the rod the movements of the sky, and tell of the rising stars. Roman! do thou be mindful how to sway the peoples with command. These be thy arts: to lay upon them the custom of peace, to spare the subject and fight down the proud.”’[59]
Yet there were some enthusiastic amateur astronomers in Rome, for Cicero tells us of one who had felt old age to be no burden because he was so eager over his astronomical studies, sitting up sometimes all night to finish his calculations, and delighted when an eclipse he had foretold came to pass.[60] This ardent amateur, Sulpicius Gallus by name, had found such knowledge of practical value in his younger days, when he was with the legions in Macedonia, for he had been able to persuade the troops not to be alarmed by an eclipse of the moon which was about to happen, explaining how it was due to natural causes; and while the soldiers in the opposite camp were shrieking and moaning, believing that the eclipse portended the death of their king, the Roman soldiers remained quite calm. This was on the eve of the battle of Pydna, in b.c. 168, a little before the time of Hipparchus.
In Cicero’s own life-time, and throughout the early days of the Empire, it was the fashion to have at least a smattering of Greek astronomy. Ovid tells legends of the constellations; Virgil, at his farm where he lingered happily among his vines, his cattle, and his bees, studied the varying aspects of the constellations in connection with the seasons and the weather; Manilius wrote a long poem in five books on astronomy and astrology; Cicero himself was quite learned in the subject, and made a translation of Aratus, which had a great vogue.
Very popular also, both in classical and mediæval times, was his Dream of Scipio, which was an imitation of Plato’s fable of the vision of Er, in the Republic. The moral is that earthly fame is valueless, since Earth itself is insignificant compared with the starry heavens, but that those who practice virtue for its own sake shall return to the stars whence their souls originally came. The youthful Scipio is transported to the skies in a dream, and meets the souls of his father and of the elder Scipio Africanus in “a radiant circle of dazzling whiteness, which you have learned from the Greeks to call the Milky Way.” There he sees “stars which we never saw from this place, and their magnitudes were such as we never imagined, the smallest of which was that which, placed upon the extremity of the heavens, but nearest to the earth, shone with borrowed light.” But the shining globes of the stars are so great that Earth seems to have contracted to a point, and Scipio gazes at it, grieved.
“How long will your gaze be fixed on Earth?” cries Africanus. “Do you not see into what temples you have entered?” and he points out nine spheres which compose the whole universe. The outermost, in which the stars are fixed, is most divine, and within this are seven, one of which contains the planet called Saturn upon earth, the next the glorious Jupiter, friendly and helpful to mankind, then Mars, ruddy and terrible, and the next place in the middle region is held by the sun, the leader, prince, and governor of all other luminaries, the soul of the world, filling all things with his light. Venus and Mercury follow him in their courses, like attendants, and in the lowest sphere rolls the moon, kindled by his rays. Below this, all is mortal and transitory, except the souls given to the human race by the grace of the gods; above the moon all is eternal. Earth, which is at the centre and forms the ninth sphere, is immoveable and below all the rest; and all weights, by their natural gravitation, fall towards her.
Scipio then asks what is the sound which fills his ears, so loud and yet so sweet? and he is told that he hears the music of the spheres, which is too great for mortal ears, just as the sun is too bright for human eyes to look upon. Yet those who make music upon Earth, with strings or voice, like all others who follow heavenly pursuits, are opening for themselves a path by which to return to the stars, the true home of the soul.
Other famous Latin authors who wrote on astronomy were Strabo, Seneca, and Pliny, who quote Eudoxus and Aristotle, Poseidonius, and Hipparchus. When Ptolemy’s work was done there was no great writer to popularize it. Three hundred years later Proclus writes a commentary on it, and Martianus Capella mentions it, but Simplicius, in his commentary on Aristotle’s De Cœlo, though he speaks of “the admirable Ptolemy,” is evidently unacquainted with his work.
No Roman added anything new to astronomy, and the most precious parts of their writings for the history of astronomy are some fragmentary notes of early Greek astronomers whose original works are lost.
The practical use of astronomy for measuring time appealed, however, to the Roman people. The most ancient Roman year (said to have been introduced by Romulus) had only ten months, March being the first, which explains why the ninth to the twelfth of our present months have the names of September, October, November and December, as if they came in the order of seventh to tenth. Two more months were added later, and at some unknown date the old Octennial or 8-year Cycle was adopted from the Greeks. This involved the use of intercalary months of varying length, and the priests were entrusted with the business of arranging them. But the priests thought it much more important that the length of the year should suit their convenience than that it should conform to the celestial movements, so they made it long or short according as they approved or not of the persons holding office at the time; and by the time of Julius Cæsar the calendar had fallen into such confusion that March 25, which was supposed to be the date of the spring equinox, came in the middle of winter!
