[127] Life and Times, ii. 230.

[128] Life and Times, ii. 232.

[129] Baxter's Life and Times, ii. 232, et seq. Also in Cardwell's Conferences, 277, corrected from MS. copy amongst the Tanner MSS., Bodleian.

[130] Life and Times, ii. 278.

[131] Life and Times, ii. 241. The date of this interview is not given by Baxter.

[132] This paper is printed in Baxter's Life and Times, ii. 242–247, and in Documents relating to the Settlement of the Church of England by the Act of Uniformity of 1662, p. 27, but not in Cardwell's Conferences.

[133] Life and Times, ii. 258, 259.

[134] Ibid., 265, et seq.

[135] This no doubt had to do with the importance they attached to the ring and the sign of the cross. If any one would see the modern expression of this feeling in an intensified form, let him read Keble's Tract for the Times, No. 89, and Preface to Hooker, lxxxix.

[136] Romans xiv.

[137] In the foregoing statement I have endeavoured to put myself in the place of each party successively. My own views of the question in dispute are very decided; but they do not exactly accord with those of either party.

[138] Durham and Exeter were vacant sees at the Restoration. Cosin and Gauden had been nominated to them respectively.

[139] Baxter ii. 277. Clarendon (p. 1034) states that in the draft of the Declaration a passage occurred professing the King's use of the Prayer Book, and that "he would take it well from those who used it in their Churches that the common people might be again acquainted with the piety, gravity, and devotion of it, and which he thought would facilitate their living in good neighbourhood together." This clause Clarendon says was left out at the ministers' request, on the ground that they were resolved to do what the King wished, and to reconcile the people to the use of that form by degrees, which would have a better effect if such a passage were omitted. Then he charges Calamy with writing a letter which was intercepted and found to contain the expression of a resolve to persist in the use of the Directory, and not to admit the Common Prayer Book into their Churches. Upon turning to Baxter (ii. 263–275), and upon reading the Declaration, one finds, that all which the ministers promised to do, and all that the Declaration required of them, was not totally to lay aside the book, but to read those parts against which there could be no exception. It is incredible, looking at the ground taken throughout by the Puritan ministers, that they ever could have talked in the way Clarendon represents. As to the contents of an intercepted letter, no one who knows anything of the tricks then played will attach importance to what is said by the same historian on that subject.

[140] Baxter, ii. 259–264; also printed in Wilkins' Concilia, Cardwell's Conferences, and Documents relating to the Act of Uniformity.

[141] It is curious to find Baxter when he refused a Bishopric, proposing to Clarendon a number of names from which to choose some one, instead of himself. Baxter at this time had the reputation of being "intimate with the Lord Chancellor Hyde," and accordingly his influence was solicited on behalf of ministers in trouble. Adam Martindale tells us that when his own name was sent up to the Privy Council, Baxter, at the solicitation of a friend, spoke on his behalf to Clarendon, who "did so rattle one of the Deputy Lieutenants and so expostulate with the Earl of Derby, that Martindale was released." The account is very amusing, and shows Martindale's exultation at his enemies being outwitted in their application to the Privy Council. The story indicates, what may be gathered from several circumstances, i.e., that Clarendon at that time wished to show favour to the Presbyterians.—The Life of Adam Martindale, printed for the Cheetham Society, p. 153.

[142] Baxter, ii. 281–283.

[143] Mr. Grosart has shown this in his interesting memoir prefixed to Gilpin's Dæmonologia Sacra, p. xxxii. It is a curious fact that the same Bishopric should, within a century or so, have been offered to two Gilpins, and refused by both.

[144] Kennet, 308. There were no less than 121 Doctors of Divinity made by mandate between 25th of June, 1660, and 2nd of March, 1661.

[145] Those of them, with whom Baxter acted, were not sufficiently satisfied with the Declaration to offer formal thanks for it. Clarendon (1035) brings this as a charge against them.

[146] Baxter's Life and Times, ii. 284.

[147] Nov. 9. Kennet, 307.

[148] Parl. Hist., iv. 142.

[149] Parl. Hist., iv. 152–154, and Commons' Journals, Wednesday, 28th of November.

[150] "That is the best and most Christian memory," says he, "that, as Cæsar's, forgets nothing but injuries. Let us all seriously and sadly look back, consider and bemoan one another, for what we have mutually done and suffered from each other."—Harris's Lives, iv. 385.

[151] Henchman's Sermon, entitled A Peace Offering in the Temple.

[152] Clarendon, 1034.

[153] Calendar of State Papers. Dom. Charles II. Nov. 1, 1660.

[154] Clarendon, 1035.

[155] Lister's Life of Clarendon, ii. 218.

[156] State Papers. Dom. Charles II. December 7, 1660. In a letter on the previous day he alludes to the Bill as "quashed by the violence" of its supporters.

[157] This had been Clarendon's policy from the beginning. He wrote from Breda on the 22nd April, to Dr. Barwick, in these terms: "It would be no ill expedient" "to assure them of present good preferments in the Church." "In my own opinion you should rather endeavour to win over those who being recovered will have both reputation and desire to merit from the Church, than be over solicitous to comply with the pride and passion of those who propose extravagant things." Barwick's Life, 525.

[158] Cardwell (Conferences, 256) says "the King rejoiced when he found his stratagem had succeeded." The stratagem was more the Chancellor's than the King's.

[159] Parl. Hist., iv. 67, et seq. It may here be mentioned that others besides those named in Parliament were exposed to danger. Lord Wharton, for example. The circumstance is rather curious—his eldest daughter, Elizabeth, then the wife of Lord Willoughby d'Eresby, as she was crossing the Thames, by the ferry at Lambeth, overheard the boatman mention her father's name as one of the excepted. Her husband immediately used his influence with the King on his father-in-law's behalf, and thus prevented the name from being retained in the list of exceptions. I am indebted for this anecdote to notices of Lord Wharton's Life, in Lipscombe's Hist. and Antiq. of the County of Buckingham. Lord Wharton lived at Wooburn, near Wycombe; and in the next volume I shall have to refer to this circumstance.

[160] See the Commons' Journals, May 14, June 5, 6, 7, 8, 30. The Lords' Journals, July 20, 27. Commons' Journals, Aug. 13, 17, 23, 24. Hallam gives a synopsis of these proceedings, and I have ventured to adopt one or two of his expressions.—Constitutional History, ii. 3. In the Conference on the 23rd of August, Clarendon told the Commons that His Majesty, who was duly sensible of the great wound he received on that fatal day (the day of his father's execution) when the news of it came to the Hague, bore but one part of the tragedy, for the whole world was sensible of it; and particularly instanced that a woman at the Hague, hearing of it "fell down dead with astonishment."

[161] Trial of the Regicides, 17.

[162] The Trials of Charles I., and of some of the Regicides, 330.

[163] See Brooks's Lives of the Puritans, iii., 350 & 363.

[164] See Ecclesiastical Hist., ii. (Church of the Commonwealth.)

[165] Forster's Statesmen of the Commonwealth, iii. 356.

[166] Lords' Journals, February 7th, 1661/2.

[167] For the story of the Regicides see The Trial, published at the time, and of modern publications, Noble's Regicides; Caulfield's High Court of Justice; and The Trials of Charles I. and of some of the Regicides.

[168] Commons' Journals, December 4th and 8th, 1660.

[169] Kennet observes, "Some of the hottest Divines, though great sufferers and of great names, were passed by in the designations to Bishoprics. An instance in Dr. Peter Heylyn, who in 1660, upon His Majesty's return to his kingdoms, was restored to his spiritualities, but never rose higher than Sub-dean of Westminster, which was a wonder to many and a great discontent to him and his; but the reason being manifest to those that well knew the temper of the person, I shall forbear to make mention of that matter any further. Such was the case of Dr. Sibthorpe, who had suffered very great calamities in His Majesty's cause, yet upon the return of King Charles II. he was only restored to the small preferments from which he had been violently ejected."—Register, 236.

[170] Wood's Athen. Oxon. (Bliss), iii. 613. Further notice of these Bishops will be supplied hereafter.

[171] D'Oyley's Life of Sancroft, ii. 346.

[172] Mant's History of the Church of Ireland, i. 611. Taylor preached a sermon on Episcopacy. Works, vi. 301.