A drastic reform was necessary. Julius Cæsar called in the Alexandrian astronomer Sosigenes, and gave the Empire the calendar which, with the exception of one small reform made since, we still use. The moon was thrown over altogether: there were to be no more intercalary months, and every year was to be exactly like the last, except for the addition of one day in every fourth year, so as to make the average year equal to 365¼ days. Since the tropical solar year is only 11 minutes, 14 seconds shorter than this, many centuries would elapse before the months of this calendar would depart from their proper seasons. March 25 was restored to the time of the vernal equinox, but the first day of the new year was to be January 1, and Julius Cæsar gave his own name to the old fifth month of Quintilis. Each month was to be alternately of 31 and 30 days, except February, which would only have its full complement of 30 days in the fourth year (Leap Year), and 29 every other year. This reform was regarded by some as an unwarrantable interference by a despot. Cicero, when some one mentioned that the constellation Lyra would rise at a certain hour, answered bitterly, “Yes, if the edict allows it!”
Unfortunately, the simplicity of the scheme was a good deal spoiled by the folly of Augustus, who could not bear that the month of his predecessor should have 31 days while the next, the old Sextilis, which he turned into August, named after himself, should have only 30. So he made two months of 31 days come together, and took away a day from February. Afterwards, Nero gave his name to April, and Domitian his to October, but this was more than a long-suffering world could bear, and the new names were gladly forgotten as soon as the tyrants were dead.
Although, therefore, Rome was obliged to apply to Alexandria, that is to Greek astronomy, to carry out the project, it was Rome that gave us the most correct and convenient calendar which exists, better in both respects than that which had been used in Greece itself.[61]
But alas! the celestial science, a willing servant as time-measurer for the daily uses of humanity, a docile captive to adorn the triumph of literature, was doomed to a baser servitude. It was in the early days of the Empire, and all through the Middle Ages, that the pseudo-science of Astrology was pursued with passion, and men spent their lives in studying the paths of planets and positions of the stars, urged solely by the delusive hope of being able therefrom to read the book of fate and guide the lives of their superstitious clients. From Chaldea, its ancient home, came the most famous astrologers, but their art was soon learned in every country of Europe, and its professors were sought after by peasants and kings—now reviled and banished as impious and leagued with devils, now loaded with honours and rewards, revered, hated, welcomed, forbidden, but always believed in. Although when Christianity was established the seven planets could no longer be regarded as great gods ruling over the lesser gods of the stars, they were still thought to be mighty revealers of fate. Each had his special attributes and influence over man: the fiery colour of Mars no doubt suggested the warlike and hostile spirit ascribed from time immemorial to this planet-god; the slow motion of Saturn in his distant sphere gave an impression of a mournful morose being, the “frigida Saturni stella” of Virgil; Venus was the planet of love; the sun, of honour and power, and so forth. Each planet was also mysteriously connected with a colour, and, the alchemists said, with a metal; the sun with gold, the moon with silver, Saturn with pale heavy lead, etc. Each also influenced a special part of the body: thus, if Mercury were unfavourably placed at the moment of a child’s birth it would be liable to suffer from lung-disease; the moon’s position affected the brain; the sun’s the heart, etc.
As the planets had distinct and often contrary influences in different positions, it was necessary, in determining a man’s fate, to consider the aspect of the whole heavens, especially at the moment of his birth, but horoscopes were also cast for any period in his career, past, present, or to come, enabling him to guard against threatening evils or bad tendencies, and to seize favourable opportunities. The method was as follows: the sky-sphere, as it appeared at the given time and place, was divided into twelve “houses,” by drawing meridians (called “circles of position”) 30° apart. The house just about to rise on the eastern horizon was called the “ascendant,” and was the first and most important, planets situated there having more power than anywhere else; but each house had its special significance, the second (just above the eastern horizon) being the House of Riches, the seventh of Marriage, the twelfth of Enemies, etc. The kind and the strength of each planet’s influence depended mainly upon the house in which it happened to be, and was strongest when the planet was in its own house and also in its favourite zodiacal sign. The sun was considered to be most at home in Leo, the moon in Cancer, and each of the other five planets owned two of the remaining signs. Another important point was the “aspect” of the planets with regard to one another, that is, their angular distance apart on the sky-sphere. If Mars and Jupiter, for instance, were in “opposition,” i.e. 180° apart, the portent was unfavourable, but in “trine” or “sextile” aspect (120° or 60° apart), favourable.
It is evident that for casting horoscopes it was necessary to be able to calculate for any given time or place the positions of the heavenly bodies; and for this the skies must be watched, and the movements known of the stars, of sun and moon, and of planets. To this extent, therefore, an interest in genuine astronomy was kept alive; but on the other hand, the system fostered belief in the overwhelming importance of Earth in the Universe, and the existence of the heavenly bodies for the sole purpose of ruling and foretelling human destinies: no one cared to inquire what were the underlying laws, and what the real nature, of the heavenly phenomena.
Closely allied to this superstitious belief in planetary influences, was the dread of comets, meteors, and eclipses, which were everywhere regarded as omens. It was in vain that Seneca urged the greater importance of investigating the nature of the heavenly bodies about which something was already known, and of trying to solve the problem worthy of highest consideration, viz. whether the earth, as some had asserted, was turning rapidly, or was stationary in a turning World. His very protest, as well as his lengthy dissertation on comets, shows how far less interesting, alike to philosophers and public, were the ordered courses of stars and planets, than the startling apparition of such rare objects as that great “hairy star” which, appearing suddenly during the games instituted by Augustus after the assassination of Julius Cæsar, was thought to be the soul of the dead Emperor. Augustus erected a temple in its honour.