[173] Keble's Life of Bishop Wilson, i. 132.

[174] Canons, 9–12, 72, 73.

[175] See also 3 Jac., 4; 21 Jac., 4.

[176] The letter is written by R. Ellsworth, "Bristol this 24th of November, 1660," and is addressed to Sir E. Nicholas. State Papers, Dom. Charles II.

[177] Rees' Nonconformity in Wales, 111. Powell speaks of himself as if charged with "preaching sedition and rebellion." The specific charges against these Welshmen do not appear. It seems to me very probable that they were accused of political disaffection.

[178] Lives of Philip, Howe, and Bunyan.

[179] It may seem strange to some that Charles II. should excite so much enthusiasm. But it must be remembered that by letters from abroad and other means, extraordinary ideas of his excellence had been diffused throughout the country. Some amusing illustrations of this are supplied in the Worcester MS.:—

"June 6th.—Mr. Prinn coming to kiss His Majesty's hands, prayed God to bless him—'and so also you, Mr. Prinn,' and smiling clapt him on the shoulder."

"6th.—It is said that Mr. Calamy, a Presbyterian, and one of the King's chaplains, desired His Majesty that he might not officiate in these canonical habits, especially in a surplice, for it was against his conscience, who answered he would not press it on him, and as he refused to do in the one, so he would spare him in the other. It is also said when His Majesty was at primal prayers in his presence-chamber, and seeing all on their knees but the Earl of Manchester, his chamberlain, who stood by him (a Presbyterian), His Majesty suddenly took a cushion, and said, 'My Lord, there is a cushion, you may now kneel;' which for shame he was glad patiently to do. O meek, O zealous, O pious prince!"

"July.—The King going to swim one night in the Thames, there were divers ladies and gentlemen looking out of the windows of Whitehall, which he beholding, sent a message that either they should shut their windows and pray for his safety, or begone out of court. O chaste and good prince!"

"Oct. 23rd.—A settling of the King's household according as the book was 6th Charles I.—wherein His Majesty declares that his officers should collect out of the same all such wholesome orders, decrees, and directions as may tend most to the planting, establishing, and countenancing of virtue and piety in his family, and to the discountenancing of all manner of disorder, debauchery, and vice in any person of what degree or quality soever."

[180] State Papers, Dom. 1661, January 11th.

[181] The entry in the Council Book, and the subsequent Proclamation, are printed in Kennet's Register, under dates January 2nd & 10th.

[182] Neal, iv. 311.

[183] Crosby, ii. 108.

[184] Sir John Maynard informed Lord Mordaunt that so many refused to swear that he did not know what to do: some because they would not swear at all; others because they would not enter into promissory obligations; others because, as the King had taken no oath to obey the laws, they would take no oath to obey the King.—State Papers, Dom. 1661, January 19th.

[185] Baxter's Life and Times, ii. 301. No date is given—it is only said that the circumstance occurred at the time of Venner's insurrection.

[186] Loyal Subject's Lamentation for London's perverseness in the malignant choice of some rotten Members on Tuesday, 19th March, 1661.

[187] The Government monopoly of letter carrying was sometimes invaded; and I notice in the Minute Book of Privy Council, 1661–2, a curious order for taking into custody two persons, who obtained large quantities of letters under the pretence of conveying them to their proper destination, but who in fact threw them into the Thames, and still worse places.

[188] Sir Thomas Browne, in a letter to his son, says—"Two Royalists gained it here (Norwich) against all opposition that could possibly be made; the voices in this number—Jaye, 1,070; Corie, 1,001; Barnham, 562; Church, 436. My Lord Richardson and Sir Ralph Hare carried it in the county without opposition."—Works, i. 8.

[189] As instances of such purging, we may mention that on the 25th of February, just before the election, orders of that kind were sent to Hull and Norwich.—State Papers, Dom., under date. Oldfield's History of the Original Constitution of Parliament, gives a very large number of instances in which members for boroughs in the seventeenth century were returned by the Corporation. For example:—Andover, votes 24; Banbury, votes 18; Bath, votes 18; Beaumaris, votes 24.

[190] County of Devon.

[191] Their former history is remembered in Hudibras:—

[192] Parl. Hist., iv. 383.

[193] Ibid., iv. 862.

[194] May 10th.—"Parliament assembled on the 8th [of May], the King went on horseback, with a magnificent equipage. After a sermon in Westminster Abbey, they went in the same order to the House of Peers, &c."—State Papers, Dom. under date.

[195] Lords' Journals, 1661, May 8th and 10th.

[196] A Diarist states that Dr. Gunning, who officiated, refused the bread to Mr. Prynne, because he did not kneel; and that Boscawen took it standing.—Lathbury's Convocation, 297.

[197] The Presbyterian Divines were Edward Reynolds, Bishop of Norwich; Dr. Tuckney, Master of St. John's College, Cambridge; Dr. Conant, Reg. Prof. Div. Oxford; Dr. Spurstow; Dr. Wallis, Sav. Prof. Geom. Oxford; Dr. Manton; Mr. Calamy; Mr. Baxter; Mr. Jackson; Mr. Case; Mr. Clarke; Mr. Newcomen.

Coadjutors:—Dr. Horton; Dr. Jacomb; Dr. Bates; Dr. Cooper; Dr. Lightfoot; Dr. Collins; Mr. Woodbridge; Mr. Rawlinson; Mr. Drake.

The Episcopal Divines were:—Accepted Frewen, Archbishop of York; Gilbert Sheldon, Bishop of London, Master of the Savoy; John Cosin, Bishop of Durham; John Warner, Bishop of Rochester; Henry King, Bishop of Chichester; Humphrey Henchman, Bishop of Sarum; George Morley, Bishop of Worcester; Robert Sanderson, Bishop of Lincoln; Benjamin Laney, Bishop of Peterborough; Bryan Walton, Bishop of Chester; Richard Sterne, Bishop of Carlisle; John Gauden, Bishop of Exeter.

With the following Coadjutors:—Dr. Earle, Dean of Westminster; Dr. Heylyn; Dr. Hacket; Dr. Barwick; Dr. Gunning; Dr. Pearson; Dr. Pierce; Dr. Sparrow; Mr. Thorndike.

No distinction is made between the two parties in the terms of the Commission.

[198] Life and Times, ii. 302–304.

[199] Life and Times, ii. 305; Kennet, 398; Cardwell Documents.

[200] Two applicants are mentioned as anxious for the office—Dr. Warmestry and Richard Braham—the latter writes to John Nicholas asking his "influence with his father to get him recommended as an additional Commissioner of the Excise, having relinquished the idea of the Mastership of the Savoy in favour of Dr. Sheldon."—State Papers, Cal. 1660–1, 16, 113.

[201] The Declaration adopted at the Savoy will be noticed in the next volume. The Independents have no authoritative standards, but a Declaration of their Faith and Order was issued by the Congregational Union of England and Wales some years ago.

[202] Kennet, 389.

[203] Clarendon, 1047.

[204] Kennet, 412, et seq.

[205] The other two, built by Henry VII., were King's College, Cambridge, and the Chapel, which bears his name at Westminster.

[206] Strype's Stow, ii. 103.

[207] See on Cosin and the other Bishops, vol. ii. of Eccles. Hist. (Church of the Commonwealth), chap. xii.

[208] Baxter, ii. 364.

[209] Hallam's Literature of Europe, iv. 179.

[210] For fuller notices of the Presbyterian Divines, who figured at the Savoy, see Eccles. Hist. (Church of the Commonwealth), chap. viii.

[211] Clarendon's Continuation, 1048. April 23rd. "This day," says the Worcester MS., "was the solemn and most glorious Coronation of Charles II., at Westminster, when did preach George Morley, Bishop of Worcester.

"This day all the trained band, horse and foot, were up in arms in several parts, to prevent insurrections and tumults of seditious fanatics and schismatics, haters of Monarchy and Episcopacy.

"This morn also, at Worcester, about break of day, was posted up in several places of the city a base, scurrilous, seditious, and facetious libel, as followeth:—

"'A seasonable memento, April 23rd, 1661.

"May 2nd. The King's Coronation is now over, and was attended with so many glories that the most curious beholders from foreign parts deem it inferior in magnificence to none in Europe. The people received all with loud acclamations and profuse expressions of joy. Twelve Knights of the Garter, and six of the Bath, six Earls, and six Barons, were created on the occasion."—State Papers, Cal. Dom. May 2, 1661.