Rome, considered as the metropolis of the dominant temporal power, failed to encourage astronomy; Rome as the centre of the spiritual power directly discouraged it.
In the fourth and fifth centuries after Christ “the old heathen theory” that Earth is a sphere was opposed by some of the Fathers, as inconsistent with certain expressions in the Bible; and in the sixth an Egyptian monk, Cosmas Indicopleustes, formulated a scheme of the Universe according to which the Jewish Tabernacle was a type and pattern of the World. The earth is the flat oblong floor, surrounded by four seas; these are enclosed by four massive walls which support a roof (the firmament or sky), and above this live the angels, who move the sun, moon, and stars across the firmament, and let down rain through its window. This childish cosmogony, supposed to be in entire accordance with Genesis, Isaiah, and the Psalms, bears a curious similarity to one of the oldest “heathen theories” of all, born in the land where Cosmas lived.[62] Saint Augustine, however, author of the paralysing doctrine: “Nothing is to be accepted save on the authority of Scripture,” does not seem to have considered belief in a spherical Earth forbidden, but it was to him a matter of perfect indifference, while he upheld as an article of faith that in no case could any antipodean inhabitants exist. For they could not be descendants of Adam, nor ever hear the Gospel, since everyone knew the torrid zone to be an impossible barrier between north and south. Another favourite Church doctrine was that Jerusalem was the centre of the earth: this idea, which it will be remembered has a place in Dante’s cosmogony, was based on the words in Ezekiel:[63] “This is Jerusalem: I have set it in the midst of the nations and countries that are round about her.” Good bishop Arculf, and other pilgrims, were shown a pillar “on the north side of the holy places, and in the middle of the city,” which marked the exact spot, and were told in proof of the assertion that at midday at the summer solstice this pillar cast no shadow! How this proved its central position is a mystery, and if true the pillar must have been deplorably crooked, for the sun can never pass overhead in Jerusalem, in a latitude of nearly 32° north.
The Church, like the State, saw that astronomy had one use, and applied, like the State, to Greek astronomy for a calendar. It was necessary that the ecclesiastical calendar should be luni-solar, since Easter, which corresponds with the Jewish passover, must fall on the Sunday following the first full moon after the Vernal Equinox. By 325 a.d., when the Council of Nice was held, at which this question was settled, the Vernal Equinox fell on March 21 instead of March 25, owing to the neglected eleven minutes in the Julian year. March 21 was therefore adopted by the Church as the date of the equinox, which was assumed to remain constant; and the old luni-solar cycle of Meton was used, and still is used in all churches which celebrate Easter, as a basis for the ecclesiastical calendar.
The custom of reckoning years forwards and backwards from the birth of Christ was first introduced by a Roman abbot, Dionysius Exiguus, in the sixth century, but it did not become general in Christian countries until the ninth century. Dionysius adopted as the first day of the epoch, not January 1, but March 25, the old Roman date of the vernal equinox. This was because it was Annunciation Day, and it was a belief of the Middle Ages that the Annunciation and also the Crucifixion actually took place on this day, and also that the Creation began on the same date.
At the break-up of the Roman Empire some fragments of classical learning were saved from the wreck, mainly in the text-books of the “heathen” writers, Capella, Cassiodorus, and Boëthius. These were preserved by the Church, now the only repository of learning. The secular instruction given to churchmen included astronomy, for while the “Trivium” comprised the three elementary sciences of Grammar, Rhetoric, and Dialectic, the “Quadrivium” comprised the four advanced sciences of Arithmetic, Astronomy, Geometry, and Music. But only a mere smattering of the “Quadrivium” was taught in this period, and scarcely more of astronomy than was necessary for determining the date of Easter. The intimate knowledge and ingenious theories of the Greeks concerning the celestial motions interested no one any more.
From the seventh century, however, the ignorance began to be less dense. Charlemagne established many schools, and there were enlightened monks here and there—Saint Isidore of Seville, the Venerable Bede, and Irish scholars like Fergil and Dicuil—whose teachings show that the elements of astronomy as taught by the Greeks were not totally forgotten everywhere. From the beginning of the ninth century all famous monasteries had schools for laymen as well as for monks.
In Italy the darkness was never quite so deep as in northern Europe, for traditions of classical culture never quite died out. And although throughout the long period from Ptolemy to the end of the tenth century, astronomy had been almost completely neglected in Europe, the way was slowly being made plain for a great revival. The ideal Empire, governing the whole world from the Eternal City, and the ideal Church making all men brothers, though neither has ever existed in fact, did so in men’s minds, as we see clearly in Dante, and both exercised a powerful influence. The Roman Empire and the Roman Church did impress a kind of unity on Europe as it grew: there was one civilization, one religion, one language in which new thoughts could be conveyed to all. Thus the ground was prepared, and whenever a new school of astronomy should arise or be imported, it would not remain the property of one nation surrounded by barbarians, but might at once be shared in and advanced by the whole of Europe.