[212] Baxter, ii. 342.

[213] Ibid., ii. 333. The Proctors of Convocation for the diocese of London, are elected two for each Archdeaconry, the Bishop choosing two out of the whole number—at that time ten. Baxter, speaking generally of the Convocation, states that ministers who had not received Episcopal ordination, "were in many counties denied any voice in the election of Clerks for the Convocation. By which means, and by the scruples of abundance of ministers, who thought it unlawful to have anything to do in the choosing of such a kind of assembly, the diocesan party wholly carried it in the choice." Burnet, of course dependent on reports, says: "Such care was taken in the choice and returns of the members of the Convocation, that everything went among them as was directed by Sheldon and Morley."—History of his own Times, i. 184. The author of the Conformists' Plea, p. 35, perhaps following Baxter, observes, that men were got in and kept out by undue proceedings; and "that protestations were made against all Incumbents not ordained by Bishops."

[214] Life and Times, ii. 307. Baxter is our main authority for the history of the Conference. It is to be regretted that we have no other full account.

[215] What took place at the Savoy Conference is of great importance in relation to the vestment controversy. An intelligent clergyman, the Rev. R. W. Kennison, writing in the Times, of July 6th, 1867, observes:—"In the last days of the Conference, when he (Baxter) summed up all in a few leading points, he went over again his objections to the surplice, but said not a word about the other vestments. And I have looked into every book I have been able to lay my hands on relating to that period, without being able to find one word more on the subject. There is much discussion about surplices; but copes, albs, and tunicles, are never mentioned."

[216] This resemblance is adverted to in the Conformists' Plea for Nonconformity, 22. See Eccles. Hist. (Civil Wars), 124.

[217] Baxter's Life and Times, ii. 321; Cardwell's Conf., 303; Documents relating to the Act of Uniformity.

[218] Baxter's Life and Times, ii. 334.

[219] State Papers, Cal. Dom., 1661, October 26.

[220] Kennet, 434.

[221] Stanley's Memorials of Westminster, 464.

[222] The following passage is found in one of Sancroft's MSS.:—"May 22nd. Precibus peractis, ordered, that each keep his place, that but one speak at once, and that without interruption; none to use long speeches; to have a constant verger."—D'Oyley's Life of Sancroft, i. 113.

[223] Kennet, 450.

[224] Lathbury's Convocation, 306; Cardwell's Synodalia, April 26th; Robinson's Review of Liturgies; Kennet's Register, 368–70. King Charles' Martyrdom was introduced into the Calendar 30th January:—and it appears, there are six churches in England, named in his honour, They are in Falmouth, Tonbridge Wells, Peak Forest, Wem, and Plymouth; in the last town there are two.—Interleaved Prayer Book, by Campion and Beamont.

[225] D'Oyley in his Life of Sancroft (i. 114) says, in 1628; Procter (262) says, in 1625 (in an Order of Fasting); and again, in 1628, Palmer remarks—that "the appellation of 'most religious and gracious King,' corresponds with those high titles of respect and veneration which the primitive Church gave to the Christian emperors and kings"; thus, in the Liturgy of Basil, it is said, "Μνήσθητι κύριε τῶν εὐσεβεστάτων καὶ πιστοτάτων ἡμῶν βασιλέων."—Origines Lit., i. 336.

[226] Cardwell's Synodalia, 687.

[227] Ibid., 645.

[228] Ibid., 649–51.

[229] The paper is not given by Baxter; it is printed in Cardwell's Conferences, 335–363.

[230] The concessions which were offered in reference to the Prayer Book will be noticed in the Appendix.

[231] The Liturgy is in Baxter's Works, vol. xv.

[232] Life by Boswell, vol. ix. 141.

[233] Life and Times, ii. 306.

[234] Life and Times, ii. 334.

[235] The document is not in Cardwell or Baxter, but it is printed in the Documentary Annals relating to the Act of Uniformity, 176.

[236] The rejoinder is neither in Baxter nor Cardwell, but it is printed at length in the Documents relating to the Act of Uniformity, 201.

[237] Baxter, ii. 336, 341.